THE AVNCIENT ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIES OF THE FIRST SIX HVNDRED YEARES AFTER CHRIST, wrytten in the Greeke tongue by three learned Historio­graphers, Eusebius, Socrates, and Euagrius. EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina vvrote 10 bookes. SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS of Constantinople vvrote 7 bookes. EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS of Antioch vvrote 6 bookes. VVhere­unto is annexed DOROTHEVS Bishop of Tyrus, of the liues of the Prophetes, Apostles and 70 Disciples. All which authors are faithfully translated out of the Greeke tongue by MEREDITH HANMER, Maister of Arte and student in diuinitie. Last of all herein is contayned a profitable CHRONOGRAPHIE collected by the sayd Translator, the title whereof is to be seene in the ende of this volume, with a copious INDEX of the Principall matters throughout all the Histories.

ANCHORA SPEI.

Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefriers by Ludgate. 1577.

TO THE RIGHTE HONORABLE, THE GODLY, WISE AND VERTVOVS LADIE ELIZABETH, COVNTESSE OF LYNCOLNE, vvife to the right noble Edvvarde Earle of Lyncolne, Lorde highe Admirall of England one of the Queenes Maiesties priuie counsail and Knight of the most honorable order of the Garter: MEREDITH HANMER vvisheth encrease of honor, con­tinewance of Godly zeale, perfection of wisedome, and health in Christ Iesus.

THE holy Apostle and Euangelist, Sainct Iohn, one that lea­ned on our Sauiours breaste (right honorable Ladie) when he sawe a noble woman whome he tearmeth a Lady, walking in the way of trueth, and willingly embracing the gladsome tidmges of the Gospell, reioyced exceedingly and wrote vn­to her an Epistle wherein he commendeth her vertues, ex­horting her to obserue the olde commaundement of louing one an other, and to take heede of deceauers: though in all poynctes I am founde farre inferior, nay in nothing compa­rable at all vnto the blessed Apostle, yet your honors vertues doe counteruaile, or rather surpasse the other Ladies Godlinesse, seeinge the seede of Christianity was in her but newely sowen, and true zeale of religion firmely rooted these many yeares in your Ladiships mind. Notwithstanding my inferior condition, be it lawfull (though not of worthinesse, at least wise of fauour) for me to imitate the blessed Apostle, & to wryte vnto your honor, not any exhortation of myne owne (whiche peraduenture woulde be very simple) but the exhortation of the Apostles and Disciples of our Sauiour, the martyrdomes of Saynctes and such as serued God in trueth and vp­right conuersation, the inuincible courage and constancie of zealous Christians, the Godly sayinges and sentences of true professors, the wise and politicke gouer­nemente of common weales by Catholicke Emperours and Christian princes, the carefull ouersight of the flocke of Christ by reuerend Bishops and learned Prelats, the confutation and ouerthrowe of heretickes with the confirmation of the trueth [...]y holy councells and sacred assemblies, and to say the wholl in one worde, as the principall drifte of myne Epistle, to presente vnto your Ladiship these auncient Ec­clesiasticall Historiographers, to wit, Eusebius, Socrates, Euagrius, & Dorotheus. Whose histories are so replenished with such godly doctrine, that I may very well say of their [Page] all, as a learned wryter reporteth of Eusebius, that they are able to perswade any man be his mind neuer so farre alienated from the trueth, to become a zealous Christian. Wherefore my good Lady seeing that as Plato sayth running witts are delighted with poetrie, as Aristotle wryteth, effeminate persons are rauished with musicke, and as Socrates telleth vs histories agree beste with staide heades: I present vnto your honor these histories agreeing very well with your disposition, and beinge the frutes of my trauell and studie. Ruffinus sayth, that he wrote his historie to delight the reader, to oc­cupie the time, and to remoue the remembrance of the calamities (meaning the per­secution) which then lately had happened. As for Christian pleasure and Godly de­lightes, what can be more pleasaunt then the reading of the Ecclesiasticall histories? toutching the time, I knowe it full well you spende it as it beseemeth your calling, to speake of calamitie (vnlesse we beholde the miserie and lamentable estate of other Realmes and dominions) presentlye there is geuen no suche occasion, for it can not be remembred that the subiectes within this realme of Englande had the Gospell so freely preached, Clerkes so profoundely learned, Nobility so wise and politicke, all successes so prosperous, as in this happie raygne of our most vertuous & noble Prin­cesse Queene Elizabeth, and therefore are we greatly bounde to praise God for it. Yet if ye call to memorie the corruption of late dayes, the blindnes of such as woulde be called Gods people, the lamentable persecution of the English Church, then may ye reade them after calamitie. But notwithstandinge the premises it is not my drifte to salue such sores, neither to prouide medicens for such Maladies. God of his proui­dence hath continewally bene so carefull ouer his Church that his seruants were ne­uer left desolate. Though Elias complayned that he was left alone, yet were there thousandes vvhich bovved not their knees to Baal. S. Paul telleth vs there is of Israel a remnant left. Our Sauiour speaking of his Church though it be not of the greatest multitudes yet is it accordinge vnto his Epitheton a litle flocke. And sure I am there may be found a righteous Abraham in Chaldaea, a iust Lot in Sodome, a godly Dani­el in Babylon, a deuout Tobias in Niniue, a paciente Iob in Husse, and a zealous Nehe­mias in Damasco. There is found wheate among tares, graine in the huske, corne a­mong chaffe, a kearnel within the shale, marrow within the bone, a pearle within the cockle, and a rose amonge the thornes. There was a Ionathas in the court of Saul to fa­uour Dauid, there was an Obadia in the Court of Achab to entertayne the Prophets, there was an Abedmelech in the Court of Sedechias to entreate for Ieremie, and in the Court of Diocletian there were many yonge Gentlemen, namely Petrus, Dorotheus, Gorgonius with many others which embraced the Christians & suffred death for the testimony of Christ, as your honor may reade in these Ecclesiastical histories, which I haue not therfore commended vnto you for the remembrance of any calamitie at all. But as for the Court of our most gracious Queene (a sight both ioyfull and comfor­table) where there resortes so many learned Clerkes, so many Godly persons, so many graue Matrons, so many vertuous Ladies, so many honorable personages, hauinge so noble a heade to gouerne them all: There the Christian is no Phoenix, the godly is no blacke swanne, for the Gospell is freely preached, and the professors thereof had in honor and estimation. Wherefore in so godly a place, to be so vertuously disposed at vacant times, as to reade these auncient histories, wilbe a commendation vnto your honor, an encrease of knowledge, a confirmation of the faith, a maintenance of zeale, and a liuely beholdinge of Christ Iesus in his members. Here you may see the mode­sty and shamefastnes of Christian maydens, the constancie of zealous women, the chast mindes of graue Matrons, the godly disposition & wise gouernment of Queenes [Page] and Empresses. Heere your Ladiship shall finde zealous prayers, sorowefull lamen­tations, godly Epistles, Christian decrees & constitutions. The father admonishing the sonne, the mother her daughter, the Bishop his clergie, the Prince his subiectes, one Christian confirming an other, and God exhortinge vs all. Many nowe adayes had rather reade the stories of Kinge Arthur: The monstrous fables of Garagantua: the Pallace of pleasure: the Dial of Princes, where there is much good matter: the Monke of Burie full of good stories: Pierce ploweman: the tales of Chaucer where there is excellent wit, great reading and good decorum obserued, the life of Marcus Aurelius where there are many good Morall precepts: the familiar and golden Epi­stles of Antonie Gvvevarra where there is both golden witt & good penning: the pil­gremage of Princes well penned and Clerckly handeled: Reinard the Fox: Beuis of Hampton: the hundred mery tales: skoggan: Fortunatus: with many other infortunate treatises and amorous toies wrytten in Englishe, Latine, Frenche, Italian, Spanishe, but as for bookes of diuinitie, to edifie the soule, and instructe the inwarde man, it is the least part of their care, nay they will flatly answere it belongeth not to theyr calling to occupie their heades with any such kinde of matters, It is to be wished, if not all, at leaste wise that some part of the time which is spente in readinge of suche bookes (althoughe many of them contayne notable matter) were bestowed in rea­ding of holy Scripture or other such wrytinges as dispose the mind to spirituall con­templation. I am fully perswaded that your Ladiship readeth no vayne bookes, I haue seene the experience of your vertuous disposition my selfe and knowen it nowe of a long time. Wherefore seeinge you haue obtained honor with them that be pre­sēt, fame for the time to come, riches for your posterity, an estate for your successors reputation among straungers, credit amongest your owne, gladnesse for your friends and that which passeth all, a sure affiance in the goodnesse of God: thinke it not amisse seeing it agreeth with my vocation, as I beganne with the Apostle that I nowe ende with exhorting of your Ladiship to goe on still in well doinge, and with requestinge of your honor louingly to accept the thankefull remembrance of the benefits which I haue receaued at your handes. Let your vertuous disposition and right hono­rable callinge be a protection and defence that these auncient histories be not blemished in the handes of Zoylous Sycophants, which as Socrates sayth, being obscure persons, and such as haue no pith or substance in them, go about most com­monly to purchase vnto them selues fame and credit by dispraising of others. God send your Ladiship ma­ny ioyfull yeares. From London the first of September. 1576.

Your Honors to dispose and commaunde MEREDITH HANMER.

THE TRANSLATOR VNTO THE CHRISTIAN READER, AS TOV­CHING THE TRANSLATION OF THESE AVNCIENT HISTORIES.

AS I am geuen to vnderstande (good Christian reader) there haue bene diuers vvhich attempted to translate these auncient Ecclesiastical histories, yet haue geuen ouer their purpose, partly being discouraged vvith the diuersitie and corruption of Greeke copies, and partly being dismayed vvith the crookednes of Eusebius stile, vvhich is by reason of his vnperfect allegations, and last of all, beinge vvhollie ouercome vvith the tedious studie and infinite toyle and labour. The occasion that moued me to take so great an enterprise in hand vvas, that I read them in Greeke vnto an honorable Ladie of this lande, and hauing some leasure besides the lecture and other exerci­ses agreeable vnto my calling, I thought good to turne the priuate commoditie vnto a pu­blique profite, and to make the Christian reader of this my natiue countrey partaker also of these learned, zealous, and pleasaunt histories. VVhen I tooke penne in hande, and considered vvith my selfe all the circumstances of these Histories, and founde in them certen things vvhich the autors peraduenture might haue left vnvvritten, but the interpretor in no vvise vntranslated: I remembred the saying of Augustine, Diuinitatis est non errare, It belongeth to the Diuinitie, or to God him selfe not to erre, and that these Historiographers vvere but men, yet rare and singuler persons. Daily experience teacheth vs there is no gar­dē vvithout some vveeds, no medovv vvithout some vnsauerie floures, no forest vvithout some vnfrutefull trees, no countrey vvithout some barren land, no vvheate vvithout some tares, no day vvithout a cloude, no vvriter vvithout some blemish, or that escapeth the re­prehension of all men. I am sure there is no reader so foolish as to builde vpon the antiquitie and autoritie of these histories as if they vvere holy scripture, there is an historicall Faith vvhich is not in the compasse of our Creede, and if you happen to light vpon any storie that sauoureth of superstition, or that seemeth vnpossible, penes autorem sit fides, referre it to the autor, take it as cheape as ye finde it, remember that the holy Ghost sayth, omnis homo mendax. if so, peraduenture the reader to, then let the one beare vvith the other. VVhere the places did require, lest the reader shoulde be snared in errour, I haue laide dovvne Cen­sures of an other letter then the texte is of, vvhere the autor vvas obscure, I haue opened him vvith notes in the marge, vvhere I founde the storie vnperfect, I haue noted it vvith a starre, and signified vvithall vvhat my penne directed me vnto. Manie Latine vvriters haue imployed great diligence and labour about these Greeke Historiographers, one transla­ting one peece, an other an other peece, one interpreting one of the autors, an other trāslating almost all, one perusing, an other correcting. Ierome turned Eusebius into Latine, but it is not extant. Ruffinus tooke vpon him to translate Eusebius. Of him Ierome vvryteth in Ierom [...] Ruffinus this sort: Ecclesiasticam pulchre Eusebius histo [...] texuit, quid ergo de interprete sentiendum, liberum sit iam cuique iudicium. Eusebius hath very vvell compiled the Ecclesiasticall historie, but as for the interpreter, euery man hath to thinke of him vvhat [Page] himlist. Beatus Rhenanus, a man of great iudgement, saith thus of Ruffinus. In libris à se versis parum laudis meruit, quod ex industria nō verba vel sensum autoris quem ver­tendum susceperit appendat, sed vel minus vel plusculum tanquam paraphrases, non velut interpres pro sua libidine plerum (que) referat. Ruffinus deserued but small praise for his translations, because of purpose he tooke no heede vnto the vvordes and meaning of the autor vvhich he tooke vpon him to translate, but interpreted for the most parte at his plea­sure, by adding and diminishing, more like a Paraphrast then a translator. I finde by perusing of him that he vttered in fevv vvords, vvhich Eusebius vvrote at large: that he is tedi­ous vvhere Eusebius is brief: that he is obscure vvhere Eusebius is plaine: that he hath o­mitted vvhere Eusebius is darke, vvords and sentences and pages, and Epistles, and in ma­ner vvholl bookes. Half the eight booke of Eusebius (so hath Musculus to) and in maner all the tenth booke, he hath not once touched. Ruffinus vvrote the historie of his time in tvvo bookes, and erred fovvly in certen things, as Socrates doeth report of him. Epiphanius Scholasticus translated the Tripartite historie. Ioachimus Camerarius geueth of him ohanius. this iudgement. Tantam deprehendi in translatione non modo barbariem sed etiā in­scitiam ac somnolentiam istius Epiphanij, vt mirarer vlli Graecorum non adeo alie­nam linguam Latinam, sed ignoratam suam esse potuisse. I founde in the translation of this Epiphanius, not onely such barbarous phrases, but also ignoraunce and palpable er­rour, that I can not chuse but maruell, hovve any Grecian coulde be vnskilfull, not so muche in the straunge Latine tongue, as ignorant in his ovvne language. VVol [...]gangus Muscu­lus a learned interpretour, hath translated the histories of Eusebius, yet Edvvardus God­salfus [...]sculus. geueth of him this Censure. Hic autem satis correctis exemplaribus, vt credibile est destitutus innumeris locis turpissime labitur. Est porro adeo obscurus vt inter­pres egeat interprete, adeo salebrosus vt lector identidem inhaereat, adeo lacunosus vt autores ipsi Graeci historiae suae sententias non fuisse expletas grauiter conque­rantur. This Musculus as it is very like, vvanting perfect coppies, erred fovvly in infinite places. Moreouer, he is so obscure that the Translator hath neede of an interpretour, so in­tricate that the Reader is novve and than graueled, so briefe that the Greeke autors them selues doe grieuouslie complaine, that the sentences in their Histories vvere not fullie ex­pressed. Though the reporter be partiall being of a contrarie religion, yet herein I finde his iudgement to be true, and specially in his translation of the tenth booke of Eusebius. yet not I only, but others haue founde it. Iacobus Grynaeus a learned man, corrected many faultes, naeus. explicated many places, printed in the marge many notes, yet after al this his labour vvhich deserueth great commendation, there are founde infinite escapes, and for triall thereof, Ire­port me vnto the Reader. Christophorson (as for his religion I referre it to God and to him [...]isto­ [...]rson. selfe, vvho by this time knovveth vvhether he did vvell or no) vvas a great Clarke, and a learned interpretour, he hathe Translated passing vvell, yet sometimes doeth he addicte him self very much to the Latine phrase, and is caried avvay vvith the sound and vveight therof. If anye of the former vvryters had done vvell, vvhat needed the later interpre­tours to take so much paines? I vvoulde haue all the premisses, and vvhatsoeuer hath bene spoken of these Latine Translatours by me (althoughe one of them chargeth an other) to be taken, not that I accuse them of mine ovvne heade, but by beholding their doings, to ex­cuse the faultes that myghte escape in this Englishe Translation. I founde the Greeke coppie of Eusebius in manie places vvonderfull crabbed, his Historie is full of allegations, sayings [...]bius. and sentences, and Epistles, and the selfe same autoritie oftentimes alleaged to the confirma­tion of sundrie matters, that the vvords are short, the sense obscure & hard to be trāslated. Yet the learning of the man, the autoritie of his person, & the Antiquitie of his time vvill cause vvhatsoeuer may be thought amisse to be vvell takē. Socrates vvho follovved Eu­sebius [...]ates. [Page] about a hundred and fortie yeares after, and continevved the Historie, vvrote an e­loquent and an artificiall stile, he vseth to alleage vvholl Epistles, perfecte sentences, and hath deliuered the historic very plaine. His vvords are svveete, his vaine pleasaunt, & his inuention very vvittie. though the historie be large, his bookes long, and the labour great in vvryting of them, yet vvas I very much recreated vvith the svvetenesse of the vvorke. Euagrius, vvho beganne vvhere Socrates left, and continevved his penne vnto the ende Euagrius of the first six hundred yeares after Christ, is full of Dialects, and therefore in Greeke not so pleasaunt as Socrates. He hath many superstitious stories vvhich might very vvell haue bene spared. But in perusing of him I vvould haue the reader to note the great chaunge that vvas in his time more then in the dayes of the former vvryters, and therafter to consider of the times follovving, the difference that is in these our dayes betvvene the Church and the Apostolicke times. the encrease, augmentation, & daily adding of ceremonies to ceremonies, seruice vpon seruice, vvith other Ecclesiasticall rites and decrees, is not the encrease of pie­tie and the perfection of godlines, for our Sauiour telleth vs in the Gospel, that tovvards the Math. [...] later dayes loue shall vvaxe colde, and iniquitie shall abound: but the malice and spite of the Deuell, vvho vvith the chaunge of time, altereth (as much as he may) the state of the Ec­clesiasticall affaires, and thrusteth daily into the church one mischiefe vpon an other. More­ouer Euagrius being a tēporall man, stuffeth his Historie vvith prophane stories of vvarres and vvarlike engines, of battailes and loudshed, of Barbarians and Heathen nations. In describing the situation of any soyle, the erection of buildings, and vertues of some proper person, he doth excell. Dorotheus Bishop of Tyrus & Martyr, vvhom I haue annexed vn­to Dorothe these former Historiographers, being vvell seene in the Hebrevv tonge, and a great An­tiquarie, vvrote briefly the liues of the Prophets, Apostles, and seuentie disciples of our Saui­our. The faultes that are therein, I attribute them rather vnto the corrupt coppies, then to a­ny vvant of knovvledge in him. Such things as are to be noted in him, I haue laid them in the preface before his booke. After all these Translations (gentle Reader) not vvithstanding my great trauell & studie, I haue gathered a briefe Chronographie, begining vvith Eu­sebius, A Chr [...] nograph and ending vvith Euagrius, vvhere thou maist see the yeares of the Incarnation, the raigne of the Emperours, the famous men and Martyrs, the kings of Iudaea, and highe priestes of the Ievves in Ierusalem, from the birth of Christ vnto the ouerthrovve of the Citie, the Councels, the Bishops of Ierusalem, Antioch, Rome, Alexandria, and all the heresies vvithin the first six hundred yeares after Christ, deuided into Columnes, vvhere the yere of the Lord stāds right ouer against euery one. The profite that riseth by reading of these histo­ries, I am not able in fevv vvords to declare▪ besides the vvorks of the autors thē selues, they haue brought forth vnto vs Sentences, Epistles, Orations, Chapiters and bookes of auncient vvryters, such as vvrote immediatly after the Apostles, and are not at this day extant saue in them. Namely of Papias Bishop of Hierapolis, Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, Polycra­tes Bishop of Ephesus, Dionysius Bishop of Corinth, Apollinarius Bishop of Hierapolis, Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, Melito Bishop of Sardis, Serapion Bishop of Antioch, Irenaeus Bishop of Lions, Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem, Theoctistus Bishop of Caesa­rea, A [...]atolius Bishop of Laodicea, Phileas Bishop of Thumis, Alexander Bishop of Alex­andria, Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis Bishop of Nice, Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, Gregorie Bishop of Nazianzum, Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria, Eusebius Bi­shop of Dorilaeum, Peter Bishop of Alexandria, Gregorie B. of Antioch. Of Gaius, Cor­nn [...]ius, Iulius, Liberius, Bishops of Rome. Of the Councels, as the Synode in Palaestina and Antioch, the Councel of Nice, Ariminum, Ephesus, Chalcedon and Constantinople. Of lear­ned vvriters as, Quadratus, Rhodon, Africanus, Miltiades, Apollonius, Maxi­mus, Macarius, Origen, Euagrius, and Symeon. If vve be disposed to see the Empe­rours, [Page] their Decrees, Epistles, Constitutions and Edicts, vve may soone finde them euen fro [...] Iulius Caesar the first, vnto Mauricius the last, vvithin the first sixe hundred yeres, namely Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasia [...] Titus, Domitian, Nerua, Traian, Adrianus, Antoninus Pius, Verus, Comodus, Pertinax, Didius Iulianus, Seuerus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander Maximinus, Gordianus, Philip, Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerianus, Claudius Quintilius, Aurelianus, Tacitus, Florianus, Carus, Diocletian and Maximianus, Cō ­stantius and Maximinus, Constantinus Magnus and Licinius, Constantinus the yon­ger, Constantius and Constans, Iulian the Apostata, Iouian, Valentinianus and Va­lens, Gratian, Valentinianus the yonger, and Theodosius Magnus, Arcadius and Honorius, Theodosius iunior, Martianus, Leo, Zeno, Anastasius, Iustinus, Iustinianus; Iustinus the 2. Tiberius and Mauricius. VVe may see the Bishops hovve they gouerned, Ministers hovv they taught, Synodes vvhat they decreed, Ceremonies hovv they crept in­to the Church, Heresies hovv they rose and vvere rooted out. If vve stande vpon the Thea­ter of Martyrs, and there beholde the valiant vvrastlers, and inuincible champions of Christ Iesu, hovv can vve chuse but be rauished vvith zeale vvhen vve see the professors of the truth torne in peeces of vvilde beastes, crucified, beheaded, stoned, stifled, beaten to death vvith cudgels, fried to the bones, slaine aliue, burned to ashes, hanged on gibbettes, drovvned, brained, scurged, maimed, quartered, their neckes broken, their legges savved of, their tongues cutte, their eyes pulled out and the emptie place seared vvith scalding i­ron, the vvrapping of them in oxe hides vvith dogges and snakes and drovvned in the sea, the inioyning of them to kill one an other, the gelding of Christians, the paring of their flesh vvith sharpe rasors, the renting of their sides vvith the lashe of the vvhip, the pric­king of their vaines vvith bodkins, and famishing of them to death in deepe and noysome dungeons. It is a vvonder to see the zeale of their prayers, their charitie tovvards all men, their constancie in torment, and their confidence in Christ Iesus. These be they vvhome S. Iohn in his Apocalypse savve in a vision vnder the altare, that vvere Martyred for the c. 6. 7. vvord of God and the testimonie of Christ Iesus, vvhich cried vvith a loud voyce, saying: Hovve long tariest thou Lord, holy and true, to iudge and to auēge our bloude, on them that dvvell on the earth. And long vvhite garments vvere geuen vnto euery one of them, and it vvas sayd vnto them, that they should rest yet for a litle season, vntill their felovve ser­uaunts and their brethern that should be killed as they vvere, vvere fulfilled. The Angell telleth him vvho they vvere that vvere arayed in long vvhite garmentes, and vvhence they came, saying: these are they vvhich came out of great tribulation, and haue vvashed their long robes, and made them vvhite by the bloude of the Lambe, therfore are they in the presence of the throne of God, and serue him day and night in his temple: and he that sitteth in the throne vvill dvvell among them. They shall hunger no more, neither thurst, and God shall vvipe avvay all teares from their eyes. Very comfortable vvordes. But the executio­ners, the tyrantes, and tormentours hearts vvere so hardened, that neither voyces from a­boue, nor signes in the [...]er threatning vengeance and the vvrath of God to light vpō them, neither the svvetting of stones, nor the monsters that the earth brought forth could molli­fie their stonie mindes. The sea ouerflovved the land, the earth opened and left daungerous gulphes, Earthquakes ouerthrevve their Tovvnes and Cities, fire burned their houses, yet vvoulde they not leaue of their furie. They vvere as S. Paul sayeth, turned into a reprobate sense, they left no villanie vnpractised, in the ende many of them fell into frensie and mad­nes, they ranne them selues vpon naked svvordes, they brake their ovvne neckes, they han­ged them selues, they tumbled them selues headlong into riuers, they cutte their ovvne throtes, and diuersly dispatched them selues. This is the viall full of the vvrathe of God, [Page] vvhich the Angell in the reuelation povvred vpon the vvaters, and the voyce that folo­vved after may very vvell be spoken of them: O Lord vvhich art and vvast, thou art righ­teous and holy, because thou hast geuen such iudgements, for they haue shed out the bloud of Saincts and Prophets, and therefore hast thou geuen them bloud to drinke, for they haue de­serued it. The aforesaid Martyrs gaue forth godly sayings, diuine precepts for the posteritie, they sealed their doctrine vvith their ovvne bloude, they spared not their liues vnto the death, they are gone before, they shevved vs the vvay to follovv after, these (good Christi­an reader) vvith other things are to be seene throughout these Histories. The Chapiters in the Greeke vvere in many places very small, if I shoulde haue follovved the Greeke diuision, then had I left much vvast paper, I haue sometimes ioyned tvvo or three together, some o­ther times taken them as they lay, yet vvhere I altered the diuision, I noted in the marge the number of the Greeke Chapiters. There is no raigne of any Emperour, no storie almost vvor­thie the noting, but thou hast in the marge the yeare of the Lord for the better vnder­standing therof. VVhatsoeuer I found in the Greeke, vvere it good or bad, that haue I faithfullie vvithout any parcialitie at all laide dovvne in English. VVherfore if ought be vvell done, geue the praise vnto God. let the paines be mine, and the profit the Readers.

PSAL. 113. ‘Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam.’
The life of Euſebius …

The life of Eusebius Pamphilus out of Sainct Ierome.

EVSEBIVS Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina, one that was very studious [...]esides the works with­ [...] named, [...]usebius [...]rote foure [...]ooks of the [...]e of Con­ [...]antine: a­ [...]inst Hicro­ [...]es 8 books: against fatall [...]stenie one [...]oke, all which I haue [...]ne. more­ [...]er Socrat. [...]. 2 eccle. [...]. cap. 16. [...] saith he [...]ote three [...]oks against [...]rcellus [...]d there he [...]eageth [...]e peeces [...]ereof. in holy scripture, and a diligent searcher together with Pamphilus mar­tyr of the diuine librarie, wrote infinite volumes, and amongest others these which followe. Of Euangelicall preparation 15 bookes, as prepa­ratiues for such as were to learne the doctrine of the Gospel. Of Euangelical demon­stration 20 bookes, where he proueth and confirmeth the doctrine of the newe Te­stament, with a confutation of the aduersarie: Of diuine apparition 5 bookes: Of the Ecclesiasticall historie 10 bookes: Of Chronicall Canons a generall recitall with an Epitome thereof: Of the disagreeing of the Euangelists: tenne bookes vpon the Prophet Esay: against Porphyrius who wrote then in Sicilia (as some doe thinke) 30 bookes, whereof onely twentie came to my handes: One booke of Topiks: An Apo­logie or defence of Origen in 6 books: The life of Pamphilus in three books: Of mar­tyres certaine other books: Vpon the 150 Psalmes very learned commentaries, with sundry other workes. He florished chiefly vnder the Emperour Constantinus Magnus, and Constantius his sonne, and for his familiaritie with Pamphilus martyr, he was cal­led Eusebius Pamphilus. So farre Ierome.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALESTINA.

The proëme of Eusebius to his Historye.

THE successions of the holy Apostles, together vvith the tymes The argu­ment of this Eccle siasticall history. from our Sauiour vnto vs hither to continevved, and those things vvhich are sayd to be done, according vnto the Ecclesiasticall hi­storye, vvhat they are, hovve greate, and vvho decently haue go­uerned the Churche, specially in the most famous prouinces: also vvho in all ages haue set forth the heauenly doctrine, eyther by preaching, or by vvriting: and agayne vvhat men, hovve many, & vvhen through desire of noueltye, and error, falling into extre­mityes, haue published them selues Authors of knovvledge falsely so called, & cruelly rent a sunder as rauening vvolues, the flocke of Christ: moreouer vvhat euils forthvvith haue fallen vpon the vvhole [...]ation of the Ievves, because of their con­spiracye against our Sauiour: and againe hovvmany, by vvhat meanes, and in vvhat times the vvorde hath bene of the Gentils striuen against, and vvhat singuler men in all tymes, haue passed and gone throughe bitter conflicts for his name sake, euen by sheding of their bloode, and suffring of torments, and beside▪ all this, the martyrdomes done in our tyme, together vvith the mercifull and comfortable ayde of our Sauiour, tovvardes euery one louingly exhibited: I determining to publishe in vvriting, vvill not beginne of any o­ther VVhere Eusebius beginne [...] his histo [...] ▪ The diffi­culty the [...] of. place my entraunce, then of the first order in doinge or dispensation of our Sauiour and Lorde Iesus Christ▪ but truely the circumstance it selfe, euen in the beginning cra­ueth pardon, being greater then our strength can sustayne. I confesse in deede that vvhich vve promise, to be absolute, and that vvhich vve professe to omitte nothing, to be a thinge incomprehensible. For vve first taking this argument in hande, endeuoringe to treade a solitary and vntroden vvaye, praying that God may be our guyde, and the povv­er of our Lorde and Sauiour, our present helper and ayder: yet can vve no vvhere finde as much as the bare steppes of suche as haue passed the same path before vs, hauinge onely sma [...] shevves and tokens, vvherevvith diuers here and there in their seueral tymes haue lefte vnto vs particuler declarations as it vvere certaine sparcles, vvhilest that they lift their voyces from farre, and from aboue, from vvhence, as from an highe place and inuisible, crying as out of a certayne vvatchtovver horne, vvhat vvaye vve ought to goe, and hovve to directe vvithout error and daunger the vvay and order of our talke. vvhatsoeuer thinges therefore vve thinke profitable for this present argument, choosing those thinges vvhich of them are here and there mentioned, and as it vvere culling and gathering the commodious and fitt sentences of such as haue vvritten of olde, as flovv­res out of medovves bedecked vvith reason, vve vvill endeuour in shevving the vvay of historye, to compact the same as it vvere into one body, being also desirous to retayne [Page 2] from obliuion the successions, althoughe not of all, yet of the most famous Apostles of [...] Sauiour, according vnto the Churches most notable, and yet freshe had in memorye. I sup­pose The neces­sity. verily that I haue taken in hand an argument very necessary, because that I haue fou [...] no vvhere any Ecclesiasticall [...]ter, vvhich in this behalfe vnto this day, hath imployed any parte of diligence. I hope [...] it vvilbe a very profitable vvorke for the studious, th [...] The vtility is earnenestly sett to knovve the vtilitie of this historye. And of these thinges heretofore, vvhen that I compiled certayne Chronicall Canons, I vvrote an Epitome, but the more ample declaration thereof, I thought good to reserue vntill this pre­sent▪ and the beginning (as I sayd) vvill I take of the dispensation and diuinity of our Sauiour Christ, higher and deeper to be consi­dered, then that vvhich concernes his humanity, for it is requisite for him that comitteth to vvri­ting an Ecclesiastical historye, thence to be­ginne, euen from the chiefe dispensation of Christ, & deuiner then it seemeth to many, in so much that of him vve are termed Chri­stians.

T. V.

CAP. I.

A summarye recit all of thinges concerning the diuinitie and humanitie of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ.

BEcause therefore the consideration of the maner in Christ, is two folde, the one consisting as a head on the bodye, by the which he is vnderstoode God, the other to be pondered with paces, by the which he hath put on man, like vnto vs, sub­iecte to passions for our saluations sake. We shal make a right rehersal of those thinges which folowe, if that first we begin the declaration of the whole history from them which are principal and most proper pillers of this doctrine. In the meane space the auncientrie and dignitie of Christian Antiquitie, shal against them be declared, which suppose this religion newe, straunge, of late, and neuer hearde of before: but to declare the generation, dignitie, essence, and nature of Christe, no speache can sufficiently serue. sithence that the holy Ghost in the prophets hath testified: His generation vvho shalbe able to declare? for Esai. 53. Iohn. 10. the father no man hath knovven, but the sonne, neither at any time hath any knovven the sonne vvorthely, but the father alone vvhiche begate him. This light going before the worlde, and all worldes the intellectual and essentiall wisdome, and the liuing worde of God, being in the begin­ning with the father, who but the father alone hath rightly knowen? which is before euery crea­ture and workemanship, both of visible and inuisible thinges, the first and only sonne of God, chiefe captayne of the coelestiall, rationall, and immortall hoaste, the Angel of the great counsel, Esai. 9. & executour of the secrete will of the father, maker and worker of all thynges together with y fa­ther, whiche after the father is cause and auctor of all thinges, the true and only begotten sonne of God, Lorde, md God, and King of all thinges whiche are created, receauing dominion and rule of the father hy the same diuinitie, power, and glorye, for according to the mysticall diuinitie con­cerning him in the scripture. In the beginning vvas the vvorde, and the vvorde vvas vvith God, Ioh. 1. and God vvas the vvorde▪ the same vas in the beginning vvith God▪ all thinges vvere made by it, and vvithoutit vvas nothing made that vvas made. The same doth Moses, the most auncient of al the prophets testifie, for describing by inspiration of the holy spirite the substance and dispo­sition of the vniuersall worlde, he sheweth the framer and workeman of all thinges, God, to haue graunted to Christ him selfe and none other, that is his deuine and only begotten worde, the fra­ming of these inferior thinges. For vnto him, conferring about the creation of man: God sayde Genes. [...]. (sayth he) let vs make man after our ovvne likenesse and similitude. And with this saying a­greeth an other prophet thus speaking of God in Hymnes, and saying: He spake and they vvere Psal. 32. made, he commaunded and they vvere created. By whiche wordes he bringeth in the father a maker, commaunding as vniuersall captayne with his kingly becke, but the worde of God next to him (not an other from that which amongst vs is preached) obseruing in al thinges his fathers ordinances: as many therefore from the first originall of mankinde as appeared iuste, godly, ver­tuous, and honest liuers, eyther about the tyme of Moses that great worshipper of the great God, or before him as Abraham and his sonnes, or as many in the times folowing accompted iust, and the prophets also which conceaued of God with the clensed eyes of the minde, haue knowen this same, and haue worshipped him as the sonne of God with conuenient and due honor: but he not degenerating from his fathers pietie, is appointed a teacher vnto all of his fathers knowledge.

CAP. II.

The Sonne of God appeared vnto the fathers in the olde testament, and was present with the aeternall father at the creation of the worlde. Eusebius sheweth his diuinitie partly by his apparitions and partly by creating the worlde.

THe Lorde God therefore appearing, conferred as a common man with Abraham, sittinge in the oke groue of Mambre, he forthwith fallyng downe vpon his face, although with the outward eye he beheld but man, yet worshiped him as God, & made supplication vnto him as Lorde, with the same wordes he confesseth that he knewe him when he sayde: O Lord vvhich Genes 18. iu [...]gest the vvhole earth vvilt not thou iudge rightly? For if no reason permit the vnbegotten an [...]mmtable essence of the almightie to transforme him selfe vnto the lykenesse of man, neither [Page 4] agayne the imagination of any begotten suffer to seduce the sightes of them that see, neither the Scriptures to fayne such thinges falsely: the Lord and God which iudgeth the whole earth and executeth iudgement, being seene in the shape of man, what other should be praysed (if it be lawe­full for me to mention the Author of all thinges) then his onely preexistent worde? of whome it is Psal. 106. sayde in the Psalmes: he sent forth his vvorde and healed them, and deliuered them out of all their distresse. The same worde next after the father Moses playnely setteth forth saying: The Genes. 19. Lorde rayned brimstone and fire from the Lorde, out of heauen vpon Sodom and Gomorha. The same doth the sacred Scripture call God, appearing againe vnto Iacob in the figure of man, Genes. 32. & saying vnto Iacob: Thy name shal no more be Iacob, but Israel shalbe thy name, because thou hast vvrastled and preuailed vvith God. at what time Iacob termed that place the vision of God, Genes. 32. He preuen▪eth the ob­ [...]ection: per­ [...]aps they [...]vere Angels [...]vhich ap­ [...]eared vnto [...]en. [...]sus other­ [...]vise I [...]ho­ [...]a. [...] Secōdaryly [...]ot in digni­ [...]e but in per [...]n & order. [...]sue 5. saying: I haue seene God face to face and my life is preserued. Neither is it lawefull once to surmise that the apparitions of God in the Scriptures may be attributed to the inferior Angels and ministers of God, for neither the Scripture if at any tyme, any of them appeared vnto men concealeth the same: calling by name neither God, nor Lorde, but Angels or messengers which may easily be tryed by innumerable testimonies. This same also doth* Iesus the successor of Moses cal graund captayne of the great power of the Lorde, being as prince of all supernatural powers and of celestiall Angels and Archangels, and the famous power and wisedome of the father, to whome * secondaryly all thinges concerning rule and Raigne are committed, when as he behelde him in no other forme or figure then of man, for thus it is written: And it happened vvhen Iosua vvas in Iericho he lifted vp his eyes and behelde a man standinge ouer agaynst him, hauinge a naked svvorde in his hande, and Iosua comming vnto him saide: art thou on our side, or on our aduersaryes? and he sayd vnto him, I am chief captaine of the hoast of the Lorde, and novv am come hither. And Iosua fell on his face to the earth and sayde vnto him: Lorde vvhat com­maundest thou thy seruaunte? and the captaine of the Lordes hoast saide vnto Iosua: loose thy shoe from of thy foote, for the place vvhere thou standest is an holy place and the grounde is holy. By these words thou maist perceaue the self same, not to be different from him which tal­ked with Moses, for there also the Scripture hath vsed the same wordes: vvhen the Lorde savve [...]xod. 3. that he came for to see, God called him out of the middest of the bushe and sayd: Moses, Moses, and he aunsvvered, vvhat is it? and he sayde come not hither, put thy shoes of thy feete, for the place vvhere thou standest is holy grounde, and he sayde vnto him: I am the God of thy father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Iacob. And that it is a certayne essence liuing and subsisting with the father & the God of all thinges before the fundations of the worlde were layde, ministring vnto him at the creation of all creatures termed the worde, and the wise­dome of God (notwithstanding the aforesayde) wisedome her selfe in her proper person thus by Solomon plainly and pithely speaking, is to be hearde: I (sayth wisedome) haue framed or fixed a Prouerb. 8. tabernacle, counsel, knovvledge, & vnderstanding. I haue by calling allured vnto me. Through me Kinges do raygne, & Potentates put in practise iust lavves. Through me mighty men, and Princes are much made of▪ Through me Princes beare rule on earth. to this she addeth: The Lorde him selfe fashioned me the beginning of his vvayes, for the accomplishing of his vvor­kes. I haue bene ordayned before the fundations of the vvorld vvere layde, and from the begin­ning, or euer the earth vvas made, before the vvelspringes flovved out, before the fundations of the mountaynes vvere firmley sett, and before all hills begate he me, vvhen he spred and prepa­red the heauens, I vvas present, vvhen he bounde in due ordre the depth vnder heauen I vvas by. I vvas vvherevvith he daily delited, reioycing continually in so much that he reioyced at the perfect finishing of the vvorld. that he was before all thinges, and to whome (though not to [...]ll men) the heauenly worde was declared, it followeth that in fewe wordes we entreate.

CAP. III.

VVhy before the incarnation the worde was not preached and published among all people, and knowen of all as after the incarnation?

FOr what cause therefore the worde of olde, vnto all men, and vnto all nations, euen as [...] was not preached, thus it shall euidently appeare▪ that olde and auncient age of man [...] not attayne vnto this most wise and most absolute doctine of Christ, for immediatly the [...]r [...]t man, from his happy estate, being carelesse of the commaundement of God, fell into this [...]all [Page 5] and frayle life, and changed those heauenly delightes and pleasures of olde for this cursed earth▪ and consequently his posterity, when they had replenished the whole worlde, appearing farre worse (one or two excepted) haue chosen certayne▪ sauage and brutishe maners, and with all this bitter and sorowful life, & cast in their mindes nether city nether common weale, nether artes, ne­ther sciences whatsoeuer▪ and retayned amongest them not as much as the name either of lawes or iudgements, and to be short not once as much as the vewe of vertue and philosophie, but liuing among beastes, spent their time in wildernesse, as [...]eldish men and voyd of humanity, corrupting the reasonable vnderstanding agreable with nature, the reasonable seedes of mans minde with their wilful malice, yelding them selues wholy to al abominations, so that sometimes they infect eche other, sometimes they sleye eche other, sometimes they deuoure mans fleshe, presuming to wage batle with God after the famous battel of the foolish Giants, determining and imagining in Genes. 11. their minde to wall heauen and earthe in one, and beinge moued throughe the madnesse of their minde they went about to conquere God the gouerner of all thinges, whereby they haue thus sore incensed him agaynst them selues. God the duerseer and ruler of all things, reuenged them with floodes and destructions of fiery flames, as if they had bene a certaine wilde, vmnanured thickett, ouerspreadinge the whole earthe: also with famyne and continuall plagues, with bat­tayle and thunderboltes from aboue he cut them of, and subdued that seuere and most bitter mala­dye of their soules: by restrayning them with more sharpe punishments & imprisonments. When malice was now flowen vnto the brimme and had ouercast al with the couer thereof, ouershadow­ing & ouerdarkening the mindes of mortall men, as it were a certaine soking slumber of drunken­nesse: that first begotten wisedome of God, and the same worde that was in the beginning with God by his superabundant louing kindnes, appeared vnto the inhabiters on earth sometimes by vision of Angels, sometimes by him selfe, as the helping power of God vnto some one or other of the auncient worshippers of God, in no other forme or figure then of man, for otherwise their ca­pacity could not haue comprised the same. After that now by them the seede of piety was sowen & scattered amiddes the multitude of men, and the whole nations which from the Hebrewes linea­ly descended had now purposed to preferre godlines vpon earth: he deliuered vnto them of olde by his seruant Moses, after strait institutions certayne figures and formes of a mi [...]ticall Sabaoth and circumcision, and entrances vnto other spiritual contemplations, but not the perfect & playne mysteries thereof. When as the law was published and set forth as a sweete [...] vnto all men, then many of the Gentils through the law makers, euery where yea and philosophers changed their rude, brutish, and sauage senses vnto meeke and milde natures, so that thereby there ensued amongest them perfect peace, familiarity, and frendshipithen againe to al men and to the Gentils throughout al the worlde, as it were now in this behalfe holpen and fit to receaue the knowledge of his father, the same schoolemaster of vertue, his fathers minister in al goodnes, the deuine and celestiall worde of God through man with corporall substance not different from ours, shewed him selfe about the beginning of the Romaine empire, wrought and suffred such thinges as were consonant with holy Scripture which foreshewed there shoulde be borne such a one as shoulde be both God and man, a mighty worker of miracles, an instructor of the Gentiles in his fathers pie­ty, and that his wonderfull birth shoulde be declared, his new doctrine, his wonderfull workes, besides this the maner of his death, his resurrection from the dead, and aboue all his diuine resti­tution into the heauens. The Prophet Daniel beholdinge his kingdome in the spirit to be in the The King­dome of Christ, Daniel. [...] latter age of the worlde, whereas otherwhere deuinely yet here more after the maner of man des­cribeth the vision of God. I beheld (sayth he) vntill the thrones vvere placed, and the au [...]ent of dayes sate theron, his garments vvere as the vvhite snovve, the heares of his heade as pure vvoll, his throne a flame of fire, his chariots burning fire, a fyry streame slyded before his face, a thou­sande thousandes ministred vnto him, the iudgement vvas set, & the bookes vvere opened, &c. Againe: And againe after this I behelde (sayth he) and beholde one comminge in the cloudes like the Sonne of man, and he came still vnto the auncient of dayes, & he vvas brought [...]ore him, and to him vvas geuen principalitie, & honour, and rule, and al people, tribes, and to [...] shall serue him, his povver is an euerlasting povver vvhiche shall not pa [...]e, his kingdome [...] neuer be destroyed. These thinges truely may be referred to none other then in out [...] God that was the word, being in the beginning with the father, and named [...] reason of his incarnation in the latter tin [...]es, [...] [...]eause we haue in out [...] propheticall expositions touching our Lord [...] Christ, and therin hath [...] [Page 6] thinges which concerne him, at this present we wylbe content with the premises.

CAP. IIII.

That Iesus and the very name of Christ from the beginning was both knowen and honored among the deuine Prophets, that Christ was both a King, an highpriest, and a Prophet.

THat the name both of Iesus and also of Christ among the holy prophets of old was honored, nowe is it time to declare. Moses first of all knowing the name of Christ to be of great re­uerence & glorious, deliuering types of heauenly things, & pledges & mistical formes (ac­cording vnto y commaundement prescribed, saying vnto him: See thou doe all thinges after the Exod. 25. fashion that vvas shevved thee in the mount. Naming man (as he lawfully might) an highpriest of God, called the same Christ, and to this dignitie of highe priesthood althoughe by a certayne prerogatiue excelling all others among men, yet because of honor and glory he put to, the name of Christ. So then he deemed Christ to be a certayne deuine thyng. The same Moses also, when, being inspired with the holy Ghost he had wel forseene the name of Iesu, iudged the same worthy of singuler prerogatiue: for this name of Iesu appeared not manifest among men afore it was knowen by Moses, and this name he gaue to him first, and to him alone whom he knew very wel by tipe & figuratiue signe to receaue the vniuersal principality after his death. His successor ther­fore, before that time called not Iesu, but otherwise to weete [...] in this place I suppose to be corrupted commonlye in the greeke it is red [...] the Hebrues call him Ie­hoschua▪ ben Nun. [...]. The sonne of Nun. Num. 11. and▪ 14. Deut. [...]. Iosu. 24. Ause: He called Iesu, the which name his parents had geuen him: therby attributing to that name singuler honor farr passing al prince­ly scepters, because that the same Iesus Naue was to beare the figure of our Sauiour, & also alone after Moses to accomplish the figuratiue seruice committed vnto him, and thought worthy to be­ginne the true and most sincere worship. Moses to these two men after him thus surpassing all people in vertue and honor, attributed for great honor the name of our sauiour Iesus Christ to the one as highe priest, to the other as principal ruler after him. After this y prophets playnely haue prophecied & namely of Christ, & of the peeuishe practise of the Iewishe people agaynst him, & of the calling of the Gentils by him. The testi­monies of the prophets touching Christ. [...]am. 4. Psal. 2. Psal. 2. Ieremie thus sayde: The spirite before our face, Christ our Lorde, is taken in their nets, of vvhom vve speake before vnder the shadovve of his vvinges vve shalbe preserued aliue among the Heathen. Dauid also being amazed because of his name, expo­stulateth the matter thus: VVhy (sayth he) haue the Gentiles raged, and the people imagined vayne thinges? The kinges of the earth stoode foorth, and the princes assembled together a­gainst the Lorde and against his Christ. To these he addeth in the parson of Christ saying: The Lorde sayde vnto me thou art my sonne, this day haue I begotten thee. Aske of me and I shall geue thee the Heathen for thine inheritaunce, and the endes of the earthe for thy pos­session, Kigs Priests and prophets among the Hebrevvs, because of their an­ [...]oynting evere called Christs. [...] types & [...] of Christ being [...] King and Prophet. The name of Christ therefore among the Hebrewes hath not onely honored those that were adorned with the high priesthood, anointed with figuratiue oyle prepared for that purpose: but also princes whom the Prophets by the precept of God haue anoynted and made figuratiue Christs: because they figuratiuely resembled the deuine worde of God, and the regall and prince­ly power of the onely and true Christ gouerning all thinges. And moreouer we haue learned cer­taine of the Prophets typicalye by their anoynting to haue bene termed Christs. Al they had a re­lation vnto the true Christ, the deuine and heauenly worde, the onely highpriest of all, the king of all creatures and the chiefe Prophet of the father ouer all other Prophets, the proofe hereof is playne: for none euer of all them that typicaly were anoynted, were they Princes, or Priests, or Prophets, haue purchased vnto them selues suche deuine power and vertue as our sauiour and Lorde Iesus Christ sole and singuler hath shewed. None of all them howe famous so euer they were found, among their owne throughout many ages by reason of their dignitie and honor haue bestowed this benefit vpon their subiects, that by their imaginatiue appellation of Christ they should by name be consecrated Christians in deede. Neyther hath the honor of adoration bene ex­hibited by the posteritie vnto any of them, neither after their death hath there bene any such affec­tion, that for their sake any prepared them selues to dye for the maintenance of their honor, nei­ther hath there bene any tumult among the Gentils throughout the worlde for any of them, the power of the shadow was not of such efficacy in them, as the presence of the verity by our sauiour declared, which resembled nether the forme or figure of any: nether linealy descended according vnto the fleshe from the Priests: neither was exalted by the might of men vnto his kingdome: nei­ther [Page 7] prophecied after the maner of the auncient Prophets: neither obtayned any preeminence or prerogatiue amonge the Iewes: yet for all this, Christ, being by the diuine spirite adorned with all these dignities though not in types yet in trueth it selfe, and enioyinge all the gyftes of those men (whereof mention is made) he hath bene more published and preached, and hath pow­red vpon vs the perfect ornature of his moste reuerent and holy name, not turning henceforthe vnto types and shadowes such as serue him, but vnto the naked trueth, the heauenly life, and vn­doubted doctrine of verity, his anoynting was not corporall, but spirituall, by participation of the vnbegotten dyetie of the father, the whiche thinge Esai declareth when as in the person of Christ he breaketh out into these wordes: The spirite of the Lorde vpon me, vvherefore he a­noynted Esay. 61. me to preache glad tydinges vnto the poore, he sent me to cure the contrite in hearte, to preache deliuerance vnto the captiues, and sight vnto the blinde. Not Esay alone but Dauid also touching the person of Christ lifteth vp his voyce and sayeth: Thy throne ô God lasteth for Psal. 44. aye, the scepter of thy kingdome is a right scepter; thou hast loued righteousnes and hated ini­quitie, vvherefore God, euen thy God hath anointed thee vvith the oyle of gladnesse aboue thy felovves, of the which the first verse termeth Christ, God, the seconde honoreth him with regall scepter, thence consequently passing vnto the rest he sheweth Christ to be anoynted not with oyle of corporal substance but of deuine, that is of gladnes, whereby he signifieth his prerogatiue and surpassing excellencie and difference seuering him from them, which with corporall and typicall oyle haue bene anoynted. And in an other place, Dauid declaring his dignitie sayeth: The Lorde Psal. 110. sayde vnto my Lorde, sit thou on my right hand, vntil I make thine enemies thy footestole. And out of my vvombe before the day starre haue I begotten thee. The Lorde svvare, neither vvil it repent him, thou art a Priest for euer after the order of Melchisedech. This Melchisedech in the Genes. 14 Heb. 4. 7. sacred Scriptures is sayde to be the Priest of the most highe God, so consecrated and ordayned neither by any oyle prepared of man for that purpose, neither by succession of kindred attayning vnto the priesthoode as the maner was among the Hebrewes. Wherfore our Sauiour according vnto that order and not others (which receaued signes & shadowes) is published by performance of the othe, Christ and Priest. So that the history deliuereth him vnto vs nether corporally anoyn­ted, among the Iewes, nether borne of the priestly tribe, but of God him self before the day starr, that is being in essence before the constitution of all worldly creatures, immortall possessinge a priesthoode that neuer perisheth by reason of age, but lasteth worlde without ende. Yet this is a The offi of Christ proued [...] consent the serui [...] of the fa [...] full Sain [...] greate and an apparent argument of his incorporeall and deuine power, that alone of all men that euer were, and now are, among all the wightes in the worlde, Christ is preached, confessed, testified, and euery where among the Grecians and Barbarians, mentioned by this name, and hi­therto among all his adherentes honored as King, had in admiration aboue a Prophet, glorified as the true and the onely high Priest of God, surpassing all creatures, as the worde of God, con­sisting in essence before all worldes, receauing honor and worship of the father & honored as God him selfe, and which of all other is most to be marueled at, that we which are dedicated vnto him honour him not with tongue onely, & garrulous talke of whispering wordes, but with the whole affection of the minde, so that willingly we preferre before our liues, the testimony of his trueth.

CAP. v.

That the Christian religion is neither newe neither straunge.

I suppose these thinges to haue bene necessaryly placed by me in the beginning of this history, In the g [...] both th [...] chapter [...] were o [...] lest that any surmise our Sauiour and Lorde Iesus Christ to be a newe vpstarte by reason of the time of his being in the fleshe. Nowe agayne leste that any so deeme his doctrine as newe founde and straung, deliuered by such a one so thought of, and nothing differing from other in [...] doctrines, let vs then in fewe wordes entreat and reason of this the which we may take for vndou­bted. For when as the comming of our Sauiour Christ was now freshe in the mindes of all men, The [...] an nat [...] and that a newe nation neither smale, nether weake, neither such as was conuersant and situate in corners of fountaynes and welspringes, but of all other most populous and most religious secure as toutching daunger, and of inuincible minde ayded continually by the deuine power of God, at certaine secret seasons sodenly appeared, the same I say being bewtified among all men by the the ti­tle and name of Christ, the which one of the Prophets being astonished and fore seeing to come to passe with the single eye of the deuine spirite, vttereth thus: vvho hath hearde such thinges▪ or [Page 8] vvho hath spoken after this maner? hath the earth traueling brought forth in one day? hath ere a nation spronge vp sodenly and at one time? in an other place also he hath signified the same Esay 62. to come to passe, where he sayeth: They that serue me shalbe called after a nevve name, vvhich shalbe blessed on earth. Although presently we playnely appeare to be vpstarts, and this name The life of Christians very aunciēt. of Christians of late to haue bene notified vnto all nations: yet that the life and conuersation of Christians is neither new founde neither the inuention of our owne brayne, but from the auncient creation of mankinde, and as I may say rectified by the naturall cogitations and wisedome of the asicient godly men, we wil thus by godly examples make manifest vnto the world. The nation of the Hebrevves, is no new nation, but famous among all people for their antiquity, and knowen of The fathers of the olde te stamentwere Christians. al. They haue bookes and monuments in writing containing auncient men. Though their nation were rare and in number few, yet they excelled in piety, & righteousnes, and al kinde of vertues, some notable and excellent before the flood, and after the flood others as the sonnes & Nephewes Isuppose this Atar to be Thare mēti­oned in the 11. of Genes. [...] The defini­tion of a Christian. of Noe, as Atar & Abraham, in whom the children of the Hebrevves do glory as their chiefe guide and forefather, if any affirme these famous men set forth by the testimony of righteousnes though not in name yet in deede to haue bene Christians, he shal not erre therin, * for he that vvil expresse the name of a Christian must be such a man as excelleth through the knovvledge of Christ and his doctrine, in modesty and righteousnes of mind, in constancy of life, in vertuous fortitude, & in confessing of sincere piety tovvardes the one & the onely vniuersall God. They of olde had no lesse care of this then we, nether cared they for the corporall circūcision no more do we, nether for the obseruation of the Sabaoths no more do we, nether for the abstinence from certaine meates & the distinction of other things which Moses first of all instituted & deliuered in signes & figures to be obserued, no more do Christians the same now, but they perceaued plainely the very Christ of God to haue appeared to Abraham, to haue aunswered Isaac, & reasoned with Israel, that he com­moned with Moses, and afterwards with the Prophets, we haue entreated before. Whereby thou maist finde the godly of old to haue sorted vnto them selues the surname of Christ, according vnto Psal. 104. Christs that anoynted. that of them spoken: se that ye touch not my *Christs, nether deale peruersly vvith my Prophets. It is manifest that the same seruice of God, inuented by the godly of old about the the time of A­braham, and published of late vnto all the Gentils, by the preaching of the doctrine of Christ is the first, the eldest, and the auncientest of all, but if they obiect that Abraham a long time after recea­ued the commaundement of Circumcision, yet afore the receit therof by the testimony of his faith hath bene accompted righteous, the Scripture declaring thus of him: Abraham beleued God & [...]nes. 15. [...]. 4. it vvas imputed vnto him for righteousnes, & he being the same before circūcision heard y voyce of God, which also appeared vnto him. The same Christ, then the worde of God promised vnto the posterity folowing that they should be iustified after the maner of Abrahams iustification, saying: and all the tribes of the earth shalbe blessed in thee. againe, thou shalt be a great & a populous [...] [...]. 4. [...]nes. 12. [...]nes. 22. nation, & all the nations on earth shalbe blessed in thee. this is manifest in so much that it is ful­filled in vs, for he through faith in the word of God, and Christ which appeared vnto him was iu­stified, when as be forsooke the superstition of his natiue contrey, and the error of his former life, confessed the only God of al, & worshiped the same with vertuous works, & not with the Mosaical ceremonies of the law which afterwards ensued, vnto him in this case it was sayd: In thee shal al [...]es. 22. the tribes & al the nations of the earth be blessed, The same maner of sanctimony was seene ex­cercised of Abraham in workes farre excelling the words vsualy receaued among the Christians alone throughout the worlde, what then hindereth but that we may confesse the sole and the same conuersation of life, the same maner of seruice, to be common vnto vs (after the time of Christ) w t them which haue sincerely serued God of olde? so that we shew the same to be nether new, nether straunge, but (if it be lawful to testifie the trueth) the auncientest, the only, and the right restaura­tion of piety deliuered vnto vs by the doctrine of Christ, of these thinges thus farre.

CAP. VI.

Of the time of our Sauiours comming vnto the worlde.

NOwe that we haue conueniently proposed hitherto as by waye of preface, this our Eccle­siasticall [...]. 5. after [...]reeke. history, it remayneth then that we beginne after a compendious sorte from the comming of our Sauiour Christ in the flesh, & that this may take effect, we pray God the father of the word and the reuealed Jesus Christ our Lorde and Sauiour, the heauenly worde of [Page 9] God to be our helper and felowe laborer to the setting forth of the true declaration therof. It was Iesus Christ vvas borne the 3963. yeare of the vvorld, in the 3. yeare of the 134 O­lympiade, th [...] 42. yeare of Augustusth [...] 34 of Herod [...] Luc. 2. Iosephus. Act. 5. Iosephus an­tiquit. lib. 18. cap. 1. the two and forty yeare of the raygne of Augustus the Emperour, after the subiection of Aegypt, and the death of Antonius and Cleopatra where last of all the Ptolemaees in Aegypt ceased to beare rule, the eyght and twentieth yeare, when as our Sauiour and Lorde Jesus Christ, at the time of the first taxing, ( Cyrenius then President of Syria) was borne in Bethleem a city of Iudea, accor­ding vnto the prophecyes in that behalfe premised. The tyme of which taxing vnder Cyrenius, Flauius Iosephus an auncient historiographer among the Hebrevves maketh mention of, adding thereunto an other history of the heresye of the Galilaeans, which sprong vp about the same time, wherof amongest vs also Luke in the Actes of the Apostles mentioneth writing thus: After this maner started vp on Iudas of Galilee in the dayes of tribute & drevve avvay many of the people after him, he also him selfe perished and as many as obeyed him vvere scattered abrode. The same doth Iosephus (before mentioned) in his eyghtenth booke of Antiquities confirme thus, by worde: Cyrenius of the number of Consuls vvhich enioyed other principalities, and by the con­sent of all men so preuailed that he vvas thought vvorthy of the Consulship & counted great by reason of other dignities, came vvith a fevve into Syria, sent for this purpose by Caesar that he should haue there the iurisdiction of the Gentiles, & be Censor of their substance. And a litle af­ter. Iudas (sayth he) Gaulanites a man of the city Gamala, hauing taken vnto him on Sado [...]hus a Pharisee, became a rebell, & affirmed together vvith this Pharise, that the taxing of this tribute Ioseph lib. 2. Iudaic. bell. cap. 7. callet this Galilae­an Simon & not Iudas as Eusebius doth. inferred nothing els but manifest seruitude, & exhorted the Gentils to set their helping hand to the maintenance of their libertie And in his second booke of the warres of the Ievves, he writeth thus of him: About that time a certaine Galilaean by name Iudas, seduced the people of that re­gion, misliking vvith this, to vvit: that they sustained the payment of tribute, vnto the Romaine empire, & vnder God that they suffred mortall men to beare rule ouer them. So farre Iosephus.

CAP. VII. Cap. 6. after the Greke.

That according vnto the prescript tymes foreshewed by the Prophets, the Princes of the Iewes which vnto that tyme by succession helde the principalitie, surceassed & that Herode the first of the Aliens became their King.

VVHen Herode the firste of them whiche vnto Israel are counted straungers, re­ceaued Christ vvas borne vvhe as the scept taken from Iuda vvas helde of H [...] rode the Id [...] maean. Genes. 19. rule ouer the Jewishe nation the prophecye written by Moses in that behalfe was fulfilled, which said: There shal not vvant a Prince in Iuda, neither a leader faile of his loynes, vntil he come for vvhom it vvas kept & reserued, vvhom he pronounced to be the expectation of the Gentils. Then were not these thinges come to an ende which concerned this prophecy, at what time it was lawful for this natiō to be gouerned by their owne Princes which lasted by line of succession, euen from Moses vnto the raygne of Augustus the Emperoure vnder whome Herode the foreyner became ruler ouer the Ievves beinge graunted vnto him by the Ro­maines, who as Iosephus writeth, was by father an Idumaean, by mother an Arabian, & as Aphri­canus one not of the vulgare sort of Historiographers writeth by the report of them which dili­gently read him: The sonne of Antipater, & the same to be the father of on Herode Ascalonites, on Herode A [...] tipater the father of H [...] rode Ascal [...] nites. of the number of them which ministred in the temple of Apollo. This Antipater being a childe was taken by Idumaean theues, among whome he remayned because his father being poore was not able to redeme him, & being bred & brought vp in their maners, he became very familiar with Hyrcanus the high Priest of the Ievves, this had then a sonne borne called Herode, which raygned in the time of our Sauiour. The principalitie of the Ievves being at this point, then present was the expectation of the Gentils according vnto the rule of prophecy when as their Princes by suc­cession from Moses, ceased to beare rule & to raygne ouer the people. before they were taken cap­tiue Iudges. and led to Babylon, their Kings began to raigne, from Saul who was the first, & from Dauid. Kinges. Before their Kings Princes bare rule whom they called Judges, beginning the gouernment af­ter Moses & his successor Iesus oth [...] vvise calle [...] Iehosua. Priestes. Pompeye Aristobul [...] Iesus. After their returne from Babilon there wanted not those which gouerned the state, wherin the best ruled, & the state wherin few bare authority. Priestes had the preeminence vntil that Pompeye the Romayne captaine had by mayne force besieged Ierusalem, polluting the holy places by entring into the sanctuaries of the temple, & sending him which had continewed the succession of Kings from his progenitors vnto that time ( Aristobulus by name) Prince & Priest, captiue, together with his sonnes to Rome, committed the office of high Priest­hood [Page 10] vnto his brother Hyrcanus, so that from that time forth the Ievves became tributaryes vnto Hyrcanus. the Romaynes. Anone after that Hyrcanus (vnto whome the succession of the highe priesthoode befell) was taken of the Parthians, Herode the first foreyner (as I sayd before) tooke of the Ro­mayne senate and the Emperour Augustus the gouernement of the Ievvish nation, vnder whome when as the presence of Christ was apparent, the saluation of the Gentils long looked for, tooke effect. and their calling consepuently folowed according vnto the prophecye in that behalfe pre­mised. since which tyme the Princes and Rulers of Iuda ceasing to beare rule, the state of high­priesthoode (which among them by order of succession, after the decease of the former befell vn­to the next of bloode) was forthwith confounded. Hereof thou hast Iosephus a witnes worthy of creditte, declaring how that Herode after that he had receaued of the Romaines, the rule ouer the Ievves, assigned them no more Priests which were of the priestly progeny, but certayne base and obscure personages, the like did his Sonne Archelaus, and after him the Romaines bearing rule, committed the same against the priestly order. The sayd Iosephus declareth how that Herode first shutt vp vnder his owne seale the holy robe of the high Priest, not permitting the high Priests to retayne it in their proper custody. So after him Archelaus, and after Archelaus the Romaynes did the like. To this ende be these thinges spoken of vs, that we shewe what effecte (toutching the prophecye of the comming of our Sauiour Christ Jesu) ensued, but most playnly of all other the prophecye of Daniel describing the number of certayne weekes by name vnto Christ the ru­ler [...]Daniel. 9. (whereof we haue in an other place entreated) foretelleth, that after the ende and terme of those weekes, the Ievvishe anoyntinge should be abolished. This is playnly proued to haue bene fulfilled at the comming of our Sauiour Jesus Christ in the fleshe. these thinges I sup­pose to haue bene necessaryly obserued of vs, for the tryall of the trueth toutching the tymes.

CAP. VIII.

Of the disagreing imagined to be among the Euangelists about the genealogie of Christ.

IN so much that Matthew and Luke committing the Gospell to writing, haue diuersly deliue­red vnto vs the genealogie of Christ, and of diuerse are thought to disagree amonge them sel­ues, so that euery one of the faythfull throughe their ignoraunce in the trueth, endeuour to commente on those places: nowe therefore concerning the premises, let vs propose a certayne history which came to our handes, the which Aphricanus (of whome we mentioned a litle be­fore) in an Epistle to Aristides, remembred, wryting of the concordancye of the genealogye of Christ, set forth in the Gospels, makinge there with al, a relation of the wrested and false opinions of others, the historye after his order of discourse, he hath in these wordes deliuered to the posteritie. * The names of the kinredes in Israel are numbred, eyther after the lyne of Cap. 7. after [...] greeke. [...]hricanus [...]st. ad Ari­ [...]ē. he liued [...]he tyme Origen. [...]eb. lib. 6. [...]. 30. [...]onnes by [...]ure, and [...]nes by [...] Lavve. [...]n argu­ [...]t of the [...]rection. nature, or after the rule limited in the Lavve. after the lyne of nature, as by succession of the naturall seede, after the rule in the Lavve, as by his succession vvhich raysed seede vnto his barren brother deseased. * For as yet the hope of the resurrection vvas not made manifest, they imitated the promise to come vvith mortall resurrection, * leste the name of the deseased vvith his deathe shoulde quite be cut of, for of them vvhich are ledde vvith this line of gene­ration, some succeaded as naturall children their fathers, some begotten by others haue after others bene called, yet of both mention is made as vvell of them vvhiche truely, as of them vvhich resemble the name of generation. Thus nere nother of the Gospels is founde false, hovv­soeuer it doth number, be it according vnto nature, or the custome of the Lavve. The kinrede of Solomon and of Nathan is so knit together, by reuiuing of the deseased vvithout issue, by second mariages, by raising of seede, so that not vvithout cause, the same persons are posted ouer to di­uerse fathers, vvhereof some vvere imagined, and some others vvere their fathers in deede, both the allegations being properly true, though in Ioseph diuersly, yet exactly by descente determi­ned. And that that vvhich I go about to proue may plainly appear, I vvil declare the orderly suc­cession of this genealogye, makinge a recitall from Dauid by Solomon. The thirde from the [...]th. 1. ende is Matthan founde, vvhiche begate Iacob, the father of Ioseph, but from Nathan the Sonne of Dauid, Descending according vnto the Gospell of Luke, the thirde from the ende is [...] 3. Melchi, vvhose Sonne is Hely, the father of Ioseph. For Ioseph is the Sonne of Hely, the Sonne of Melchi. Ioseph being the proposed marke to shoote at, vve must shevve hovv ether is termed his [Page 11] father, deriuing the pedegrevv of Iacob from Solomon, of Heli from Nathan. and first hovv Iacob, and Heli, being tvvo brethren▪ then their fathers, Matthan and Melchi, borne of diuers kinreds may be proued Graundfathers to Ioseph. Matthan therefore & Melchi, marying the same vvife, begate brethren by the same mother, the Lavv not forbidding a vvidovve either dimissed from her husbande, or after the death of her husbande to be coupled vnto an other man. First there­fore Matthan & Melchi hus­bandes to one and the same wife, be gate seuerall sonnes, to vvit. Matthan begate Ia­cob: & Mel­chi his sonne Heli. Iacob brother to Heli, on his sister the vvil of Heli be­gate Ioseph. * Math. 1. * Math. 1. * Luk. 3. Matthan descending from Solomon, begate Iacob of Esttha, for that is sayd to be her name. After the death of Matthan, Melchi (vvhich is, sayd to haue descended from Nathan) being of the same tribe, but of an other race, hauinge maryed this vvidovve to his vvife, begate Heli his sonne. Thus do vve finde Iacob and Heli of a different race, but by the same mother to haue bed brethren. of the vvhiche Iacob takinge to vvife his sister the vvife of Heli, his brother deseased vvithout issue, begate on her the thirde, to vvitt Ioseph: by naiuro [...]and the order of generation vnto him selfe. VVhereupon it is vvritten: Iacob begate Ioseph, by the Lavv vnto his brother He­ly deseased, vvhose sonne Ioseph vvas, for Iacob being his brother raysed seede vnto him, vvher­fore nether that genealogie vvhich concerneth him, is to be abolished, the vvhich Matthew the Euangelist reciting: Iacob (sayth he) begat Ioseph. & Luke of the other side: vvhich vvas the sonne (saith he) as it vvas supposed (for he addeth this vvith al) of Ioseph, vvhich vvas the sonne of He­li, vvhich vvas the sonne of Melchi. And the vvord of begetting, he ouerskipped vvith silence vn to the ende, vvith such a recital of sonnes, making relation vnto Adam vvhich vvas of God. nei­ther is this hard to be proued, or to smale purpose proposed. The kinsmen of Christ according vnto the flesh, either making apparēt or simply instructing, yet altogether teaching that vvhich is true: haue deliuered these thinges vnto vs: hovve that the Idumaean the eues inuading the city Ascalon in Palaestina, tooke captiue together vvith other spoiles out of the temple of Apollo, ad­ioyning vnto the vvalls, Antipater, sonne to one Herode▪ that vvas minister in that temple. VVhē the priest vvas not able to pay raunsome for his sonne, this Antipater vvas brought vp after the maner of the Idumaeans, & became very familiar vvith Hyrcanus the high priest of the Ievves. & hauing bene in embasye vvith Pompeye in Hircanus steade, he restored vnto him the kingdome vvhich vvas taken from his brother Aristobulus, assigned him selfe gouernour of Palaestina, and proceaded forvvardes in felicitie. VVhen this Antipater vvas enuyed for his greate felicitie, and vvas trayterously slayne, there succeded him his sonne Herode, vvhich at length of Antonius and Augustus, by decree of the Senate, receaued rule ouer the Ievves, vvhose sonnes vvere Herode, and the other Tetrarches. These thinges are common among the greeke historyes. And when as vnto that tyme the genealogies of the Hebrevves, yea of them also linealy descending of Pro­selytes, as Achior the Amanyte, and Ruth the Moabyte, likewise as many as fell, beinge deliuered from out of Aegypt, and mixt with the Israelites, were recorded amonge their aunci­ent monuments: Herode, whome the Israeliticall genealogie auayled nothinge, beinge pric­ked Herode bur­ned the genealogies of the Hebre­vves to make him selfe a gentleman. in mynde with the basenes of his byrthe, burned their auncient recorded genealogies, sup­posing thereby to deriue him selfe of noble parentage, if none other holpen by publique re­cordes were able to prone their pedegrewes from the Patriarches, or Proselytes, or such as were cleped strangers horne, and mingled of olde amonge the Israelytes. Very sewe studious in this behalfe doe glorye, that they haue gott vnto them selues proper pedegrewes or remembraunce of their names, or other wise recordes of them, for the retayninge of their auncient stocke in memorye, whiche these men mentioned of before, haue attayned vnto, beinge cal­led because of their affi [...]i [...]e, and kinred with our Sauiour after the name of the Lorde, and [...] Dominici. trauelinge from the Nazarites and Coc [...]oba, castles of the Ievves into other regions, they expounded the afore sayde genealogie o [...] of the booke of Chronicles, as farre for the as it exten­deth. Paralip. Nowe so euer then the case stande, eyther thus [...] otherwise, no man, in my iudgement can finde a playner exposition. Whosoeuer therefore he be that ruleth him selfe aright, he wilbe care­full of the selfe same with vs, although he wante prefe, to preferre a better, and a [...]ruet exposition. The Gospel in al respectes uttereth most true thinges. About the ende of the same epistle he hath these wordes: Matthan descending of Solomon, begate Iacob, Matthan deceased, Melchi vvhich Aphricanu [...] epist. ad Ari­stidem. descended of Nathan, on the same vvoman begate Heli then vvere Heli and Iacob brethren by the mothers side, Heli dying vvithout issue, Iacob raysed vnto him seede, by be getting of Ioseph, his ovvne sonne by nature, but Heli his sonne by the lavv th [...]s vvas Ioseph▪ sonne to both. so farre Aphricanus. Sithens that the genealogie of Ioseph is thus recited, after the same maner, Ma­ry is termed to be of the same tribe, together with him▪ For by the lawe of Moses, the mingling [Page 12] of tribes was not permitted, which commaundeth that matching in mariage, be made with one of the same people, and family, lest the lott of inheritaunce due to the ki [...]red, be tossed from tribe to tribe. of these thinges thus much.

CAP. IX.

Of the slaughter of the Infantes by Herode, and the lamentable Tragedy tout­ching Cap. 8. after he greeke. the terme and ende of his life.

VVHen Christ was borne in Bethleem of Ievvrye, according vnto Prophecyes for eshe­wed, and tymes already declared: Herode (because of the wise men which came from Matth. [...]. the East, enquiring: where the King of the levves should be borne, that they had seene his starre, and therefore had taken so great a iorneye in hande, to the ende they might worshippe God which was borne) was not a litle moued, supposing his principality to be in perill, and his rule to goe to wracke, and ruine▪ for he inquiring of the Doctors of the Lawe among the levves, where they looked that Christ should be borne, had no sooner perceaued the prophecy of Mi­cheas, foretelling the byrth of Christ to be in Bethleem, but with one edicte, he commaundes the Herode com naundeth he infantes [...] be slayne, [...]nno Christi Augusti 44 [...]useb in Chronic. Matth. 1. sucking babes in Bethleem, and in all the borders thereof, as many as were two yeare olde and vnder (according vnto the tyme that he had exactly enquired and knowen of the wise men) to be slayne, supposing certaynly thereby (as it was very likely) to destroy Iesus, in the same perill with his equals of the same age▪ but the babe Iesu preuented this deceatefull pretence of his, being con­ueyed into Aegypt, his parents also being forewarned by the appearing of an Angell, of that which should come to passe [...] his the holy Gospell doth declare. Moreouer I thinke it not amisse to let the worlde vnderstande, howe that the de [...]ine vltion without any delaye at all, apprehended the bolde enterprises of Herode agaynst Christ, and his equalls, while breath was yet in his body, shewing as it were by certayne preambles, what was like to be fall him after his death. And how he stayned his princely affayres, which in his owne censure seemed prosperous, by his interchan­geable domesticall calamities, that is: by the truell slaughter of his wife, of his children, of his The domesti all tragedies nd crueltye [...]f Herode. nearest kinsfolkes, of his most familiar friendes, so that it is impossible presently to repeate the whole. The matter it selfe so shamefull, that it ouershadowed euery tragicall action. The which Iosephus hath prosecuted at large in his historyes, howe that for his conspiracy and crafty coun­saile which he entended agaynst Christ, and the other infantes, an heuye scourge from aboue ap­prehended him, bexing him to the death. it will seeme pertinent to the purpose presently to heare the wordes of the historiographer him selfe describing in the 17. booke of the Antiquities of the oseph. Anti. ud. lib. 17. ca. [...]. 9. Anno Christi 6. Au [...]sti 47. Euse Chronic. Ievves, the lamentable ende of his life in these wordes: Herods desease vexed him, more & more, God executing iustice on him, for the thinges vvhich he had impiously committed. It vvas a slovve or slacke fire, yet yelding not so great inflamation outvvardly to the beholders, as vexa­tion invvardly to the internal partes, he had a vehement desire, greedely set to take some thing, yet vvas there nothing that sufficed him. moreouer invvarde rotting of the bovvels, and special­ly a greuous fluxe in the fundament, a ravve, and a running [...]leume about his feete, and the like malady vexed him about his bladder. his priuey mēbres pu [...]rified, engendring vvormes vvhich svvarmed out. a shrill stretched vvinde, he had great payne in breathing, and a grosse breathe, hauing throughout al the partes of his body such a crampe, as strength vvas not able to sustaine. it vvas reported by them vvhich vvere inspired from aboue, and to vvhome the gyft of Diuina­tion vvas graunted, that God enioined the Prince this punishment, for his great impiety. These thinges the aforesayd Iosephus in his commentaryes hath made manifest vnto vs, and in the second parte of his historyes, the like he noteth vnto vs, writing thus: From that time forth, sickenesse [...]oseph. bell. [...]d. lib. 1. cap 1. inuaded his vvhole body, and brought him subiect to diuerse passions. it vvas a hott burning fe­uer, an intollerable itche, ouerrunning the outvvard partes of his body, a continual payne in the fundament, hydropical svvellings in the feete, an inflamation of the bladder, putrefaction of the priuities, vvhich ingendred svvarmes of [...]ice. besides this, often, and difficult dravving of breath, vvith the crampe, contracting the synevves throughout all the membres of his body. so that the vvise men reported these deseases to be nothing else, but sure, and certayne plagues, or punish­ments. he, although strugling vvith so many sores, yet for all that, vvholy set to saue his life, ho­ped for health, & imagined after remedies. Passing ouer Iordane, he vsed for helpe the ho [...] ba­thes, nye Calliroe, vvhich runne vnto the [...] Asphaltitis, vvhich also by reason of their svveete­nesse [Page 13] are drinkeable. The Phisitians there, thought good that his vvhole body should be supled, vvith v vhot oyle, & he being dimissed into a vessell full of vvhot oyle, his eyes so dasled, & dis­solued them selues, that he came out, as dead. VVhen the seruantes, by reason of these circum­stances vvere sore troubled, he remembred his plague, and despaired thencefoorth of any reco­uerie at all, commaunding vvithall fiftie In the greke he vvri teth [...] de valuing fixe halfe pence the hundreth part of an At ticke pound. peeces of siluer to be deuided among his souldiers, but his chiefe captaines, and most familiare friendes to receaue great sommes of money. And taking his iourney thence he came to Hiericho, al madde, by reason of melancholy that aboun­ded in him, for he grevve to that passe that he threatned to him selfe death, and vvent about to practise an horrible offence. For gathering together the famous men in euery village through­out all levvrie, he cōmaunded them to be shut vp into one place called Hippodromus, calling vnto him vvithall, his si [...] [...]lome and her husbande Alexander. I knovve (saith he) the Ievves vvill merily celebrate as holy day the day of my death, yet may I be lamented of others, and so haue a glorious Epitaphe, and funerall, if that you vvill execute mine aduise. Those men there­fore, vvhich are kept in close prison (souldiers being circumspectly set on euery side) see that you immediatly slaye, as soone as breath departeth out of my body, so that therby al Ievvric, & euery house, vvill they, nill they, may revve, and lament my death. And agayne a litle after he sayth: VVhen as through vvant of nourishment, and griping coughe, ioyned vvithall, his sicke­nesse sore increased, and novve being quite ouercome, he coniectured that his fatal course vvas then to be finished. For taking an apple in his hande he called for a knife (for he vvas accusto­med to pare, and so to eate) then beholding on euery side vvhether any vvas redy to hinder his enterprise, lifted vp his right hande to do him selfe violence. Besides these, the same Historio­grapher writeth Antipater slame by the commaūde­mēt of his fa­ther Herode. The death of Herode. Math. 2. that a thirde sonne of his, besides the couple before staine, afore the ende of his life, by his commaundement was put to death, so that Herode left not this life without extreme paine. Such was the tragicall ende of Herode, suffering iust punishment, for the babes destroyed in Bethleem, practised purposely for our Sauiours sake. After whose death, an angel came to Io­seph in sleepe, as he remayned in Aegypt, and commaunded that he shoulde returne together with the chylde, and his mother, into Ievvrie, in asmuch as they were dead, whiche sought the childes lyfe▪ vnto these the Euangelist addeth, saying: VVhen that he hearde, that Archelaus raigned in Iudaea in his fathers steede, he feared to go thither, and being admonished in his sleepe from aboue, he departed into the partes of Galilee.

CAP. X.

Ʋ Ʋhat successours Archelaus left behinde him, when that he had raigned tenne yeres Cap. 9. after the greeke. after his father Herode. Howe that Christ suffred not the 7. yere of Tiberius as some did write, for Pilate then did not gouerne Iudaea.

HOwe that Archelaus was placed in the kingdome of his father Herode, the foresayde Herode. Archelaus. An. Christiti Augusti. 48. [...]. Chr [...] Phil [...]p. Herode [...]l Lysanias. Ioseph. Ant lud. [...]8. ca. [...] Historiographer doth testifie, describing the maner: that by the testament of Herode his father, by the censure of Augustius Caesar, he tooke to his charge the gouernement of the Ievves, also howe that tenne yeres after; he lost the sayde principalitie, and that his brethren Phi­lip, and the yonger Herode together with Lysanias gouerned there seuerall Tetrarchies. The same Iosephus, in his 18. booke of ludaicall Antiquities, declareth that about the 12. yere of the raigne of Tiberius, (after the fiftie and seuenth yere of the raigne of Augustus) Pontius Pilatus was ap­pointed president of Ievvrie, in the which he continewed welnigh whole ten yeres, vnto the death of Tiberius. The drea­ming san [...] of certayn Heathen [...] suted. Then manifestly is the falsehood of them confuted, whiche of late haue published lewd commentaries, agaynst our Sauiour, where euen, in the beginning, the time after their sup­putation layd downe, and beyng well noted, confuteth the falshood of these [...]ayning fooles. These commentaries do comprehende those thinges, whiche against the passion of Christ, were pre­sumptuously practised of the Ievves, within the fourth Consulship of Tiberius, the seuenth yere of his raigne, at which time it is shewed, that Pilate was not gouerner of Iudaea, if the testimonte of Iosephus be true, whiche playnely sheweth in his foresayde histories VVhen [...] began rule. that Pilate was appoynted procurator of Iudaea the twelfth yere of Tiberius his raigne.

CAP. XI.

VVhen Christ was baptized, and beganne to preache, what highe priestes there were in his tyme. Cap. 10. after the greeke.

ABout these times then, accordinge vnto the Euangelist (The [...]luetenth of Tiberius Caesar, Luk. 3. the fourth of the procuratorship of Pontius Pilate, Herode, Lysanias & Phillip ruling the rest of [...]udaea, in their Tetrarchies) the Sauiour, & our God, Iesus the anoynted of God, begin­ning Christ being 30. yeare old was baptized & beganne to preache. Christ did not preache full 4. yeares. to be about thirty yeares of age, came to the baptisme of Iohn, and began to publish the prea­ching of the Gospel. the sacred Scripture do declare, that he finished the ful time of his teaching, vnder the high priesthoode of Annas, & Caiphas, signifying, that within the yeares of their publi­que ministery, he ended y t course of his doctrine. for beginning about the high priesthood of Annas, & lasting vnto the principality of Caiphas, yet in this space, there we [...] not foure yeres fully expi­red. for the legall rites by his edict being in maner abrogated, it folowed then, that the succession of progenitors, by age and line vnto that tyme vsually obserued, should thenceforth be of no force. Nether were then those things, which concerned diuine worship, with due administration execu­ted, for diuerse seuerally, executing the office of high priesthoode, vnder Romayne princes, conti­newed not in the same, aboue one yeare. Iosephus, some where in his bookes of Antiquities, writeth Ioseph lib. 18 Antiq. cap. 4. Annas. Ismael. Eleazar. foure high priestes, by succession to haue bene after Annas, vnto the time of Caiphas. saying thus: Velerius Gratus (Annanus being remoued) ordayneth Ismael the sonne of Baphus, high prieste. And the same Ismael, not long after being deposed, he appoynteth Eleazar, the sonne of Anna­nus, high priest in his place. the yeare after, this Eleazar being reiected, he committeth the office of high priesthoode to Simon, the sonne of Camithus. And him (vvho enioyed this honor, no lon­ger Simon. Caiphas. then one yeare, Iosephus (vvhich vvas also called Caiphas) succeded. The whole tyme of our Sauiours preaching, is shewed to haue bene comprised, in the compasse of 4. yeares. foure high priestes also, in the same foure yeares, to haue bene from Annas, to Caiphas, executing the admi­nistration of the yearely ministery. The holy Gospell doth very well set forth Caiphas, to be high priest that yeare, in the which the passion of our Sauiour Christ, was finished, that the tyme of Christes preaching might not seeme to repugne with this obseruation. Our Sauiour, and Lorde Jesus Christ, not long after the beginning of his preaching, chose 12. Apostles, whome of all the 12. Apostles. 70. disciples. Math. 10. Luk. 10. rest of his disciples, by a certayne singuler prerogatiue, he called Apostles. Afterwardes he ap­poynted other seuenty, whome he enioyned by two and by two, to passe vnto euery place, and city, where he him selfe should come.

CAP. XII.

Of the life, doctrine, baptisme, and martyrdome of Iohn Baptist. The testimony of Iosephus toutching Christ.

NOt longe after, the holy Gospel reporteth the be headding of Iohn Baptist. wherwithall Io­sephus Math. 14. by name, accordeth, making mention of Herodias, with whome Herode maried (be­ing his brothers wife) puttinge away his owne wife lawefully maryed, which was the daughter of Aretas, King of Persia. Herodias being separated from her husband which was aliue, In the greke [...]oppy of Eu­ [...]eb. Aretas is [...]ayd to be [...]ng of Per­ [...]ia, which I suppose to be corrupted [...]or he was [...]ing of Ara­bia as Iose­lius repor­ [...]th Antiq. [...]ud. lib. 14. [...]p. 2. This battel mentioned [...] Iosephus. [...]ntiq. lud. [...]. 18. cap. 9. Ca. 11. after [...]e greeke. (for the which he slewe Iohn) Herode warred agaynst Aretas, so that his daughter was ignomini­ously reiected. * In the which battell (then being fought,) he reporteth all Herodes hoaste, to haue vtterly perished, and these thinges to haue chaunced vnto him, for the death of Iohn, malici­ously executed. The same Iosephus when he had confessed Iohn Baptist, to be a very iust man, bea­reth witnesse also, with those thinges which concerne him, in the Gospels, he writeth further, that Herode was depriued of his kingdome for Herodias, & together with her, condemned, & banished into Vienna a city of Fraunce, & the same he declareth in his eyghtenth booke of Iudaicall Anti­quities, wherof Iohn Baptist he writeth thus, * Certayne of the levves vvere persvvaded, that the hoast of Herode vvas vtterly foiled, because that God had iustly plagued him, vvich this punishe mēt, reuenging the death of Iohn, cōmonly called the Baptist. for Herode had slaine him being a iust man. This Iohn cōmaunded the Ievves to embrace vertue, to execute iustice, one tovvards an other, & to serue God in piety, reconciling men by baptisme, vnto vnity. for after this sort, bap­tisme seemed vnto him a thing acceptable, if it vvere vsed not for the remissiō of certain sinnes, but for the purifiyng of the body, the soule (I say) being clēsed, before by righteousnes. & vvhē a [...] diuers slocked together (for thy vvere greatly delited in hearing of him) Herod feared lest that so forcible a povver of persvvadīg vvhich vvas in hī, should lead the people into a certain rebelliō, he supposed it far better, to bereaue hī of his lif, afore any nouelty vvere by hī put in vre, thē that [Page 15] change, vvith danger, being come in place, he should repent him and say: Had I vvist, Thus Iohn because of Herods suspicion, vvas sent bounde to Machaerous the vvarde (mentioned of before) and there beheaded. When he had thus spoken of Iohn in the same history, he writeth of our Sa­uiout in this sorce: There vvas at that time one Iesus, a vvise man, if it be lavvefull to call him, a Iosephus An tiq. Iud. lib. 18 cap. 6. testifi­eth thus of Iesus Christ. man, a vvcrker of miracles, a teacher of them vvhich embrace the trueth vvith gladnes. he drevv after him many, as vvell of the Ievves, as Gentils. This same vvas Christ. And though Pilate, by the iudgement of the chief rulers, amongest vs, deliuered him to be crucified: yet there vvanted not them vvhich from the beginning loued him. he appeared vnto them aliue, the third day af­ter his passion, as the holy Prophets haue foretolde, yea these, & an innumerable more marue­lous thinges of him, & to this day the christian people, vvhich of him borovv their name, cease not to encrease. Now when as this Historiographer, by blood an Ebrue borne, hath of olde deli­uered in writing these, & the like thinges, concerning Iohn Baptist, & our Sauiour Christ, what re­fuge now remaineth, but that they be condēned for impudent persons, which of their owne braine, haue fayned comentaryes, contrary to these allegations, and of these thinges also thus much.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 12. after the greeke.

Of the disciples of our Sauiour, that there were more then 12. Apostles, and 70, disciples.

THe names of the Apostles are apparent vnto euery one out of the holy Euangelists, but the The cataloge of the 70. di­sciples is to be seene in the ende of this volume vvritten by Dorotheus in greeke, & translated by the same tra [...] slator. Galat. 2. 1. Corinth. 1. Clemens. Galat. 2. Act. 1. Barnabas. Sosthenes. Cephas. Mathias. Barsabas. Thaddaeus. 1. Corint. 15 cataloge of the 70. disciples, is no where to be founde. Barnabas is sayde to be one of the number whome the Actes of the Apostles remembred, and no lesse, did S. Paul writing to the Galathians. Amonge these they number also Sosthenes which together with Paul wrote to the Corinthians. The history also of Clemens, in the fift of his Hypotypose on affirmeth Cephas to he one of the 70. of whome Paul sayde: vvhen as Cephas came to Antioche, I vvithstoode him to his face, because he vvas culpable. This Cephas was of the same name with the Apostle. And Ma­thias who of the Apostles was elected in the rowme of Iudas, the traitor, and Barsabas also, who is sayde by the same lott to haue bene worthely preferred to the number of the 70. disciples. Also Thaddaus whome Thomas by the commaundement of Iesu sent to cure Agbarus, is counted one of the number, concerning whome I will forth with declare a certayne historye which came to our handes. Thou shalt finde by diligent obseruation, that there were more then 70. disciples of our Sauiour. for prouf wherof thou maiest vse the testimony of Paul, which sayeth, that after Christs resurrection from the dead, he appeared first to Cephas, then to the tvvelue, After them to more then fiue hundred brethren at once, vvhere of (he sayth) some to haue fallen a sleepe, but more to haue remayned aliue, at that tyme when he wrote these thinges. Afterwards to haue appeared to Iames, which was of the disciples, and one of the brethren of Christ. last of all, as though besides these, there were more Apostles after the maner of the twelue (such as Paul him selfe was) he ad­deth saying: he vvas seene of all the Apostles. but of this so farre.

The Translator toutching the doubt rising about him whom Paul repre­hended at Antioche, whether he was Peter the Apostle, or Ce­phas, one of the seuenty.

WHereas Eusebius in the former chapiter, affirmeth Cephas, to be one of the number of the 70. di­sciples, and the same to be reprehended by Saynct Paule at Antioche, it seemeth repugnant to the playne wordes of holy Scripture, deliuered vnto vs by the holy Ghost. The aduersaryes of the trueth, thought better to erre with Eusebius, by saying that Cephas was rebuked by Paule, and not Peter, rather then that they woulde graunte Peter (whome they terme the Prince of the Apostles) to be controlled of Paule, supposing hereby a presiding to ensur agaynst the prymacye of the Pope, or liking of this opinion as a bare shift to stoppe the sclannderous mouth of Porphyrius, which here took oc­casion to reprehende the Christians for their sedition, but let vs confesse the trueth, and shame the de­uill. Galat. [...]. The wordes of Saynt Paul are these: [...] vvhen Peter came to Antioche, I vvithstoode him to his face. and a litle after: [...] I sayde vnto Peter in the presence of them all. Augustine, and Ierome had great con [...] ­tion about the interpretation of this place but ner [...] [...]her denieth the party to be Peter [...]t [...] giue vn­to [Page 16] the historiographer, the credit d [...] vnto him, he might call Peter, Cephas, as our Sauiour sayd in the Gospell vnto Peter: thou shalt be called Cephas, which is a Syrian word, sounding in greeke, or la­tine, Ioh. 1. nothing else but Peter, or Petra a rocke. In that he calleth him an other from the Apostle, I doe not see how it can stande. Ierome denieth any other Cephas knowen of vs, sauing Peter. The conclusion is this: Eusebius calleth the person reprehended by Paul, Cephas: The holy Ghost in the Scripture cal­leth him Peter. Eusebius sayth, he was an other from the Apostle: The holy Ghost in discourse, calleth him Peter the Apostle, (in the same chapiter) to whome the Apostleship of Circumcision was commit­ted, and most like to be the Apostle, for there (that is at Antioche) he was first placed Bishop.

CAP. XIIII. Cap. 13. after he greeke.

The history concerning the Prince of the Edessaeans. The epistle of Agbarus vnto Christ, and the epistle of Christ vnto him agayne.

THe history toutching Thaddaeus (of whom we spake before) was after this sorte. After that The fame of Christ went throughout [...]e whole worlde. Agbarus. the diuinity of our Lorde & Sauiour Iesus Christ, was made manifest vnto al men, through the working of miracles, he drewe vnto him an innumerable sorte of straungers, farre di­stant from Iudaea, affected with sundry diseases, and euery sorte of maladyes, hoping to recouer their health. of which number, king Agbarus, gouerner of the famous nations inhabiting beyond the riuer Euphrates, greuously diseased in body, incurable by mans cunning, hearing the renou­med fame of Iesu, & the wonderfull workes which he wrought, agreable vnto the same, published of all men: made petition vnto him by letters, that he would voutchsafe to deeme him worthy of deliueraunce from his disease. Iesus (though not presently) yelding vnto his petition, voutchsafed to aunswere him by an epistle, that shortly he would sende one of his disciples which shoulde cure his disease, promising with all that he shoulde not onely cure his disease, but as many of them as belonged vnto him, which promise not longe after he performed. for after his resurrection from the dead, and ascention into heauen: Thomas one of the twelue Apostles, sent his brother Thaddae­us, Thomas the apostle sent [...]haddaeus [...]to Edessa. accompted among the 70. disciples of Christ, by diuine inspiration, into the city Edessa, to be [...] preacher and Euangelist of the doctrine of Christ, by whome all thinges, which concerned t [...] promise of our Sauiour, were performed. The reader hath an approued testimony of these thin­ges in writing, taken out of the recorded registery, of the princely city Edessa. for there are found enrolled in their publique registery, things of Antiquity, & which were done about Agbarus time, yea and preserued vnto this day. There is no reason to the contrary, but that we may heart the letters themselues, copied out of their registery, & translated by vs, out of the Syrian tongue into these wordes.

The epistle of Agbarus vnto our Sauiour.

AGbarus gouerner of Edessa, vnto Iesu the good Sauiour, shevving himselfe in Ierusalem, sendeth greetinge. I haue hearde of thee, and thy cures, vvhich thou hast done, vvithout Agbarus wri [...]th to christ. medicens, and herbes, for as the reporte goeth, thou makest the blinde to see, the lame to goe, the leapers thou clensest, foule spirites, and deuils, thou castest out. the long diseased, thou restorest to health, and raysest the dead to life. VVhen that I hearde these thinges of thee, I ima­gined That Agba­ [...] gathered miracles. vvith myselfe one of these tvvo thinges: either that thou art God come from heauen, and doest these things: or the Sonne of God, that bringest such thinges to passe. VVherfore by these my letters I beseeche thee, to take the paynes, as to come vnto me, and that thou vvilt cure this my greuous maladye, vvhervvith I am sore vexed. I haue hearde moreouer, that the Ievves mur­mur agaynst thee, and goe about to mischiefe thee. I haue here a litle city, and an honest, vvhich vvill suffice vs both.

These thinges he wrote after this maner, being a litle lightened from aboue, I thinke it also not amisse, to heare the letters of Iesu, sent backe to Agbarus by the same bearet.

The epistle of our Sauiour vnto Agbarus, though briefe, yet pithy.

AGbarus, blessed art thou, because thou hast beleued in me, vvhen thou savvest me not▪ for [...]rist vvri­ [...] to Ag­ [...]us. it is vvritten of me, that they vvhith see me, shall not beleue in me, that they vvhith see me not, may beleue, and be saued. concerning that thou vvrotest vnto me, that I should [Page 17] come vnto thee, I let thee vnderstande, that al thinges toutching my message, are here to be ful­filled, and after the fulfilling thereof, I am to returne agayne, vnto him that sent me▪ but after my assumption, I vvill sende one of my disciples vnto thee, vvhich shal cure thy maladye, & restore life to thee, and them that be vvith thee. Vnto these epistles, there were also these things added, in the Syrian tongue: VVhen Iesus vvas taken vp, Iudas (vvhich also is called Thomas) sent vnto him Thaddaeus the Apostle, one of the seuenty, vvho, vvhen he came, remayned vvith one Tobias, the sonne of Tobias. vvhen that fame vvas spred of him, & that he vvas made manifest, by the miracles vvhich he vvrought, it vvas signified vnto Agbarus, & said: the Apostle of Iesu is come, of vvhom he vvrote vnto thee. Thaddaeus by that time, began through the povver of God, to cure euery sore, & sicknesse, so that al men greatly marueled. Agbarus hearing of vveighty, & vvonderful vvorkes, vvhich he vvrought, that he cured in the name, & povver of Iesu, forth vvith suspected the same to be he, of vvhom Iesus had vvrittē, saying: After my ascentiō I vvil send one of my disciples vnto thee, vvhich shal cure thy malady. And vvhē he had called vnto him Tobias vvhere Thaddaeus hoasted, he said vnto him: I heare say that a certain mighty mā came from Ie­rusalē, vvhich lodged vvith thee, & cureth many in the name of Iesu. vvho made ansvver, & said: ye Lord, there came a certaine straunger, & hoasted at my house, vvhich hath done vvonderfull things. to vvhome the King said: bring him vnto me. Tobias returning vnto Thaddaeus, said vnto him. Agbarus the gouernour sent for me, & cōmaunded that I should bringe thee vnto him that thou mayst cure his disease. Thaddaeus aunsvvered: I goe, for it is for his sake that I am sent thus mightely to vvorke. Tobias stirring betimes the next day▪ tooke vvith him Thaddaeus, & came to Agbarus. as he came euen at his entrāce there appeared vnto Agbarus in the presence of his chief men, a great spectacle in the countenance of Thaddaeus the Apostle, at vvhich sight Agbarus did reuerence vnto Thaddaeus, so that a [...] they vvhich vvere present marueled. they savv not the sight saue Agbarus alone vvhich questioned vvith Thaddaeus & said: art thou of trueth a disciple of Ie­sus The confe­rence vvhich Thaddaeus had vvith Agbarus. the sonne of God, vvhich made me this promis [...] [...] [...]il sende vnto thee one of my disciples, vvhich shal cure thy disease, & shevv life vnto thee, & all thine, to vvhome Thaddaeus made aun­svver, because thou hast greatly beleued in the Lord Iesu vvhich sent me, therfore am I sent vnto thee, but in case that thou beleue in him as yet▪ thy harty petitions according vnto thy fayth thou shalt obtayne. to vvhome Agbarus: I haue continevved so beleeuing in him (sayth he) that I could haue founde in my harte mightely to destroy the Ievves vvhich crucified him, vvere not the Romaine empire a let vnto my purpose. Thaddaeus sayd agayne. Our Lord & God Iesus Christ fulfilled the vvil of his father, vvhich being finished, he is ascēded vnto him. Agbarus an­svvered: & I haue beleued in him & in his father. to vvhom Thaddaeus: therefore (sayth he) in the name of the selfsame Lord Iesu I lay my hand vpon thee▪ vvhich vvhē he had done, he vvas fort­vvith cured of his malady, & deliuered of the paine that pressed him sore. Agbarus marueled at Agbarus is cured by Thaddaeus. this, that euen as it vvas reported vnto him of Iesu, so in trueth by his disciple and Apostle Thad­daeus, vvithout Poticarye stuffe and vertue of herbes he vvas cured. And not onely he, but also Abdus, the sonne of Abdus grieued vvith the govvte, and falling at the feete of Thaddaeus, reco­uered Abdus is h [...] led of the govvte. his former health by his laying on of his hands▪ he cured also many others of his felovv ci­tizens, vvorking maruelous & miraculous things, & preaching the vvord of God. To vvhom A­gbarus said againe: Thou Thaddaeus through the povver of God doest these thinges, & vve haue thee in admiration. I pray thee moreouer that thou expoūd vnto me the cōming of Iesu, hovv he vvas made man, his might, & by vvhat povver he brought such things as vve hearde to passe. To vvhō Thaddaeus: at this seasō (saith he) I vvilbe silent though I am set to preach this vvord, but to morovv call together to my sermon al the people & felovv citizens, the vvil I shevv vnto thē the vvord of God, & sovv the vvord of life, & teach the maner of his comming hovv he vvas made mā, of his message, & to vvhat end he came, being sent from the father. moreouer of his miracles & misteries vttered in this vvorlde, & povver in bringing thinges to passe. besides this his nevve preaching, & hovv base, selender & humble he seemed in outvvard appearance. hovv he hūbled him selfe & died, & abated his diuinity, vvhat great things he suffred of the Ievves, hovv he vvas crucified, & descēded into hel, & rent that hedge & mid [...]all [...]u [...]seuered before, & raised the dead that of long time had slepe hovv that he [...] d [...]ēded▪ b [...]t ascēded vnto the father accō ­panied vvith many▪ hovv that he s [...]hin glory [...] right hand of God the father in heauē, & last of al hovv he shal [...]e again vv [...] glory & p [...]e [...] [...]udg both the quick & dead▪ vvhen the morning vvas come, Agbarus cōmaūded his citizēs to be gathered together & to heare the ser­mon [Page 18] of Thaddaeus. vvhich being ended, he charged that golde coyned and vncoyned shoulde be giuen him. but he receaued it not saying: In somuch that vve haue forsaken our ovvne, hovv can vve receaue other mens?

These things were done the three and forty yeare, which being translated worde for worde out of the Syrian tongue, we thought not amisse to printe in this place.

The censure of the Translator, toutching the aforesayd Epistles.

BE it true or be it false, that there were such epistles, it forceth not greatly, as the effect and contentes thereof is not to be preferred before all other writing in trueth: so of the contrary, it is not to be re­iected for falshoode and forged stuffe. Ierome with other graue writers, affirmeth such circumstances to haue bene. Eusebius whose creditt herein is not smale, reporteth the same to haue bene taken out of their recordes in the city of Edessa, regestred there in the Syrian tongue, and by him translated out of the Syrian, into the greeke tongue. I sidorus and Gelasius, the first of that name, bishop of Rome, about the yeare of our Lorde 494. together with 70. other Bishops, decreed that the Churche of God should receaue the same epistles, for no other then Apocrypha, one thing I may not here runne ouerwith si­lence, but admonishe the Reader of, how that late writers, namely Damascenus, and that fabulous Hi­storiographer Nicephorus haue added vnto this history fabulous reportes, howe that Abgarus, gouer­nour of Edessa, sent his letter vnto Iesu, and with all a certayne paynter which might vewe him well, & bring vnto him backe againe the lively picture of Iesu, the which painter (as they reporte) being not able (for the glorious brightnesse of his gracious countenance) to bring his purpose to effect: our Sauiour him selfe tooke an handkerchef, and layde to his deuine and liuely face, and by the wiping of his face, his pi­cture was therein impressed, the which he sent to Abgarus. Nicephorus patcheth other fables therunto: first he sayth, that the King of Persia sent a paynter vnto Iesu, which brought vnto him the picture of Iesu, and also of Mary his mother. Agayne that the Edessaeans in the time of Iustinianus the Emperour, being besieged and brought to such a narrowe straicte, that there remayned no hope of deliuer ance, but a present foyle and ouerthrowe, in the same lamentable plight, to haue runne vnto this picture for a re­fuge, wher (as they say) they foūd presēt remedy. beleue it who wil. Eusebius, who searched their records, who layde downe the copye of the Epistles, who translated faythfully all that he founde there, toutching Christ, neyther sawe, neyther heard, of any such thing, for he promised in the preface to his history, to o­mitt nothing that shoulde seeme pertinent. if the other writers founde it, why did not Eusebius finde it? if the other writers thought expedient to publishe the same, why did Eusebius omitt it? nay it was not there founde at al, but forged. therefore recount them for fables. the first that reported them, was a hun­dred yeares after Eusebius.

The ende of the first booke.

THE SECONDE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

Of the ordayning of Disciples, after the ascention of Christ.

IN the former booke, as by way of proëme, we haue published which necessaryly That vvent [...]ore in the [...] booke [...]vhat fol­ [...]eth novv [...]e secōd. did concerne the Ecclesiastical history, ioyntly contriuing the declaration of the di­uinitie of the worde of saluation, of the auncient principles of our doctrine, of the antiquitie of Gospelike policy among Christians, of his late appearing among men, of his passion, and election of the Apostles. Now it remayneth that we vewe [Page 19] those things, which ensued after his assumption. so that partly we note them out of the sacred scri­ptures, & partly out of prophane historyes, knitting to our historye those thinges which we haue firmely committed to memory. First of al the Apostleship is allotted vnto Matthias, in the rowme Act. 1. Mathias c [...] sen to be a [...] Apostle. Act. 6. 7. Deacon [...] Act. 7. Stephen sig­nifieth a crowne. Matth. 1. of Iudas the traytour, which (as it is manifest) was one of the disciples of the Lorde. there were also seuen approued men ordayned Deacons, through prayer and laying on of the Apostles han­des, for the publique administration of the Churches affaires ioyned with Stephen, which first af­ter the Lorde, as soone as he was ordayned (as though he were appoynted for this purpose) is stoned vnto death, by them which slewe the Lord, and for this cause, as the first of the triumphing Martyrs of Christ, according to his name he beareth a crowne. After him folowed Iames, called the brother of Christ, and counted the sonne of Ioseph. This Ioseph was thought to be the father of Christ, to whome the virgin was betrothed, vvhiche before they came together, vvas founde to haue in her vvombe of the holy Ghost, as the holy Gospell declareth. This Iames whome of olde they priueledged for his vertue, with the syrname of Iustus, is sayd to be the first which occupied Iames the first bishop of Ierusalem Clemens. [...] 6. Clemens. 7. the bishoplike Seae at Ierusalem. Clemens in the 6. of his hypotyposeon writeth thus: Peter (saith he) and Iames, and Ihon, after the assumption of our Sauiour, though they vvere preferred by the Lorde, yet chalenged they not this prerogatiue vnto them selues, but appoynted Iames the Iust, Byshop of Ierusalem. The same Clemens in the 7. of his Hypotyposeon, also maketh mention of him thus: the Lorde after his resurrection, endued vvith knovvledge Iames the Iust, Ihon, & Pe­ter. They deliuered the same vnto the rest of the Apostles, the Apostles aftervvards vnto the 70. disciples, of vvhich number vvas Barnabas. There vvere tvvo Iameses, the one termed Iust, vvhich Iames bi­shop of Ie [...] salē throw downe fro [...] a pinacle [...] the temple and bray [...] Act. 12. Lib. 1. cap▪ vvas throvvne dovvne hedlon [...] from the pinacle, and brayned vvith a fullers clubbe.* the other beheaded. Of him that vvas [...]d Iust, Paul made mention, saying: I savve none of the Apostles saue Iames, the brother of the Lorde. Those thinges which the Lorde promised the King of the Osroënians, then were performed. Thomas by diuine inspiration sent Thaddaeus vnto the city E­dessa, to be their preacher, and an Euangelist of the doctrine of Christ, as a litle before out of the recordes we haue alleaged. But he after his comming, and hauing cured Agbarus, by the word of God, & astonished all them with his straunge miracles, & workes, which he wrought, brought them to the worshipping of the diuine power of Christ, and ordayned disciples of the doctrine of our Sauiour. From that time vnto this day, the whole city of the Edessaeans addicted vnto the name of Christ, shew forth no smale argument of the great goodnes of our Sauiour towardes them. But these thinges be premised, taken out of their auncient historicall recordes. and now let vs returne vnto the sacred Scripture. The first and the greatest persecution being raysed of the The perse [...] ­tion of th [...] postles by the Ievve [...] Act. 8. The disp [...] on of the ciples. Paula pe [...] cutor, Act. 8. Phillip p [...] cheth in S [...] maria. Act. 8. Simon Ma­gus a sor [...] rer. Simonia [...] Ievves agaynst the Church at Ierusalem, about the tyme of the martyrdome of Stephen, and al the distiples, the 12. onely excepted, being dispersed throughout Iudaea, & Samaria, certaine of them, as the holy Scripture beareth witnesse, came vnto Phaenices, and Cyprus, and Antioche. but these as yet dated not to deliuer vnto the Gentiles, the word of fayth, but shewed it onely vnto the Ievves. At that tyme also Paul raged agaynst the Church, entring into the seuerall houses of the faythfull, and giuing forth precepts, that both men and women should be imprisoned. And Phillip one of the ordayned Deacons with Stephen, and of the dispersed came to Samaria, and being plen­teous as toutching the diuine power, first of all preached vnto the inhabitantes there the word of God. The grace of God so mightely preuayled with him, that he drew vnto him by his preaching Simon Magus with many moe. Simon at that tyme was so famous, holding in awe them that were bewitched with his sorcery, so that they supposed him to be the great power of God. which then being amazed with the miracles wrought of Phillip by diuine power, came and grewe so farre for­wards to mens seeming, that he dissembled euen vnto the baptisme, y is through fayth in Christ. Which at this day is wonderfull in them that hitherto walowing in that most detestable heresye, treade the trace of their forefather, encroatching vpon the Churche, as a pestilent and [...]ysome disease, infecting them which can not throughly discerne the incurable, & intractable venyme, ly­ing Simonia. hid within them, but diuerse of them (their implety being reuealed) were throughly knowne, and reiected, of which number Simon himselfe being apprehended of Peter, receaued the sentence Act. 8. of damnation, due to his desert. When that the preaching of the Gospel dayly proceeded with en­crease, it came to passe, by reason of some domest [...] affayres, that there came from the lande of the Aethiopians, the theef gouernour of the qeene, which after the custome of their contrey, held the kingdome, for as yet the people of that contrey, haue to their Prince a Queene. This same An Aethi [...] an Eunuc [...] being the first of the Gentiles, obtayned of Phillip, the holy mys [...]eeyes, by the inspiration of the [Page 20] heauenly worde, was made the first fruites of the faithfull throughout the worlde, and as it is re­ported [...]he Eunuch [...]uerted by [...]hillip, prea­ [...]eth the [...]ospell to [...]e Aethiopi [...]s his con­ [...]ymen. [...]sal. 68. [...]ul a prea­ [...]er. [...]ct 9. [...]alat. 1. after his returne vnto his natiue soyle, he preached the knowledge of the vniuersall God, geuing life vnto men, and the comming of our Sauiour. So that in his doing, the prophecy was fulfilled which sayth: Aethiopia shall stretch hir hand before vnto God. About this tyme Paule the chosen vessel, is declared an Apostle not of men, nether by men, but by reuelation of Iesus Christ, and God the father which raysed him from the dead, and is vouchsafed worthy of this vocation, by a vision, and a voyce reuealed from heauen.

CAP. II.

The report of Pilate, the censure of Tiberius the Emperour, and the Romayne Senate, concerning Christ.

WHen as the wonderfull resurrection of our Sauiour, and his assumption into the hea­uens, was now made manifest vnto many, and the auncient maner among the heathen Princes had so preuayled, that if any nouelty by any were enterprised, the same forth with should be signified vnto him that helde the Princely scepter, lest that he should be ignorant of any thing which was done: it came to passe that Pilate, made Tiberius the Emperour priuy of those thinges, which concerned the resurrection of our Sauiour Iesu, & were published through­out Palaestina, adding thereunto his maruelous workes, whereof he was credibly enformed, and how that now after his resurrection, he was of many taken for a God. The report goeth, that Ti­berius [...]iberius [...]ould haue [...]d Christ [...]nonized in [...]e number the Gods. [...]he vvise­ [...]me of god this behalf made relation thereof vnto the Senate, which reiected his saying, for no other cause but for that they had not first approued the same, the auncient custome o [...]rued, that none should be ac­counted of the Romaynes, among the number of Gods: vnlesse he were canonized, by the sentence and decree of the Senate, which no doubt was done for this ende, that the holesome doctrine of the diuine preaching, should not neede the approbation, and commendation of man. Though this pe­tition toutching our Sauiour, were reiected of the Romayne Senate, after it was made vnto thē, yet Tiberius, reseruing vnto him selfe his former opinion, conceaued no absurdity preiudiciall vn­to the doctrine of Christ. These things Tertullian, a man well experienced in the Romane lawes, and besides, famous among them which flourished at Rome, in his Apologye which he wrote for the Christians, in the Romane tongue, and by translation writeth thus: and that vve may reason [...]ertull. in [...]polog. toutching the originall of these lavves, it vvas an auncient decree: that no God should be con­secrated by the King, vnlesse it vvere first agreed vpon, by the Senate. The like did Marcus Ae­milius practise, concerning a certayne Idole of A [...]burnus, and this is seene for our sake, that the deytye is deliuered amongst you by mans decree. Vnlesse that God please man, he is not made [...]skomme. God. So that by this decree, it is expedient for man, that he be fauorable vnto God. Tibarius then, vnder vvhome the Christian name vvas spred abroad in the vvorld, vvhen this doctrine vvas signified vnto him out of Palaestina, (vvhere it first sprang) communicated the same vnto the Senate, declaring vvithall, that this doctrine pleased him right vvell. The Senate reiected it, because they had not allovved the same. But he perseuered in his opinion, threatning thē death, that vvoulde accuse the Christians. This was the wisedome of the diuine prouidence, lightning his mind, that the preaching of the Gospel shoulde passe at the beginning, throughout the world, without let or hinderance.

CAP. III.

How that in short space, the Gospell was published throughout the worlde.

BY the diuine power, and helping hand of God, the holsome doctrine, sodaynely, as it were sonne beames, shined throughout the worlde, and forthwith according vnto the sacred Scri­pture, the sound of the holy Euangelists, and Apostles, passed throughout the whole earth, and their vvordes vnto the endes of the vvorlde. So that throughout all cities, and villages, af­ter [...]al. 19. the maner of barne floores replenished, forthwith very many, & the same very populous chur­ches, were established, and they which by auncient succession were blinded, through old errour, and the rooted disease of superstitious Idolatry, through the power of Christ, by the doctrine of his disciples, together with the wonderfull workes wrought by them, were at libertye from their cruell Lordes, and loosed out of their lothsome fetters, wholy abandoning the Idolatricall wor­ship [Page 21] of many Gods, confessing the one, and the alone God, the worker of all thinges, and worship­ping him with the rites of true piety, through diuine, and pure religion, gra [...]ed in the heart of man, by our Sauiour himselfe. But the diuine goodnesse, and grace of God, spred it selfe abroade among other nations, and first of all, Cornelius of Caesarea in Palaestina, with all his housholde, by Cornelius the Centuri­on is conue [...] ­ted vnto the fayth. Act. 10. The Antio­chians vver [...] first called Christians. Act. 11. a diuine vision, and the ministery of Peter, embraced the fayth of Christ, and many Graecians of Antioche, hearde the preachinge of those which dispersed them selues at the stoning of Stephen, when as at this tyme the Churche of Antioche flourished and multiplied exceedingly, and many Prophets of Ierusalem (among whome were Paul, and Barnabas) frequented thither, and besides them, an other multitude of brethren, so that the christian name, there sprange first, as of a freshe, and fertill soyle, & Agabus one of the Prophets then present, foretold them of the famine to come. Paul and Barnabus were chosen messengers for the ministery of the brethren.

CAP. IIII.

How that Caius Caligula, exiling Herode with perpetuall banishment, created A­grippa king of the Iewes. The commendation of Philo Iudaus.

TIberius when he had raygned about 22. yeares, died. him succeded Caius, which anone com­mitted Anno Chri­sti 39. 40. Caius Cali­gula. Herode the Tetrarch ex­iled vvith h [...] harlet Herodias. Herode A­grippa King of the Ievv [...] Ioseph An [...] lib. 18. cap. [...] Philo Iudae [...] the principalitie of the Ievves vnto Agrippa, and together with his kingdome, the tetrarchies of Phillip and Lysanias, and not long after, the tetrarchy of Herode, which Herode together with Herodias beinge condemned for diuerse crimes and enormityes, was committed to perpetuall banishement. the same Herode was he which liued about the passion of Christ. these thinges Iosephus doth witnesse. About this tyme Philo did flourish, a man not onely excelling our owne men, but also such as passed in prophane knowledge, lineally by descent an Ebrue borne, in­ferior to none of them which excelled at Alexandria. But what labour and industrye he hath em­ployed in diuine discipline, and the profit of his natiue countrey, his workes now extant, playne­ly doe declare, and how farre forth he preuayled in philosophicall, and liberall artes, of prophane knowledge, I suppose it nothing necessary to repeate. But imitating the trade of Plato and Py­thagoras he is sayd to haue excelled all the learned of his tyme.

CAP. V.

How Philo, being sent in Embassye for the Iewes vnto Caius the Emperour, behaued him selfe.

VVHat befell vnto the Ievves vnder Caius, this Philo hath written in fiue bookes, wher­in he setteth forth the madnesse of Caius, how he published him selfe God, and besides dealt spicefully an innumerable sorte of wayes. Moreouer what calamities happened vnto the Ievves in his tyme, though Philo him selfe was sent in Embassye, for his owne nation which inhabited Alexandria, vnto the city of Rome, and how that he pleading for the lawes of his contrey people, gayned nothing but gibes, and iestes, returning with great hazarde of his life. Iosephus made mention of these thinges, in the eyghtenth booke of his Iudaicall Antiquities, thus Ioseph A [...]. lib. 18. cap. [...] Apion. by word writing. VVhen that dissention rose among the Ievves & Graecians inhabiting Alex­andria, both parties seuerally, sent three legates vnto Caius, vvhereof Apion one of the legates for the Graecians of Alexandria, shamefully entreated the Ievves, vvith many opprobrious, and blasphemous termes, adding this vvith all, that they despised the ma [...]estye of Caesar. And vvhen as all they vvhich vvere tributaryes to the Romaynes, dedicated altars and temples vnto Caius, and esteemed of him in all other respects as God: These onely Ievves be they vvhich disdayne­fully vvithstoode this honour, done vnto him of men, and accustomed to prophane his name. After that Apion had thus spoken many, and greeuous thinges, to the ende he might incen [...]e Caius agaynst thē (as it vvas very likely to be done) Philo, one of the Ievves legates drevv nigh, Philo. a man excelling in all thinges, and brother of Alexander Albarchus, not ignoraunt in philoso­phy, and of hability sufficient, to aunsvvere the opprobrious crimes, layde to their charge. But Caius excluded him, commaunding him forthvvith to departe, and because he vvas throughly moued, he seemed a [...] though he vvent about to practise some mischiefe tovvards him: Philo b [...] ­ing [...]euned, vvent forth, and vnto the Ievves vvhich vvere vvith him in company, he [...]ayd: VVe ought to be of good cheare, for by [...]ight, God should take our part; Insomuch that Caius is in­censed [Page 22] to the contrary. thus farre Iosephus: And Philo him selfe declareth at large, in his written Embassye, the thinges which then were done. Whereof omitting many thinges, I will present­ly toutch that whereby it may euidently appeare vnto the Reader, what euils not long after, hap­pened vnto the Ievves, for the thinges which by rashe enterprise, they practised agaynst Christ. First of all, Seianus in the city of Rome, vnder Tiberius in great creditt with the King, endeuored Seianus an enemy vnto the Ievves. Pilate vexed the Ievves. with al might possible to destroy al the Iewish nation. And Pilate in Iudaea, vnder whom that vil­lany was committed against Christ, practised against the temple, which stood at Ierusalem, that, which seemed vnto the Ievves vnlawfull, and intollerable, whereby he greeuously vexed them.

CAP. VI.

Ʋ Ʋhat miseryes happened vnto the Iewes, after that haynous offence which they committed agaynst Christ.

PHilo doth write, that after the death of Tiberius, Caius, hauing obtayned the empire, vexed many with manifold, and innumerable afflictions, but chiefly among all others, the nation of the Iewes, which in few of his wordes may be gathered, writing thus: so greeuous (sayth Philo Iudaeꝰ. The cruelty of Caius Caligula. he) vvas the dealing of Caius Caligula tovvards all men, but specially bent agaynst the nation of the Ievves, vvith greate indignation, that in other cities (yet beginninge in Alexandria) he vvoulde chaleng vnto him selfe, their prayers, and supplications, paynting in euery place, the fi­gure, and forme of his proper picture, and reiecting all others, successiuely by might and force to place him selfe, and dedicating the temple in the holy city (vntill that tyme vndefiled, & free euery vvay,) to him selfe, and his proper vse, translating and consecrating the name to nevv Ca­ius as a famous God. And infinite more mischeeues which can not be tolde, the same Philo repor­teth, to haue happened vnto the Ievves at Alexandria, in his second booke of vertues. And Iosephus agreeth with him, which likewise signifieth all the miseryes of these men, to haue had their origi­nall, from the tyme of Pilate, and their rashe enterprise against Christ. Heare then what he shew­eth in the second booke of the Iudaicall warres, thus writing worde by worde. Pilate being sent Ioseph bell. [...]ud. lib. 2. cap. 8. from Tiberius, Lieuetenant into Iudaea, couertly conueyed by night into Ierusalem, the vayled picture of Caesar, vvhich they call his Armes, vvhich thinge, vvhen day appeared, moued the Ie­vves not a litle. For they vvhich vvere nearest vnto them, at the sight therof, stamped them vvith their feete, as if they had bene abrogated lavves. They iudged it an haynous offence, that any carued image, should be erected in the city. But if thou conferre these with the trueth in the Go­spell, thou shalt easily perceaue, how that not long after, the voyce pressed them, which they pro­nounced before Pilate, saying: VVe haue no other King but Caesar. Moreouer the same historio­grapher [...]oh. 19. reporteth an other calamity, to haue eftsones ensued the former, saying: After this he rai­sed [...]oseph bell. [...]ud. lib. 2. [...]ap. 8. an other tumulte, for their heaped treasure, vvhich they call Corbon, vvas vvasted vpon a conduyte, reaching the space of three hundred furlonges. This vvas the cause of the commotion among the Ievves, and vvhen Pilate vvas present at Ierusalem, they compassed him, crying out vnto him. But he foreseeing their conspiracy, assigned certayne armed souldiers, in outvvarde shevv of apparell, like vnto the common people, vvhich he mingled vvith the multitude, com­maunding [...]ilate pla­gueth the Ieves. that no svvord should be vsed, but such as of the multitude, clamorously murmured (a signe being giuen from the tribunall seate) he caused to be beaten to death vvith clubbes. The Ievves being thus foyled, many perished of their vvoundes, and many in their flight, being trodden of their felovv citizens, vvere crushed to death. At this lamentable slaughter the multi­tude being thus quayled, vvas silent. Besides these an innumerable more altercations, to haue bene at Ierusalem, Iosephus declareth, teaching how that from that tyme, sedition, warres, and of­ten practises of mischeefs incessantly haue shaken not onely the city, but all Iudaea, vntil at length the vtter foyle, by their besieging vnder Vespasian ouerreached them. Thus hath vengeance ligh­ted vpon the Ievves, for their horrible fact committed agaynst Christ.

CAP. VII.

How Pilate slewe him selfe.

I suppose it necessary to know this also, how that it is reported of Pilate (President in the tyme of Christ vnder Caius, of whose tyme we made mention before) that he fell vnto such misery, so [...]he death of [...]late. that necessity constrayned him to vse violence vpon him selfe, and became his owne murtherer. [Page 23] The iustice of God, as it seemed best vnto his wisedome, not long wincking at his wickednes. Hereof the Graecians are witnesses, which commit to memory in their historyes the Qlimpiades of tymes.

CAP. VIII.

Of the famine in the tyme of Claudius.

WHen as Caius had not fully helde the royall scepter, the space of foure yeares, Claudius Act. 11. Claudij An­no 4. Christi Anno 46. 1 Corinth. 16. 2. Corinth. 9. Galat. 2. the Emperour, succeeded him, vnder whome a great famine afflicted the whole world. The same also haue they deliuered in their Commentaries vnto vs, which farre dissent from our doctrine. And the prophecy of Agabus the Prophet, foreshewing in the Actes of the A­postles, the famine that shoulde ouerspred the worlde, came thus to passe. Luke in the Actes signi­fieth this famine to be vnder Claudius, saying: that the brethren of the Churche of Antioche sent reliefe, euery one after his hability, vnto the faythfull inhabiting Iudaea, by the handes of Paul and Barnabas.

CAP. IX.

The martyrdome of Iames the Apostle.

About that tyme (that is vnder Claudius) Herode the King stretched forth his hande, to Act. 12. Clemens lib. 7. Hypot. vexe certayne of the Churche, and slevve Iames the brother of Iohn vvith the svvorde. Of this Iames, Clemens in the 7. of his Hypotyposeon, reporteth a certayne history worthy of memory, which he receaued by relation of his predecessors, saying: He truely vvhich drevv him before the tribunal seate, vvhen he savv that he vvould vvillingly suffer martyrdome, vvas ther­vvith moued, & voluntarily confessed him selfe to be a Christian. Then vvere they both brought The tormentor of Iames suffred mar­tyrdome with him. Act. 12. together, but he in the vvay requested Iames the Apostle, to pardon him, vvhich after he had paused a litle vpon the matter, turning vnto him, aunsvvered: Peace be vnto thee, and kissed him, and so they vvere both beheaded together. Then Herode as the holy Ghost witnesseth, per­ceauing the death of Iames to haue pleased the Ievves, layeth wayt for Peter, whome, when he had taken, he cast into prison, whose death he had procured, had not the Angel of the Lorde, by diuine apparition, assisted him by night, miraculously lousing his fetters, and restoring him to the office of preaching? And such was the will of God concerning Peter.

CAP. X.

How that Agrippa otherwise called Herode, persecuting the Apostles, and extolling him selfe, felt the heauy hand of God, to his destruction.

THe enterprises of the king, against the Apostles of Christ, passed not long vnpunished. For immediatly after his priuy practises agaynst the Apostles (as it is in the Actes) when he was in Caesarea, vpon an high solemne day, arayed in a gorgeous, and princely robe, prea­ching vnto the people from his lofty tribunall seate, the plague of God (as messenger of iustice) apprehended him. and when as the whole multitude in compasse, had showted to his prayse, that to their hearing the voyce of God, and not of man proceeded from him▪ the Angell of the Lorde (as the Scripture witnesseth) smote him, so that he was consumed of wormes, and miserably fi­nished Act. 12. his mortal life. And that consent is worthy of memory, which is found betwene holy Scri­pture in this miraculous fact, and the history of Iosephus, wher he deliuereth vnto vs a manifest te­stimony of the trueth, to witt, in the ninetenth booke of Iudaicall Antiquities, writing this mira­cle in these wordes: Novv vvas the thirde yeare of his Lieuetenantshipp throughout all Iudaea, Ioseph. Anti. lib. 19. cap. 7. come to an ende, vvhen he vvent to Caesarea, vvhich of olde vvas called the tovvre of Straton. there he published spectacles, and stageplayes in the honour of Caesar, and ordayned a solemne feaste day, for his prosperous affayres. Vnto this feaste frequented the vvhole multitude of those vvhich vvere chiefe in that prouince, and aduanced to highest promotion, and dignity. The se­conde day of these spectacles, the king putting on a robe of siluer, vvonderfully vvrought, at the davvning of the day came to the theatre, vvhere his siluer robe, by reflexe of the sunne beames being lightned, yelded so gorgeous a glistring to the eye, that the shining thereof seemed terri­ble, and intollerable to the behoulders. Flatterers forthvvith, one, one thing, an other, an other thing, bolted out such sentences, as turned in the ende to his confusion, saluting him for God, [Page 24] and adding thervvithal, be gratious, though hitherto vve haue feared thee as man, yet hēceforth vve confesse thee to be aboue mortall nature. These thinges the king rebuked not, neither re­pelled this impious flatterie. But vvhen he a litle after looked about, he behelde an Angell han­ging This Angell in Iosephus is an Ovvle. ouer his head. The same foorthvvith he supposed to be a messenger of euill, vvho before vvas of goodnesse. Sodenly he felt him selfe pricked at the hart vvith extreme vehemencie of paine in his bovvels, & heauily beholding his friendes, saide: I vvhich seeme to you a God, am The oration of Herode Agrippa a litle before his death. novve constrayned to end the race of this lyfe. fatal destinie hath founde fault, vvith your fonde flatteries, vvhich of late you sounded to my prayse. I vvhich vvas saluted immortall, am novve caryed avvay, redy to yeelde vp the ghost. I his destinie no doubt is to be borne vvithall, vvhich God hath decreed. For vve haue liued not miserably, but in that prosperous estate vvhich is ter­med blessed. VVhen he had vttered these vvordes he sickned more & more. Then vvas he care­fully, & circūspectly caried, vnto the Palace. but the rumor vvas spred abroad, ouer al the con­trey, If thou had­dest lyued vvell, no doubt thou sholdest haue died vvel▪ thy life vvas very ill, thine end farre vvorse. Herode A­grippa king of the Ievves seuen yeres. He vvas cal­led somtimes Herod, som­times Agrip­pa. that vvithout peraduenture, he vvould dye shortly. The multitude foorthvvith together vvith vvomen, and children, couered vvith sackcloth, after their contrey manner, made suppli­cation vnto God for their king, so that all sounded of sorovve, and lamentation. The king lying in an high lodging, and beholding the people prostrate vpon their knees, could not re­frayne frō teares. But after that he had ben vexed, the space of fiue dayes, vvith bitter gnavving of his bovvels, he ended this lyfe, being the fiftie, and fourth yere, of his age, and the seuenth of his raigne. For the space of foure yeres he raigned vnder Caius Caesar, gouerning the tetrarchie of Philip three yeres. And the fourth yere, that vvhich he tooke of Herode. the other three yeres, he passed vnder Claudius Caesar. These thinges I deepely way that Iosephus, and others toge­ther with the diuine scriptures, hath truely alleaged. But if any seme to mislyke with them selues toutching the name of the kyng, the tyme it selfe, and the Actes do declare him, to be the same, so that eyther by the error of the writer, the name was changed, or that he had two names, as many others haue had.

The censure of the translatour toutching the doubt raysed about the name of Herode, vvhiche vvas smitten of the Angell vvith mortalitie.

EVsebius in this former chapiter seemeth to cleare a certayne doubt, which may rise about the name of this king, whether he were called Herode (as Luke writeth in the Actes of the Apstles) or Agrippa, as Iosephus euery where termeth him. Luke saythi Herode the king stretched forth his hand &c. Act. 12. Agayne, Luke sayth: Herode went downe from Iud [...] to Caesarea. Eusebius, and Iosephus do say, that Agrippa after he had continued three yeres in the kingdome of Iudaea, went downe to Caesarea. Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 7. Luke sayth: Vpon a day appointed, Herode arrayed him selfe in royall apparel, and sate on the iudgement seate, and made an oration vnto the people, & the people gaue a shoute, saying: The voyce of God, and not of man. Eusebius and Iosephus say: Agrippa the seconde day of these spectacles, or stageplayes, putting on a robe of siluer which glistered &c. The flatterers saluted him for God. Luke sayth: The Angell of the Lord smote him. Eusebius sayth: He behelde an Angell hanging ouer his head. Iosephus sayth: he sawe an Owle sit ouer his head, and forthwith he supposed her to be a messenger of ill lucke▪ last of all Luke sayth: He vvas eaten of vvormes and gaue vp the ghost. Eusebius and Iosephus say: that he was pricked at the hart with extreme payne, and bitter gnawing of the bowelles. all which circumstances [...]ende to one effecte▪ the greatest disagreement that I see, is, in the name. By perusing the histories of Iosephus & Eusebius, I can not perceaue, that there were more Hero­des, frō the birth of Christ (which were kinges of the Iewes) vnto the vtter ouerthrowe of Ierusalē, vn­der Titus, and Vespasian, (when [...]s their kinges, and highpriestes were quite cut of) then two: the first: Herode the Idumaean, who slue the infantes, called also Herode the great. The seconde: Herode the Te­trarche, called Herodes minor, whose beginninges and endinges, the reader may beholde in the Chro­nographie printed in the ende of this present volume. Eusebius (lib. 2. cap. 4. also in his Chronicon, and Iosephus, Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 11. & 14. & bell. Iud. lib. 1. cap. 10. 11.) do write: that Agrippa (toutching whom this present doubt doth rise) being the sonne of Aristobulus, nephew to Herode the great, brother to Herodias came to Rome, the yere before Tiberius died, and was a suter vnto the Emperour Tiberius, for some office or other. Tiberius vpon displeasure conceaued agaynst him, clapt him in prison. This A­grippa after the death of Tiberius, grew in such fauour & credite with Caius Caligula (who succeeded [Page 25] Tiberius) That he accused Herode the Tetrarche before the Emperour of treason, for whiche crime Herode (being conuinced) together with Herodias was commaunded to perpetuall banishment, and he appointed king of the Iewes. This Agrippa was king seuen yeres, foure vnder Caius Caligula, and three vnder Claudius. of Claudius [...]e obtayned, besides his other dominions as Iosephus doth witnesse (Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 5.) the kingdome which Herode his graundefather had ouer Iudaea, and Samaria, & withall the Tetrarchie of Lysanias▪ his ende and maner of death Luke, Eusebius, and Iosephus, haue here descri­bed to be very lamentable. the tyme very well agreeth, his death to haue bene in the fourth yere of Clau­dius, An. Christi. 46. though they differ in the name, Luke only calleth him Herode, all other writers call him Agrippa. Yet in Iosephus (Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 5.) I finde, that this Agrippa had to his brother on He­rode. Agrippa (sayth he) begged of Claudius, for his brother Herode, the kingdome of Chalcis. Agayne Iosephus sayth there met Agrippa certayne kinges, Pariter & Herodes frater eius, qui & ipse Chalcidis habebat imperium: and with all his brother Herode, whiche also was king of Chalcis. lib. 19. Antiq. cap. 7. Claudius wrote vnto the president of Alexandria, in the behalfe of the Iewes, supplicantibus sibi regibus, Agrippa, pariter & Herode, at the request both of Agrippa and Herode the kinges. Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 5. agayne in the same place Claudius him selfe in his edict, sayth: Peten­tibus me regibus, Agrippa, & Herode Charissimis &c. libenter hoc praebui: when as Agrippa and Herode, our deare princes, made the petition vnto me, I willingly condescended therunto. I finde more­ouer mention made, that this Herode suruiued his brother Agrippa. Iosephus writeth thus Antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 1. Herode the brother of the late deseased Agrippa, then king of Chalcis, requested of Claudius Caesar, autoritie ouer the temple, the ordayning of Priestes, all vvhiche he obtayned. a litle after it foloweth: Herode remoued Canthara from the highpriesthoode, and substituted Iosoph the sonne of Camus. Moreouer Iosephus sayth: Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 7. that after the departure of his brother, he conspired the death of Sylas. this is all, that I finde to haue ben done by this Herod. finally he died in his bed, his ende being come without any manifest or knowen disease. Iosephus sayth: Desunctus est Herodes frater regis Agrippae maioris, octauo anno Claudij principatus, cuius re­gnum, Claudius Agrippae iuueni dedit. Herode the brother of king Agrippae the greater, died the. 8. yeere, of the raigne of Claudius, whose kingdome Claudius assigned vnto yong Agrippa Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 5. bell. Iud. lib. 1. cap. 10. 11. VVe may in no wise think that Luke erred herein, he might peraduēture meane this Herode, who had some doing in the tēple, some dealing among the priests, some autoritie ouer the Iewes, who was carefull for them, together with his brother Agrippa. but his ende hath no affinitie, with that of Luke if we may credite Iosephus, who no doubt (being a Iewe then liuing) was most skilfull, and best seene in the Iewish affaires▪ wherfore to reconcile this dissagrement. let vs call him Herode with Luke, & Agrippa with Eusebius and Iosephus. nay lesse that we seeme contrary to our selues, in taking contrary partes, let vs make them frendes and ioyning their handes together, name the childe Herode Agrippa, which Eusebius meant, when he gathered the summarie of his chapiters saying: [...], howe that Agrippa and Herode persecuting the Apostles. Eusebius also in the later ende of the chapiter, supposeth the name either to haue ben changed, by some error of the writer, or els that he was, [...], called after two names. In as much as hitherto in this our censure, together with the other writers, we haue layd downe the names of the kinges which gouerned the Iewes since the birth of Christ: there remaineth yet one (which Eusebius lib. 2. cap. 19. toutcheth) to be spoken of, that the reader may finde the history, layd downe in an ample, and perfect maner▪ the same is Agrippa the yonger or lesser. After Herode the Idumaean, or the great which raigned 37. yeres (foure only after the birth of Christ) succeded Archelaus, which continewed king nyne yeares. The thirde, after the birth of Christ was Herode the Tetrarche, who raigned 24. yeres. The fourth was Agrippa maior (touching whose name this controuer sie rose) who raigned seuen yeres. The fifth and the last was Agrippa minor, sonne to the former Agrippa, whom the Angel stroke. this Agrippa raigned. 26. yeres to the destruction of Ierusalem, and the vtter ouerthrowe of the Iewes. Iosephus writeth of him (Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 8.) that he was but 17. yeres olde when his father died. This was he before whome Paul pleaded in the Actes of the Apostles when he sayd: I thinke my selfe happie king Agrippa, because I shall aun­svvere this day before thee &c. because thou hast knovvledge of all customes, and questions, vvhiche are among the Ievves. In the ende Paul sayd: O king Agrippa beleuest thou the pro­phetes? I knovve that thou beleuest. then Agrippa sayd vnto Paul: almost thou persvvadest me to be a Christian &c. Ʋ Ʋhen all was done, Agrippa sayd to Festus, this man might haue ben loo­sed, if he had not appealed vnto Caesar. Act. 20. He began his raigne vnder Claudius, he continewed the raigne of Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, & part of the raigne of Vespasian, and his sonne Titus. Iose­phus [Page 26] commendeth him for diuers vertues, he exhorted the Iewes to cutt of all sedition, and not to venture vpon that most dangerous warres, with the Romaynes: volens & Romanis conseruare Iu­daeos, & Iudaeis templum at (que) patriam, willing, or being desirous, to saue for the Romaynes the Iewes, & for the Iewes the temple, & their natiue soyle. bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 17. He entertayned Vespasian, in the time of the warres at Tiberias. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 3. cap. 16. Ioyning with Vespasian at the siege of Ga­mala, he is wounded in the arme with a stone, out of a sling. bell. Iud. lib. 4. cap. 1. He is sent to Rome by Vespasian (who then was but generall captayne) vnto Galba the Emperour, and hearing by the way that Galba was dead, and that Otho succeded him, went on his iourney neuerthelesse. bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 6. His last ende I finde no where written▪ but toutching the kingdome, the rule, & the gouernement of the Iewes, after the vtter ruine, and ouerthrowe of Ierusalem, with the confusion of the Iewes: Vespa­sianus wrote vnto Tiberius Maximus liuetenant of Iudaea, that he should sel all the lande of the Iewes, reseruing only a place called Massada, vnto certayne souldiers, Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 7. cap. 26. Nowe (gentle reader) thou mayest hereby note the wisdome and prouidence of God toutching this wicked broode, that as Iosephus (Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 11.) writeth: Inter centum annorum spacium, cuncta Herodis origo consumpta est, within the compasse of one hundred yeres, all the progeny of Herode was rooted out.

CAP. XI.

Of Theudas the sorcerer and his adh [...]rentes.

IN so much that Luke in the Actes, brought in Gamaliel, who (when consultation was about Act. 5. the admission of the Apostles) sayd: that about the same time, there rose vp one Theudas̄, which came to nought, and as many as harkened vnto him: Nowe therefore let vs alledgé the testi­monie of Iosephus concerning him. He writeth in the place afore cited these wordes. VVhen Fa­dus Ioseph. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 4. vvas Liuetenant of Iudaea, a certaine sorcerer, named Theudas, persvvaded a great multitude to folovve him, vnto the riuer Iordane, bringing vvith them, their vvhole substance. For he re­ported himselfe to be a prophet, and that at his commaundement, the riuer should deuide it self parting in the middest, yelding vnto them a free passage through, and in so saying, he sedu­ced many. But Fadus suffered not their folly to take effect, for he sent out a troope of horsemen, vvhich apprehending them vnavvares, slevve many, tooke many aliue, but Theudas himselfe being taken, they beheaded, and brought his head to Ierusalem. After this consequently Iosephus reporteth of the famine, which was vnder Claudius in this manner.

CAP. XII.

Of Helene queene of the Osroënians, and of Simon Magus.

AFter this there fell a great famine in Iudaea, where queene Helene bought much corne of the Aegiptians, and distributed to them that wanted. And these thinges accorde with that in the Actes of the Apostles, howe the disciples of Antioche, after their habilitie, sent suc­cour [...]ct. 11. vnto the saintes inhabiting Iudaea, to be deliuered vnto the elders, by the handes of Paul, and Barnabas. But of this Helene (whereof also this Historiographer mentioned) there remayne vnto this day certayne famous monumentes, in the suburbes of Aelia. It is sayd of olde that shee was These Adia­beni vvere a [...]tion dwel­ [...]g beyonde [...]phrates Io [...]. bel. Iud. [...]6. cap. 7. queene of the nation called Adiabeni. When that now the fayth in our Sauiour, and Lord Jesus Christ, was published among all people, the mortall enimie of mankinde, endeuouring to with­draw y Regal citie, from the trueth: conueyed thither Simon (whereof mention was made before) and furthering his deuelishe enchauntementes: seduced many of them which dwelled at Rome. This doth Iustinus also declare, who a litle after the Apostles time, was famous as toutching our doctrine. Concernyng whome, I will lay downe those thinges that may seeme agreable vn­to the time. This Iustinus in the former Apologie, which he wrote in the defence of our doctrine sayth thus.

CAP. XIII.

Of Simon Magus, and Helena a certayne witche his yokemate.

AFter the ascention of our Sauiour into the heauens, the deuell brought forth certayne [...]inꝰ Mar­ [...]in Apo­ men vvhich called them selues gods, vvho not onely suffred no vexation of you, but at­tayned vnto honor amongst you, by name one Simon a Samaritane, borne in the village [Page 27] Gitton, vvho vnder Claudius Caesar, by the art of deuels, through vvhom he dealt: vvrought deuelish enchauntementes, esteemed, and counted in your Regall citie of Rome, for a God, and honoured of you as a God, vvith a picture betvveene tvvo bridges, vpon the riuer Tibris, hauing this Romayne superscription. Simoni deo sancto. To Simon the holy god. And in man­ner all the Samaritanes, certayne also of other nations, doe vvorship him, acknovvledging him for the chiefe god. And together vvith him, one Helena, vvho at that tyme vvandred This Helen was a com­mon harlot Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 20. cal­leth this He­len, Selen. tvvo, and fro, vvith him, vvhich first of all, had her abyding in Tyrus, a citie of Phaenicia at the receyt of custome, and termed of him, the principall vnderstanding. Thus farre Iustinus. Agreeable vnto this, is that of Irenaus, in his fyrst booke agaynst Heresies, where he writeth of this man, and of his impious and damnable doctrine, which at this present to recite, I thinke superfluous: In so muche that seuerally, if any be so disposed, he may easyly vnderstande the originall, the lyues, the fonde argumentes, and the whole enterprises of the graunde heretikes of these latter tymes, whiche of purpose, are largely published in the foresayde booke of Irenaeus. This Simon we learne to haue bene the first author of all heresies, and they that of him, holde Simon the father of here­tickes. this heresie vnto this day, fayning through puritie of lyfe, the chast philosophie of Christians renouned among all men: put in vre agayne the pestilent superstition of pictures, from the whiche they seemed once to be free, falling prostrate before the pictures, and carued Images, of Simon & his Iil Helena (mentioned of before) worshipping them with incense, and sacrifices, and sweete odours. They haue as yet certayne more detestable secrecies, and him which at the first heareth the same, they report to become astonyed, and that there is a written oracle amonge them, whiche bringeth astonishment. True it is these men are full of astonishment, ecstasy, and meere madnes, so that not onely, they may not be committed to writing: neyther also with modesty be vttered of chaste lippes, in so much they ouerflowe in filthines, and obscenitie. And what so euer may be imagined more fowle then any filthynes it selfe: the same hath their dam­nable heresye surpassed, who delude miserable women, pressed already with all kinde of impietye.

CAP. XIIII.

How Simon Magus after his diuelish dealing in Iudaea, gott him to Rome, where he was mett of Peter the Apostle.

THe malicious power of Sathan, enemy to al honestye, & foe to all humane health: brought The comb [...] of light and darkenes. forth at that tyme, this monster Simon, a father, and worker of all such mischieues, as a great aduersary vnto the mighty, and diuine Apostles. But the diuine, and supercelestiall grace succored her ministers, that by their apparition, and presence, the kindled flame of wicked­nes was quenched, all pride by them abated, & humbled, which did sett it selfe agaynst the know­ledge of God. Wherefore, neyther the striuing of Simon, neyther of any other, that then started vp, was able to withstand those Apostolike tymes for the brightnes of trueth, & the diuine word, lately shining from aboue, preuayling on earth, working in his Apostles: victoriously ouercame, and mightely ouer grewe all thinges. But the afore sayd Sorcerer, hauing the eyes of his minde lightened with a diuine, and some sodayne shining from aboue, after that first of all, he was mani­festly knowne to haue maliciously deale agaynst Peter the Apostle in Iudaea: fled alonge iorneye by sea, from the East vnto the West, thinking to gett by that flight, to liue afterwards at hartes ease. And comming into the city of Rome, he was so ayded by his power, whiche preuayleth in Simon [...] commeth [...] Rome. this worlde, that in short tyme he brought his purpose to suche a passe, that his picture was there placed with others, and he honoured as a God. But this his impietye, did not longe pro­sper, for incontinently, vnder the raygne of Claudius, the wonderfull prouidence of the God of all Peter came to Rome der Clau [...] thinges, and carefull ouer mankinde: guyded vnto Rome Peter, that great, and constant Apo­stle, chiefe of all the rest for vertuous fauour: agaynst this so greate a corruptor of Christian life: who like a valyant Capitayne, sensed with the diuine armour of God, transported from East vnto West, the precious marchandise of spirituall brightnes, the wholsome doctrine, and light of soules, that is, the preaching of the glad tydinges of the celestiall kingdome.

CAP. XV.

The foyle of Simon, and mention of the Gospell written by S. Marke. These 2. cap. in the greeke were one.

WHen the heauenly worde came thither, Immediatly the power of Simon, together with him self, came to nought, and the flame was quenched. But of the contrary, such a light of piety shined in the mindes of such as heard Peter, that they were not suffi­zed with once hearing, neither satisfied with the vnwritten doctrine, that was deliuered: but earnestly besought Saynct Marke (whose Gospell is now in vre) that he woulde leaue in writing, The Romai­nes request S. Marke to write a Go­spell. vnto them, the doctrine which they had receaued by preaching, neither ceased they, vntill they had perswaded him, and so geuen an occasion of the Gospell to be written▪ which is nowe after Marke. It is reported, that the Apostle vnderstanding of this by inspiration of the holy spi­rite, was pleased with the motion of those men, and commaunded this Gospell nowe written, to be reade in the Churches. Clemens in the sixt of his Hypotiposcon, reporteth this story. Clemens. Papias. With him agreeth Papias, Byshop of Hierapolis in Asia, who sayth, that of this Marke mention is made by Peter, in his former Epistle, which he compiled being at Rome, and of him the citye of Rome figuratiuely to be called Babilon, the whiche is signified when he 1. Pet. 5. Rome figuratiuely called Babylon. sayth: the Church partaker of your election, vvhich is at Babylon saluteth you, and Marke my sonne.

CAP. XVI.

How that Marke first of all others, preached vnto the Aegyptians the know­leadge of Christ. Cap. 15. after the greeke.

MArke is sayde first of all, to haue bene sent vnto Aegypt, and there to haue both prea­ched Marke the [...]rit preacher [...]f the Aegy­ [...]tians. the Gospell, which he wrote, and first to haue setled the Churches of Alexan­dria, and so a greate multitude of beleeuers, both men, and women, At the first mee­ting was gathered together, by a certayne philosophicall, and diligent exercise, that Philo thought good to commit in writing vnto vs, their exercise, their conuenticles, their dyet, and all the other trade of their life▪ It is reported that this Philo came to Rome vnder Claudius, Cap. 16. in he greeke. [...]hilo came [...]o Rome vn­ [...]r Claudius and had conference with Peter, who then preached vnto the Romaynes, neyther is it vn­like. That Commentary whiche we knowe to haue bene compiled by him in his latter dayes, contayneth manifestly the Canons, hitherto conserued in the Church. And in so much that cu­riously he hath described vnto vs, the lyues of our religious men, it is very like, that he did not onely see those Apostolike men, of his tyme, by originall Ebrevves, and therefore obserued the auncient rites, and ceremonyes of the Ievves: but also allowed of them, as godly, and honest.

CAP. XVII.

Eusebius reporteth out of Philo, the lyues, the maners, the studyes, the habita­tion, the assemblies, the iudgement of the interpretation of the Scri­ptures, of the religious m [...]n in Aegypt, and there about flourishing in his tyme.

FIrst of all, this playnely appeareth, that he passed not the limites of veritye, by reason of him selfe, or of any other in reporting those thinges whiche he wrote in that booke, by him entituled: of the life contemplatiue, or vvorshippers, saying: that the men and women were called worshippers, eyther because like cunning Phisitians, they cured, and healed such as came vnto them of their malitious passions: or els because that religiously, they worship­ped the celestiall godhead, with pure and sincere worship. But whether he gaue them this name of his proper person, for the aforesayde cause: or whether at the beginninge they were so called, when as yet the name of Christians was not euery where published: I thinke it not needefull cu­riously to shift out. Yet first of all this he witnesseth: that they renounced their substaunce, and [...]o Iudaeus their proper goodes: they vvhich deuined of philosophye gaue place, they seuered them selues from all the secular cares of this life: they forsaking the cities, solitarily liued in fieldes, gar­dens, or Orchyardes: they accompanied them vvhiche follovved the contrary trade of life, [Page 29] as vnprofitable and hurtfull vnto them vvhich then liued thus (as requisite it vvas) to this ende, that vvith earnest and feruent desire they shoulde imitate them vvhich ledde this propheticall life. For in the Actes of the Apostles, whence no doubt this is rehearsed, it is written that Act. 4. all the familiares of the Apostles sould their substance, and possession, distributing to euery one, as need required, so that none wanted among them. For as many, (sayth the text) as had lands or houses, sould them, bringing the price thereof, and laying it at the Apostles feete, to this pur­pose, that seuerally euery ones want, and necessity, might be supplied. The like doth the same Philo testifie, writing thus: In many places this kinde of people liueth (for it behoued as Philo of the vvorshipers in Aegypt. vvell the Graecians, as the Barbarians, to be partakers of this absolute goodnesse) but in Aegypt, in euery prouince (so they terme them) they abounde, and especially about Ale­xandria. From euery vvhere, the best conuaye them selues, as it vvere into their natiue contrey, into the soyle of these vvorshippers, as a most commodious place, adioyninge to the lake of Marye, in a lovver vale, very fitt, both for the securitye, and temperature of the aëre Af­terwardes describing the maner of their mansions, he writeth thus of the Churches of that re­gion: Mansions. Churches. Religious houses. In euery village there is a religious house, vvhich they call Semnion, and a Monasterye, vvherein they inhabiting, do celebrate the mysteries of honest, and holy life, carying thither no­thing, nether meate, nor drinke, nether any other thing, necessary for the sustentation of the bo­dy, but the lavves, and the oracles of the Prophets, Hymnes, and such like (vvherby knovvledge Study of ho­ly Scripture. and pietye is encreased) there are consummated. And a litle after, he sayth: All the space that is from morning to euening, is of them spent, in godly exercise▪ for, reading the holy Scriptures, they meditate thereupon, handling allegorically, the diuine philosophy of their natiue contrey. And they suppose those types of secretye, vvhich by figures are signified, to be made manifest by the exposition of the Scriptures. They haue certayne Commentaryes of auncient vvriters, vvho beinge ringleaders of their opinions, haue left vnto their posterityes, monuments of ma­ny thinges Allegorically handeled, vvhiche they vsing as principall types, do imitate the drifte of their trade. These thinges seeme to haue bene vttered by this man, as thoughe he had bene an auditor, vnto their exposition of the Scriptures. It is also very like that the Commentaryes (whiche he reporteth to haue bene amonge them) were the Gospells, and the workes of the Apostles, and certayne expositions of the auncyent Prophetes, part­lye suche as that Epistle vnto the Hebrevves is, and also the other Epistles of Paul doe contayne. To be shorte, that they newely compiled, and collected Psalmes, thus he writeth: They contemplate not only diuine things, but they make graue canticles, & hymnes vnto God, Psalmes and Hymnes. in a more sacred ryme, of euery kinde of metre, and verse. And many more thinges he declareth in that booke, whiche we here mention. But those thinges seemed necessaryly selected of him, which paynte vnto vs the sure and certayne notes, of their Ecclesiasticall conuersation. But if any man suppose these thinges nowe spoken of, not properly to appertayne vnto the pollycye of the Gospell, but to be applyed vnto others, besydes these forementioned worshippers, let him at leste wise creditt that, which out of his wordes we will alleadge, and no doubt if he iudge indifferently, he shall finde an infallible testimonye. For thus he writeth: First of all, The conti­nency of th [...] vvorshiper [...] ▪ Abstinence▪ they place continency in the mynde, as a certayne foundation, next, they buylde thereupon, other vertues. Not one eateth, or drinketh before sunne sett, adiudging the diuine medita­ting of vvisedome, to be a vvorke of light, & the curious feeding of the carkasse, to be a vvorke of darkenes, geuing vnto the one, the daye, vnto the other, the lesser parte of the night. Ma­ny thinke not vpon meate, no not in vvhole three dayes, beinge rauished vvith a greater de­sire of knovvledge, then of foode. Many are so delighted, and enamoured vvith the foode of vvisedome, vvhich aboundantly, copiously, and plentifully ministreth all kinde of learning, that they abstaine from meate, tvvise as long, & scarse in six dayes, they receaue their necessary foode. These wordes of Philo, in our opinion, concerne without all contradiction, our men. But if any man as yet stifly gaynesaye, and looke to be further persuaded, let him creditt more e­uident demonstrations, whiche he shall not finde amonge any others, saue onely the Christi­ans who religiously▪ rule them selues, accordinge vnto the Gospel, for he sayth: Amonge them Virgines▪ of vvhome vve speake, there are vvomen to be found, vvherof diuers are elderly virgines, vovv­ing chastitye not by compulsion, or necessitye, (as the guyse and maner is of holy virgines▪ a­mong To compe [...] some to v [...] chastity i [...] paganisme▪ the Gentiles) but rather voluntarily, for the zeale, & desire they haue to vvisedome, vvith vvhose company, these vvomen acquaintinge them selues, despise corporall luste, desirous [Page 30] not of mortall, but immortall children, vvhich soly the amiable and godly minde of it selfe be­getteth. And afterwards he setteth forth the same more playnly, for the interpretations (sayth he) Allegoricall interpretati­ons. of the sacred Scriptures, are among them Allegoricall, and figuratiue. For vnto these men the vvhole Scripture, seemeth like a liuing creature, so that the externall shevve of vvordes, resem­ble the superficyes of the body, and the hidd sense, or vnderstandinge [...]f the vvordes, seeme in place of the soule, vvhich their religion began to contemplate, by the behoulding of names, as it vvere in a glasse, obseruing a passing beautye vvith the bright beames of shininge sentences. What neede we to adde vnto these, how that they gathered together, seuerally men, and seueral­ly Synods. Conference. women, haue their conuersation? and what exercise they practise among them? which as yet are in vse among vs, and especially, such as we haue bene accustomed to vse in our fastinges, vi­gils, Fastinges. and reading of diuine Scripture about the festiuall day of the blessed passion, which the a­foresayd author hath diligently noted after the same maner as they are obserued among vs, and deliuered it in writing, but especially describing the vigils of that greate feaste, and the exercises Vigils. thereof, with hymnes, as the maner is among vs. and how that one singing in verse, and the reste geuing diligent eare, with silence, they all close in the ende, and sing with him, the last verse of the hynme. He hath written also, how that in the afore sayde dayes, they lye vpon greene pallets, ca­sting Beddes made of leaues, chasse, and grasse. Bread and vvater. Bishops. Deacons. at all, neither wine, neither any liuinge creature, but their drinke, cleare water, and their foode, bread with salt, and Hyssope. He writeth moreouer of their gouernment, I say of them to whome the Ecclesiasticall Liturgies are committted, of their Deaconshippes, and of the presi­dency of Bishopes, placed aboue all. But if any man be desirous to knowe these thinges exactly, let him repayre vnto the history of the afore said author. Now that Philo writing of these things, entreated of the firste preachers of the Gospell, and the rites deliuered them of the Apostles of olde, it is manifest to euery man.

CAP. XVIII.

The commendation of Philo, the cataloge of his workes, whereof many are not extant.

THis Philo flowed in wordes, he was deepe of vnderstanding, highe, and profounde in the contemplation of holy Scripture, he compiled a diuerous and variable exposition of the Scriptures, prosecuting after his order and maner, aswell the tract of the booke of Gene­sis, with the Allegoryes thereof, as the summe in the chapiters contayned, laying downe the que­stions incident, and solutions to the same, entitling his booke: the questions and solutions inci­dent in Genesis, and Exodus. There are besides extant, of his, seuerall tractes, of his Problemes. Namely, tvvo bookes of Husbandry, so many of drunkenes, and certayne others, hauing their proper, and peculiar title, whereof one is: vvhat the sobre minde prayeth or vovveth? also of the confusion of tongues, of vvandring and finding, of Conuenticles vnto discipline. of that: vvho can be heyre of the goods of God? or: vvhat diuision can be of equalls and contraryes? of the three vertues, whereof Moyses, with others hath written. Moreouer: of them vvhose names are changed, and vvhy they vvere changed, where he witnesseth him selfe to haue written agayne, and againe of testaments. There is extant a volume of his: of banishment, and of the life of a per­fect vvise mā, according vnto righteousnes, or: of vnvvrittē lavves. Agayne, of Gyaunts, or: that the Godhead is not changed▪ of dreames, which according vnto Moyses are giuen from aboue, fiue volumes. And thus much of them which he wrote on Genesis, that came to our handes. We haue also knowne vpon Exodus, fiue bookes of questions, and of the tabernacle, and of the tenn commaundements, and foure bookes of them vvhich by nature of lavves may be referred, vnto the tenn commaundements. of the sacrifices of beastes, vvhat kindes of sacrifices there be? of that: vvhat revvardes are set forth to the good and godly, in the lavv? vvhat punishmentes, and curses to the vvicked. There are founde also certayne seuerall bookes of his, as of Prouidence, and of the Ievves, of Politickes, and of Alexander, and concerning that: that brute beastes haue reason. Agayne: that he is a slaue vvhich is vvicked, and there foloweth an other booke: that he is free vvhich is godly. After these he wrote of the life contemplatiue, or vvorshippers, whence we borowed those thinges, which we alleadged concerning the Apostolike mens liues. the inter­pretations of the Hebrue names in the lawe, and Prophetes, are attributed vnto his industrye. This Philo comming to Rome in the time of Caius, wrote a booke of the impiety of Caius, witte­ly [Page 31] cloking it, with the title of vertues, which booke being read before the Romayne Senate, in the tyme of Claudius, was so well thought of, that his bookes were chayned in the publique library, as famous Monuments. At the same tyme, when Paul had trauayled in compasse, from Ierusalem Act. 18. to Illyricum, Claudius vexed the Ievves, when Aquila, & Priscilla with certayne other Ievves were expulsed Rome, and cam [...] to Asia, where they had their conuersation together with Paul, who Anno Chri­sti 51. then confirmed the Churches, whose fundations he had lately layed. Whereof the holy Scri­pture, in the Actes of the Apostles, sufficiently enstructeth vs.

CAP. XIX.

VVhat calamity happened vnto the Iewes in Ierusalem vpon Easter day.

WHen Claudius as yet raygned, so great a sedition, and sturre was raysed in Ierusalem, about the feaste of Easter, that of them onely, which were pressed in the porches of the The iustice of God for contemning his sonne. Ioseph bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap 11. temple, crushed, and trodden to death vnder foote, there were slayne thirty thovvsand Ievves, and that festiuall day, was vnto the whole nation, a day of mourning, Lamentation being raysed throughout al their dwelling places. And this, Iosephus doth write worde, by word: Clau­dius assigned Agrippa (the sonne of Agrippa) King of the Ievves: When Felix was sent to be Lieuetenante of the whole prouince of Samaria, Galilaea, and the region beyonde Iordane. VVho after he had raygned thirtenth yeares, and eyght moneths, dyed, leauing Nero to succeade him in the Empire.

CAP. XX.

VVhat calamity happened at Ierusalem vnder Nero: the sedition betweene priest, and people. The death of Ionathas the high priest.

VNder Nero, Felix being procurator of Iudaea, there was then raysed a sedition betweene the Priestes, which Iosephus in the twentyeth booke of Antiquities describeth, thus: there Ioseph Anti. lib. 20. cap. 13 rose dissention betvveene the high priestes, and inferior priestes, and chiefe of the people at Ierusalem. Euery one gathering vnto him, a company of Russians, and cutters, plaied the cap­tayne, they skirmished among them selues, they vexed one another, they slynged one at ano­ther, but there vvas none to bridle them. And these things frely vvere done in the city, as though there had bene no President. So impudent and past all shame vvere the high priestes become, that they stucke not to sende, and take avvay from the barne floores, the tythes due vnto the in­ferior priestes, so that in the ende it fell out, that the priestes vvere seene to perishe for pouertye. The violence of these seditious persons prenayled beyonde all right and reason. Agayne the same Historiographer writeth that at Ierus [...], about that time, there rose a certayne multitude of theues, or robbers, which slewe them by day that mett them in the streetes, and especially on the holy dayes confounding them selues with the multitude, and carying weapons couered vnder their garmentes, they wounded the chiefe men, and when the wounded fell downe, they drewe them selues to them that were incensed agaynst the theeues, and so brought to passe through the cloking of their prankes, they could not be apprehended. To be briefe he writeth that Ionathas the Ioseph. Ant [...] lib. 20. cap. 1 high priest was slayne of them first, and dayly after him many, and the feare to haue bene greater then the calamity it selfe, because that euery man, euery houre looked for death as in warre.

CAP. XXI.

Of the sedition that the Aegyptian Sorcerer moued, whereof the Actes make mention.

COnsequently aft [...]r these, he annexeth other thinges, saying: vvith a greater plague, did Ioseph. bel [...] Iud. lib. 2. c [...] 12. the Aegyptian, being a false prophet, afflict the Ievves. VVhen he came vnto those partes, and chalenged vnto him selfe (being a sorcerer) the credit of a Prophet, he gathered to­gether about a thirty thovvsand of seduced people, vvhome he guyded from the vvildernes vn­to mount Oliuet: vvhence he might make an embushment vpon Ierusalem, and if he obtayned his purpose, to exercise tyranny, partly vpon the Romayne vvatch, and partly vpon the people▪ vsinge to his vvicked enterprise, the company of headye and vvilfull svvashebucklers. But Felix [Page 32] preuenting his violence, mett him vvith armed Romayne souldiers, vvith vvhome all the rest of the people conspired, ready to reuenge them selues of them. After their meeting, and assault geuen, the Aegiptian vvith a fevv fledde his vvay, and many of his adhaerents, vvere foyled and taken aliue. Thus farre Iosephus, in the seconde of his historyes. I thinke it also very expedient, to conferre with these, that which is reade in the Actes of the Apostles, concerning this Aegiptian, where vnder Felix it is sayd of the tribune of the souldiours, that was at Ierusalem, vnto Paul, when the multitude of the Ievves raysed a tumulte agaynst him: art thou that Aegiptian, vvhich Act. 21. a fevv dayes agoe, hast raysed vvith thee foure thousand common theeues, & leddest them vnto the vvildernesse? and such are the thinges that happened vnder Felix.

CAP. XXII.

The going of Paul vnto Rome, and his pleading there, with his Martyrdome.

FEstus is sent by Nero to succeede Felix, vnder whome Paul pleading in his owne cause, is brought bound to Rome. There was with him Aristarchus, whome iustly in some place of Coloss. 4. his Epistles, he calleth his felowe captiue, and Luke when he had finished the Actes of the Apostles, concluded his history here, saying: that Paul liued peaceably at Rome tvvo Act. 28. vvhole yeares, and preached the vvord of God vvithout impediment. The which being expired, fame goeth that the Apostle (after accompt made of his doctrine) returned vnto the office of preaching, and afterwardes when he came the seconde time vnto the city, vnder the same Empe­rour, Whereof reade the 25. cap. of this 2. booke. to haue bene crowned with martyrdome. Where lying in fetters he wrote the latter Epi­stle vnto Timothe, instructing him both of the accompt of doctrine that he made in his former captiuity, and also of his death approching nigh. Take here of his owne testimony, for thus he writeth. At my former apparance none assisted me, for all forsooke me. I pray God that it be 2. Timoth. 4. not laide to their charge. But the Lord assisted me, and strengthned me, that by me the prea­ching should be accomplished, and that all nations might heare. And I vvas deliuered out of the Lyons mouth. Playnly he sheweth by these wordes that he was before deliuered out of the li­ons mouth (meaning as it appeareth Nero, because of his cruelty) that the preaching might be supplyed by him. Neither afterwardes hath he added the like, for he will deliuer me out of the li­ons mouth. He saw in the spirite his death to drawe nigh. Wherfore immediatly he sayth: I haue bene deliuered out of the Lyons mouth, and the Lord vvill deliuer me from euery euill vvorke, and reserue me vnto his heauenly kingdome. Noting, his martirdome to draw nigh. The which more euidently he foresheweth in the same Epistle, saying: For I am novv ready to be offred, & the time of my dissoluing is at hand. In the latter epistle, when he wrote, he declared Luke alone to be with him, but in his former apparance, and pleading, not one, no not Luke to be with him. Wherefore it is playne that Luke wrote the Actes of the Apostles vnto that time, knitting vp his history, with his absence from Paul. These thinges haue we spoken to this end, that we may war­rant the martyrdome of Paul, not to haue bene consummated when Luke finished his history, that is, when Paul came to Rome. It is very like that the apologye of Paul for his doctrine, might haue bene at the beginning sooner accepted, when Nero was somewhat milder in affection, & dea­ling. But after that he fell vnto such outragious wilfulnesse, he was quicke with others for the Apostles sake.

CAP. XXIII.

Of the martyrdome of Iames, called the brother of Christ.

THe Ievves, when their purpose fayled them in their pretended malice towards Paul, after his appellation made vnto Caesar, being sent from Festus vnto Rome: they turne themsel­ues agaynst Iames, the brother of Christ, who was placed of the Apostles, Bishop of Ie­rusalem. [...]mesbishop [...]f Ierusalem The like they practise against him, placing him in the middest, and requiring of him, that in presence of all the people, he would renounce the fayth of Christ. When as he contrary to their expectation, freely, and with greater audacity then they hoped, in presence of all the multi­tude, had confessed Iesus to be the sonne of God, our Sauiour, and Lorde, they could no longer a­bide his testimony, for he was counted of all, most iust, for his excellent wisedome, & piety, which he shewed in life. Him they slewe, hauing gotten opportunitie to the accomplishing of this hay­nous [Page 33] fact, by the vacancy of the Regall seat. For Festus gouernour of Iudaea being deade, the pro­uince wanted a President, or Procurator. But how Iames was slaynt, the testimonye of Clemens (heretofore of vs alleadged) hath largely declared, that he being throwne downe from a pinacle of the temple, and brayned with a fullers clubb, gaue vp the ghost. And Aegesippus who imme­diatly succeeded the Apostles, repeateth the circumstance hereof exquistely in his fift booke, af­ter this maner: Iames the brother of Christ, tooke in hand the gouernment of the Church, after Aegesippus lib. 5. the Apostles, termed a iust and perfect man of all men, from the tyme of our Sauiour vnto vs. For many vvere called Iameses beside him, but this man vvas holy from his mothers vvombe, He dranke nether vvine, nor strong drinke, nether [...]are any liuing creature. He vvas neither sha­uen, neither anointed, neither did he vse bathe. Vnto him alone, vvas it lavvfull to enter into the holy places, he vsed no vvollen vesture, but vvore a Syndone, and alone frequented he the tem­ple, so that he vvas found prostrare on his knees, and praying for the sinnes of the people. His knees vvere after the guise of a camels knee, benummed, & bereft of the sense of feeling, by rea­son of his continuall kneeling in supplication to God, and petitions for the people. For the ex­cellency of his righteousnesse he vvas called Iuste, and Oblias, vvhich soundeth by interpretatiō: the bulvvarke, or defence of the people in righteousnes, as prophecies do go of him. VVhen di­uers asked him toutching the heresies among the people vvherof (vve mētioned before) vvhich vvas the gate or dore of Iesu, he aunsvvered: the same to be the Sauiour, by vvhose meanes they had beleeue Iesus to be Christ. But the aforesayde heresies, acknovvledge neyther the resurre­ction, nor the comming of any iudge, vvhich shall revvarde to euery one according to his vvor­kes. For as many as beleeued, they beleeued by meanes of Iames. VVhen many of the Princes vvere persvvaded, there rose a tumult of the Ievves, Scribes, and Pharises, saying: It is very dan­gerous lest that the vvhole people looke after Iesus, as though he vvere Christ, and being gathe­red together they said to Iames: vve pray thee refraine this people, for they erre in Iesu, as though he vvere true Christ. VVe pray thee persvvade this people, vvhich frequent to this feaste of the Passeouer, concerning Iesu, for vve all obey thee, yea vve, and all the people, testifie of thee, that thou art iust, and respectest not the person of any man, persvvade therefore this multitude, that they erre not in Iesu. For the vvhole multitude, and vve, obey thee. stand therefore vpon the pi­nacle of the temple, that thou mayst be seene aloft, and that thy vvord may be perceaued plain­ly of all the people, for because of this Passeouer, all the tribes are mett here, together vvith the Gentiles. The aforesayd Scribes, and Pharises placed Iames vpon the pinacle of the temple, and shouted vnto him, and sayd: Thou iust man, at vvhose commaundement vve all are, in so much that this people is seduced after Iesus, vvho vvas crucified, declare vnto vs, vvhich is the dore of Iesus crucified. And he aunsvvered vvith a lovvde voyce: vvhy aske ye me of Iesus, the sonne of man, vvhen as he sitteth at the right hand of the great povver in heauen, and shal come in the clovvdes of the aëer? VVhen as he had persvvaded many so that they glorified God at the testi­mony of Iames, and sayd: Hosanna in the highest to the sonne of Dauid: then the Scribes, and Pharises, said among them selues, vve haue done very il, in causing such a testimony of Iesu to be brought forth. But let vs clime vp, and take him, to the end the people being stroken vvith feare may renounce his faith. And they shouted saying O, O, and the iust also is seduced, and they ful­filled the Scripture vvhich sayth in Esay: Let vs remoue the iust, for he is a stumbling blocke vn­to Esay. vs. VVherfore they shall gnavve the buddes of their ovvne vvorks. They climed vp, & threvv dovvne headlong Iustus, saying: let vs stone Iames Iustus. And they vvent about him vvith stones, for after his fall he vvas not fully dead, but remembring him selfe, fell on his knees saying: I be­seech thee Lord, God, and Father, forgiue them, for they vvote not vvhat they doe. And as they vvere a stoning of him, one of the Priestes, the sonne of Rechab▪ the sonne of Ch [...]ra [...]im (vvhose testimony is in Ieremy the Prophet) cryed out: cease, vvhat do you? This iust man prayeth for you. And one of them that vvere present, taking a fullers clubb (vvith vvhich they pounce, & purge their clothes) stroke Iustus on the heade, and brayned him, & so he suffred martyrdome, vvhome they buried in that place▪ his piller, or picture as yet remayneth hard by the temple en­grauen thus: This man vvas a true vvitnesse both to the Ievves, and Gentiles, that Iesus vvas Christ. And Vespasianus immediatly hauing ouerrun Iudaea, subdued the Ievves. These at larg re­corded by Aegesippus, are correspondent with these thinges which Clemens wrote. This Iames was so famous and renowmed among all for his righteousnes, that the wise among the Ievves, imputed the cause of this sodayne besteging of Ierusalem after his martyrdome (which no doubt [Page 34] therfore happened vnto them) to be for the presumptuous offence, practised against him. Iosephus sticked not to testifie the same in these wordes. These thinges happened vnto the Ievves in vvay Iosephus. of reuenging the death of Iames the Iust, vvhich vvas the brother of Iesu vvhome they cal Christ. For the levves slevve him vvhen he vvas most iust. The same Iosephus describeth his death in the twentieth booke of Antiquities, saying: Casar hearinge the death of Festus, sendeth Albi [...]us Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 16. President into Iudaea. But Ananus the yonger, vvhome vve reported before to haue taken vpon him the high priesthoode, vvas a very presumptuous and heady cockbrayne, he claue vnto the sect of the Saduces, vvhich vvere mercylesse in iudgment, among all the Ievves, as vve signified before. Ananus then being such a one, hauing gotten opportunity to his thinking, in so much that Festus vvas deade, and Albinus not yet come: called vnto him a counsell, commaundinge the brother of Iesu, called Christ, vvhose name vvas Iames, vvith certayne others to be brought forth, accusing them that they had transgressed the lavve, and deliuered them to be stoned. As many in the city as vvere iust and due obseruers of the lavve, tooke this fact greeuously, sending priuely vnto the King, and beseeching him to vvrite vnto Ananus, that thence forth he attempt not the like, In so much that his former fact vvas vnaduisedly, and impiously committed. Cer­tayne of them mett Albinus comminge from Alexandria, and enstructed him hereof, that it vvas not lavvefull for Ananus to summone a counsell contrary to his commaundement. Albinus thus persvvaded vvrote fumishly vnto Ananus, threatning reuengement vpon him, for this fact. And king Agrippa vvhen he had gouerned the high priesthoode three moneths, depriued him, placing in his rovvme Iesus the sonne of Damaeus, Thus farre toutching Iames, whose epistle that is reported to be, which is the first among the vniuersall Epistles. Yet haue we to vnderstande that the same is not voyde of suspicion, for many of the auncient writers make no mention there­of, like as neyther of that, which is vnder the name of Iudas, being one of the seuen called vniuer­sall, for all this we knowe them to be publickly reade in most Churches.

The translator for the remouing of all suspition, concerning the ca­nonicall Epistle of Iames.

TOutching this Iames whose Epistle hath bene suspected, take this lesson of Ierome, agaynst Heluidi­us: disce Scripturae consuetudinem eundem hominem diuersis nominibus nuncupari, learne the maner of the Scripture which calleth one and the same man after diuerse names, he is called in Math. 10. Marke 3. Act. 1. Iacobus Alphaei, and numbred among the 12. Apostles. Though Ierome lib. Ierome. Mat. 10. Mark. 3. Act. 1. Dorotheus in Synopsi. Matth 13. 27 Mark. 6. 15. Galat. 1. Act. 1. 15. 21. 1. Corinth. 15. Galat. 1. 2. Euseb. Eccl. hist lib. 3. cap 21. lib. 3. cap. 22. [...]eron. Cata. Eccle. Script. 5. cap. 17. vpon the Prophet Esay, call him decimum tertium Apostolum, and Dorotheus Bishop of Tyrus do terme him one of the 70. Disciples. He is called Iacobus frater Domini, Iames the brother of the Lord, in Math. 13. 27. Marke 6. 15. Galat. 1. and in this present history▪ but in what sense he might be called his brother, being his mothers sisters sonne, reade Ierome agaynst Heluidius, which handleth that question purposely. He is called Iacobus Iustus, and Oblias, in the former chapiter of Eusebius. This history reporteth him to haue bene placed by the Apostles, Bishop of Ierusalem, and there to haue go­uerned the Church the space of 30. yeares, for oft in the Scriptures he is founde at Ierusalem, as Act. 1. 15. 21. 1. Corinth. 15. Galat. 1. 2. Concerning his epistle, and other parcells of holy Scripture, that they were not generally receaued, no maruell at all, considering the malice of the Deuill, in obscuring those thinges which proceade from the holy Ghost. Eusebius writeth, that besides the Epistle of Iames, the E­pistle of Iude, the latter of Peter, the 2. and 3. of Iohn, with the reuelation, were called into controuersy, so that some reiected them, some cleaued vnto them, tanquam certis, & indubitatis Scripturis, as cer­tayne, and vndoubted Scriptures. Ierome in Catalog. Eccles. Scrip, of Iames writeth thus: vnam tan­tum scripsit epistolam, quae & ipsa, ab alio quodam sub nomine eius aedita asseritur. he wrote one epistle, which is thought to haue bene published by an other, vnder his name if this be the whole, no dan­ger Canon Apo. [...]anon. 84. Concil. Lao­ [...]ic. cap. 59. Concil. Car­ [...]ag. 3. cap. 7. [...]nocen. epi. [...] Euxperiū p. 7. Gela. 1 Ierome ad Paul. August de doctrina Christ. lib. 2. cap. 8. at all. The Canons commonly called the Apostles, Canone 84. haue decreed this, of the Epistle of Iames, together with the other parcells of holy Scripture, that it was to be receaued for Canonicall. so hath the councell of Laodicea, vnder Damasus, cap. 59. about the yeare of our Lord 371. And the third councell of Carthage, vnder Siricius, about the yeare 417. cap. 47. Innocentius the first, about the yeare of our Lord 408. in his Epistle to Euxperius, cap. 7. and Gelasius the first, about the yeare 494. together with seuenty Bishops, haue receaued them for Canonicall, of this minde is Ierome ad Paulinum, Augu­stine de doctrina Christiana, lib. 2. cap. 8. so that from that tyme vnto this day, they were generally al­lowed, and receaued for Canonicall Scripture. Thus much I thought good heere to note, leste that the [Page 35] simple Reader, snared by the subtlety of Satan, (which in these perillous dayes throweth in bones for the true Christians to gnawe vpon) shoulde doubt of any part, or parcell of holy Scripture, that might tende to his confusion.

CAP. XXIIII.

How that after Marke, Anianus was appoynted Bishop of Alexandria.

WHen Nero had raygned the space of eight yeares, first after Marke the Apostle, and E­uangelist: Anianus tooke the gouernment of the church of Alexandria, a man both ver­tuous, and renowmed, in all respects.

CAP. XXV.

Of the persecution which happened vnder Nero, when as Peter, and Paul, suffred martyrdome at Rome.

NEro now setled in his seate, fell into abominable factes, and tooke armour agaynst the ser­uice due vnto the vniuersall, and almighty God. How detestable he was become, it is not for this present tyme to declare. for there be many that haue paynted out his willful ma­lice, which may easily appeare if we consider the furious madnes of that man. through the which, after that beyond all reason he had destroyed an innumerable company, he fell into such a sucking vayne of slaughter, that he abstayned not from his most deare, and familiar friendes. Yea he tor­mented with diuerse kindes of death, his owne mother, his brethren, his wife, & many of his nea­rest kinsfolkes, as if they had bene enemyes, and deadly foes vnto him. but it behoued vs to note this one thing of him aboue the rest, that he was counted the first enemy of all y Emperours, vnto Tertul. in A­polog. the seruice of God. of him doth Tertullian in Romayne letters write thus: reade your authors, there shall you finde Nero, chiefely to haue first persecuted this doctrine at Rome. vvhen the vvhole East vvas novv subdued, he became cruell vnto all men, vve boast and bragge of such a famous persecutor. for they vvhich knevve him may easily perceaue, that this our doctrine had neuer bene condemned by Nero, had it not bene passing good. This enemy of God (wherein he was first espied) set vp him selfe to the destruction of the Apostles, for they write that Paule was beheaded, and Peter crucified of him at Rome, and that maketh for the credit of our history which is commonly reported, that there be churchyardes vnto this day, bearing the name of Peter and Paul. In like maner Gaius a Romayne, and an Ecclesiasticall person, and (after Zepherinus,) Bishop of Rome, writing vnto Proclus, captayne of the heresye which the Cataphrigaeans helde, Gaiu [...]. speaketh thus of the tombes wherein the Apostles were layde. I (sayth he) am able to shevve the banners of the Apostles. for if thou vvilt vvalke vnto Vaticanum, or the vvay Ostiensis, thou shalt finde, their victorius banners, of such as haue builded this Church. And that they were both crowned w t martyrdome at y same time, Dionysius bishop of Corinthe affirmeth in his epistle vn­to Dionys. Bi­shop of Co­rinth. the Romaynes. And you obtaining so goodly an admonition, haue coupled in one, the buyl­ding of the Romayne, and Corinthian churches, for they both enstructed vs, vvhen they planted our church of Corinthe.

CAP. XXVI.

How the Iewes were wonderfully vexed at Ierusalem vnder Florus, and of the sturre in Syria raysed agaynst them.

LIkewise such as taught together in Italy, suffred martyrdome the same tyme, and that this history may bring with it the more creditt, Iosephus declareth, that after the manifolde mise­ries which happened vnto this nation, many, and the same innumerable, and of them that were among the Ievves in estimation, were scorged in the city of Ierusalem, by the commaunde­ment of Florus, and nayled to the tree. He writeth that Florus was Liuetenant of Iudaea, when as the warres being begonne of olde, encreased the twelfe yeare of the raygne of Nero. Agayne, be­cause of the rebellion of the Ievves throughout all Syria, there rose such a tumulte, that the Gen­tiles without all compassion, as deadely foes destroyed the Ievves which inhabited the cities, so that the cities were seene full of sepulchres, olde men, and yong men, slaine in the streetes, women lying all along, hauing that vncouered, which nature commaunded to be kept in secrete, and the whole prouince miserably afflicted with vnspeakeable calamityes. and greater was the feare (sayth he) of that which was like to ensue, then the harme already committed. such was then the state of the Ievves.

The ende of the seconde booke.

THE THIRDE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

In what contreyes the Apostles preached Christ.

WHen as the Iewish affayres thus did stande, the holy Apostles and Disciples of our Sauiour, were dispersed throughout the worlde. Thomas (as by tradition we re­ceaue) chose Parthia: Andrew, Scythia: Iohn, Asia: where he made his abode, and dyed at Ephesus. Peter is reported to haue preached to the dispersed Ievves through 1. Pet. 1. Peter the A­postle was martyred at Rome Anno Christi 70. Rom. 15. Paul behea­ded at Rome vnder Nero. The first of the 10 persecutions, was vnder Nero. Linus Anno Christi 70. 2. Timoth. 4. out Pontus, Gallacia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia, who about his latter time, tarying at Rome, was crucified with his head downewards, which kind of death, he him selfe de­sired. What shall I say of Paul, which from Ierusalem to Illyricum, filled all places with the Go­spell of Christ. And at the last suffred martyrdome at Rome vnder Nero? These thinges are ma­nifestly, and word by word declared by Origen, in the third tome of his Commentaryes vpon Ge­nesis.

CAP. II.

VVho was the first Bishop of Rome.

LInus first, after the martyrdome of Peter, and Paul, was chosen Bishop of Rome. Paul a­bout the latter end in the salucation of the epistle which he wrote vnto Timothe, from Rome, maketh mention of him, saying: Eubulus saluteth thee, and Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia.

CAP. III.

Of the Epistles which the Apostles wrote.

THe Epistle of Peter which is in number the first, hath bene receaued without controuersy. 2. epistles of Peter. The elders of olde without any doubting, haue alleadged this in their workes, but the lat­ter Epistle we haue learned, not to be allowed. And yet because it seemed profitable, of ma­ny it was reade amongest the rest of the Scriptures: but the Actes, which are called Peters, and Forged wri­tinges publi­shed vnder the names of the Apostles the Gospell vnder his name, and the preaching of his, published vnder his name, with the reuela­tion termed his, are no where receaued, as canonical scripture: neither hath any auncient or newe writer alleaged testimonies out of them. but in the processe of our history, we thought good to si­gnifie, together with the diligent annotation of successions: what ecclestasticall writers there flo­rished in their seuerall tymes: and what contrary allegations they vsed: and what writinges they lawfully receaued: and what they reiected. But of the writinges attributed to Peter, (whereof we acknowledge one Epistle lawfully receaued, and neuer doubted of, among the auncient fathers) 14. epistles of Paul. The epistle vnto the Hebrewes. The actes of Paul counter sett. Rom. 16. The booke of Hermes called Pastor was wont to [...]e reade in [...]he Church. thus much shall suffice. fourtene Epistles of Paul, are manifest and well knowen. but that diuers reiected the Epistle which is vnto the Hebrues, alleadging the contradiction of the Churche of Rome, that it was not Paules: I thinke it requisite to knowe, and what our Predecessors hereof haue thought: I will lay downe when occasion serueth. The Actes which goe vnder the name of Paule, were neuer taken as vndoubted. And because the same Apostle in his Epistle vnto the Ro­maines, saluteth certayne, and amongest others Hermes: therefore appoynt they the booke called Pastor to be his, which hath bene gaynesayd of many, therefore not to be numbred amonge those bookes, which are for certayne. Others thought this booke very necessary, especially vnto them that haue neede of an elementall introduction, but we haue knowne him to haue bene publikely reade in the Churche, and alleadged of many auncient writers in their workes. let this much be spoken of the holy Scriptures, as well of the generally receaued, as of the doubtfully reiected.

CAP. IIII.

Of the succession of the Apostles.

THat Paul preaching vnto the Gentyles, planted the Churches from Ierusalem, vnto Illyri­cum, Rom. 15. Acts from 14 vnto 21. cap.. 1. Pet. 1. it is manifest, both by his owne wordes, and the testimony of Luke in the Actes. In what prouinces Peter preached vnto them of the circumcision, and deliuered the doctrine of the newe testament, it appeareth by his wordes, and also by the Epistle whiche of trueth is sayde to be his, written to the Hebrues, scattered throughout Pontus, Gallacia, Cappadocia, A­sia, and Bythinia. But how many, and what sincere followers haue fedd the Churches planted by the Apostles, it can not be affirmed, but as farre forthe as can be gathered out of the wor­des of Paul: He had many fellowe laborers, and companions as he called them, whereof di­uers Peter & Paul had many fe­low laborers. haue purchased immortall memorye, for so much as he maketh continuall mention of them in his Epistles, and Luke in the Actes repeting the most famous, remembreth them by name. Timothe is reported to be the firste Bishop of Ephesus, and Titus of the Churches in Creta. Timothe the first Bishop of Ephesus. Titꝰ the first Bishop of Creta. Luke wrote a gospell and the Actes of the Apostles Luc. 1. 2. Timoth. 2. Eusebiꝰ sayth Crescens was sent into Fraunce. S. Paul 2. Tim. 4. sayth he sē [...] him to Gall [...] cia. hereby we may ga­ther that the epistle to the Galathians was writtē b [...] S. Paul vnto the Frēchm▪ Luke by lyne of Antioche, by profession a Phisician, hauinge his conuersation of pur­pose, for the moste parte with Paule, and the reste of the Apostles: lefte vs proofes of skyll, comprysed in two volumes, medicinable for our soules healthe, sought out amonge them. One of the Gospell, whiche he reporteth to haue published, accordinge as he recea­ued of them, whiche from the beginninge were behoulders, and mynisters of this doctrine, so that he searched all from the originall: the other of the Actes of the Apostles, where he compi­led not onely the thinges hearde with his eares, but also the thinges whiche he sawe with his eyes. And of Paule they saye, that he accustomed to mention the Gospell of Luke when he spake, as of his owne, sayinge: accordinge vnto my Gospell. Amonge the other fellowes of Paule, Crescens is witnessed to haue bene sent by the Apostle him selfe into Fraunce. Toutchinge Linus we spake before, that he was the firste Byshop of Rome, after Peter, whome he remembreth to haue bene with him at Rome, in his latter Epistle vnto Timo­the. And Clemens the thirde Byshop of Rome, is proued by his testimonye, to be Paules fellovve laborer, and companion. Moreouer Dionysius the Areopagite, whome Luke in the Actes reporteth to haue firste beleued, at the Sermon of Paule vnto the Athenians, preached in Areopagus: was the firste Bishop of Athens. but an other Dionysius there was, Byshop of the Churche of Corinthe. In processe of our history, we will dilate of the successors of the Apo­stles, in their seuerall tymes succeeding. nowe let vs turne vnto that, whiche consequently de­pendeth vpon the historye.

CAP V.

Of the vtter besieging of the Iewes after the passion and resurrection of Christ.

AFter that Nero had raygned thirtene yeares: Otho and Galba one yeare, and six monethes: Vespasian i [...] proclayme [...] Emperour Anno Do. 7▪ Vespasianus was counted a potent Prince in Iudaea, amonge the armyes appoynted against the Ievves, and being proclaymed Emperour of the hoast that there was, forthe with he is sent to Rome, committing vnto his sonne Titus the warres, in hande agaynste the Ievves. therefore after the ascention of our Sauiour, because the Ievves, besydes the haynous offence committed agaynst Christ, had compassed manyfould mischiefes against his Apostles: firste sto­ning Stephen stoned Act. 7. [...] Iames beh [...] ded. Act. 1 [...] Iames the first Bishop of Ierusal [...] martyred▪ The Apo [...] persecute [...] Matth. 28▪ Stephen to death, next beheading Iames, the sonne of Zebede, and the brother of Iohn with the sworde, and aboue all, Iames their first Bishop after the ascention of our Sauiour, with the manner afore mentioned: and draue out of Iudaea, the rest of the Apostles, pursuing them to the deathe with innumerable wyles, when as nowe they were sent by the power of Christ to preache vnto all nations, sayinge vnto them: goe teache all nations in my name: Yea and the congre­gation of the faythfull in Ierusalem forewarned by an oracle, reuealed vnto the beste appro­ued amonge them, that before the warres beganne, they shoulde departe the cytye, and in­habite a village beyonde Iordan, called Pella, into the whiche when the Christians leauing Ie­rusalem had entred, and the holy men had forsaken the princely & principall citye of the Jevves, together with all the lande of Iudaea: the heauye hande of God apprehended that wicked generation vtterly to roote them from amonge men, whiche had practysed so presumptuously [Page 38] agaynst Christ, and his Apostles, howe many mischiefes haue happened at that tyme vnto this whole nation: and howe they chiefely whiche enhabyted Iudaea, were driuen to extreame my­serye: and how many millions of men throughout euery age, together with women and chil­dren, perished with the sworde, with famyne, and with infinite other kindes of deathe: and how many, and what cityes of the Ievves were destroyed: to be shorte, howe many calamityes, and more then calamityes they sawe, whiche fledde vnto Ierusalem, as the Metropolytane and best fortyfied citye: Moreouer the state of the whole warres, and the seuerall actes thereof: and howe at lengthe the abomination of desolation foreshewed by the Prophetes, standing in Matth. 24. Daniel. 9. that famous temple of olde, suffered a diuerous destruction, and an vtter ouerthrowe by fire: he that listeth to knowe, let him reade the historye of Iosephus, where all these are diligently descri­bed. I thinke it necessarye to note howe Iosephus writeth, that vppon the solempne dayes of Easter, there were gathered together at Ierusalem, out of all Iudaea, to the number of three hun­dred Millions, and there shutte vp as it were in prison, saying: It vvas requisite that destruction A million is tenne thou­sande. Iosephus bel Iud. lib. 7. cap 17. sayth that the iust number came to seuen & twenty hundred thousande. due for their desert, dravvinge nighe, by the iust iudgement of God, shoulde apprehende them vpon those dayes (being as it vvere shutte vp in prison) in the vvhiche they before, had dravvne the Sauiour and benefactor of al men, the anoynted of God, vnto his passion. Omiting those thinges whiche particularly happened vnto them, eyther by sworde, or by other kinde of misfortune: I thinke it expedient to expresse their onely calamityes by famine, so that the rea­der may partely hereby coniecture, howe that God, not longe after was reuenged on them, for their impiety practised agaynst Christ. go to then, hauing our recourse againe vnto the first booke of the historyes of Iosephus, let vs peruse their tragicall affayres.

CAP. VI.

Of the greate famine that fell among the Iewes, and their miserable estate.

FOr the riche men to abide in the citye (sayth Iosephus) vvas nothinge but deathe. and vn­der Iosephus bel [...]ud. lib. 6. cap 11. pretence of their trayterous flyght vnto the enemy, they vvere slayne for their sub­stance. The vvoodnes of these seditious men encreased together vvith the famine, & both mischiefes dayly as a double fire vvaxed hott. foode there vvas no vvhere any founde manifest. they rushed into the houses, and made searche, if they found any, they beate them vvhich deni­ed it, if they founde none, they tormented them as thoughe they had vvith diligence hidde it from them. the carkases of the poore vvretches declared, vvhether they had foode or no. they vvhich vvere of strong bodyes seemed to haue aboundance of meate, but such as pined avvay, vvere ouerskipped, for it vvas iudged an absurde thing, to slay them vvhich vvere ready to dye for vvant of vitayles. Many exchaunged priuely their vvealthe, the richer sorte for a measure of vvheate, the poorer sorte for a measure of barley, then hiding them selues in the inner and se­crete corners of their houses, some for meere pouertye, chevved the vnready graynes of ravve vvheate, some other sodde it, as necessitye and feare constrayned them. there vvas no vvhere any table couered. the meate as yet ravve, vvas snatched from the coales. the meate vvas mi­serable, the sight vvas lamentable, the mightier sorte abounded, the vveaker sorte lamented. fa­myne exceedeth any dolefull passion. for nothinge fayleth here so much as shamefastnes, the thing othervvise reuerenced is here quit contemned, vviues from their husbandes, children from their parents, & that vvhich vvas most miserable, the mothers snatched the meate from their in­fants mouthes. and vvhen their dearest friendes pined avvay in their armes, they pitied them not so muche, as to permitte them one droppe of drinke to saue their lyues. neyther yet escaped they thus miserably feeding. for on euery side they vvere besett vvith seditious persons, gree­dily [...]e cruelty [...] seditious [...] sons toge [...]r with [...] famine [...]ed them bent vppon their spoyle, vvhere they espied any dore shutt, they coniectured straight, that there vvas meate in preparinge, and forthvvith rushinge in, vvith the breakinge open of the dores, they violently did vvringe out from them, yea (and not onely) the lumpes of breade out of their iavves. the olde men vvere buffeted, if that egerly they endeuored to retayne their vitayles: the vvomen vvere lugged by the heare of the heade, if they hidde ought of that they had in their handes. no compassion vvas had on the hore headed, or the tender sucklinges. the infantes together vvith their nourishment, vvhere at they honge, and helde faste, vvere lyfted vp, and throvvne to be crushed agaynst the pauement. tovvardes [Page 39] them vvhiche preuented their assaulte, and lauished, (vvhiche vvas preiudiciall to their raue­ninge,) they vsed more crueltye, as if they had bene iniured by them. they inuented cruell kindes of torment, for the searchinge out of vitayles. they stopped vnto miserable men, the passage of their priuye members, vvith the graynes of the herbe Orobus: and pricked their fundamentes vvith sharpe tvvigges: so that horrible thinges to be hearde of, vvere ex­cercysed, and suffered, for the extorting to confession of one lofe of breade, and knovvledge of one handfull of meale. but the tormentors them selues tasted not of hunger. That is euer dea­med of lesse crueltye, vvhich commeth to passe of necessitye. but they thus practising their rage, prouided costage, or viaticall preparation, agaynst the dayes folovving: and meeting them vvhich in the night season crept out, as farre as the Romayne vvatche, to gather pott her­bes, and greene grasse, novv, being escaped the enemy, they spoyled. and vvhen as they had of­ten made supplication, and called the dreadfull name of God to helpe, that at least vvise they might haue some portion of that, vvhich they had gotten vvith daunger: nothinge vvas graun­ted, so that at length it seemed gratefull vnto them, that vvere spoyled, that they perished not vvith their vitayles. Vnto these thinges Iosephus addeth, saying: All hope of safety vvas denied Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 6. cap. 14. the Ievves, together vvith their passage excluded, and the famyne encreasing throughout their houses, and families, deuoured the people. the houses vvere full of carkases, of vvomen, and children: and the crosse vvayes replenished vvith the carkases of olde men: children, and yonge men that vvandred, vvere brought to the market place, after the likenes of pictures, and euery one fell dovvne, vvhere the fitt tooke him. Euery one being brought lovv, vvas not able to bury his kinsfolkes, & therefore vvaxed faint by reason of the multitude of dead men. & because that euery one doubted of his ovvne life, many fell dovvne dead vpon the carkases that they buried: many seeing no vvay but one, vvent and layd them dovvne vpon the beeres, to vvelcome death. neither vvas their lamentation, or vveping in these calamities, for famine suppressed euery ones passion. they vvhiche vvere very loth to dye, behelde vvith drye cheekes, the death of those vvhich hastened out of this life vnto rest. The citye vvas in deepe silence, the nyght nothinge but deathe, and theeues more intolerable then all these myseryes. They digged vp houses, and O tragicall factes. tumbes: they spoyled the deade: they tooke of the vvinding sheetes, or coueringes of the deade carkases: in a mockage, they tryed the sharpnes of their svvordes, vpon the deade bodyes. they launced certaine of them vvhiche laye along, and yet aliue, for the triall of their speares: such as prayed them to exercyse their myght, and crueltye vpon them, being vveary of their liues: they contemptuously reserued for famine. Euery one yelding vp the ghost, behelde the temple vvith immoueable and stedy countenance, sorovving that he left there behinde, seditious persons a­lyue. they vvhiche first by commaundement receiued revvarde out of the publike treasury to burye the deade: by reason of the intollerable stinche, and greatnes of the multitude, threvve them into a great trenche or pitt. VVhen Tytus passing by, savve the trenche filled, and the noy­some Titus soroweth at the miserable sight of the Iewes that were dead. Iosephꝰ with griefe vtte­red these wordes, be [...] Iud. lib. 6. cap. 16. Lib. 7. cap. 7. putrefaction stilling▪ and issuing out of the dead carkases, and running dovvne the sinkes, he sighed, and streatched forth his handes, and called God to vvitnes, that he vvas not the cause of this calamitye. Agayne, after a fewe lynes he addeth, saying: I can not refrayne my selfe, but that I breake out, and signifie my griefe: If the Romaynes vvere slacke in ouercomming vvicked persons, I thinke veryly that the cytye vvoulde eyther sincke, at the gapinge of the earthe: or be drovvned vvith a deluge: or after the manner of Sodome, be ouerthrovvne vvith fyre. It brought forthe abroode farre more pernicious, then they are that suffer this: and for their impietye, all this people vvallovveth in destruction. And in the seuenth booke he wri­teth thus, of them which perished by famine: the multitude vvas infinite, the afflictions, vvhich did fall on them can not be vttered. In euery house vvhere there appeared but a shadovve or shevve of meate, there vvas variance, so that the dearest friendes stroue among them selues, one seely soule depriuing an other of his dayly sustenance, and prouision. And lest the dying should be thought to vvant, the theeues searched them that vvere ready to dye, leste peraduenture any had hydd meate in his bosome, & therfore fained him selfe to dye. they vvhich greedely gaped by reason of their vvant, vvandred and trotted, like madd dogges, falling vpon dores like madd men, rushinge into the same houses, tvvyse and thryse in an houre, as men berefte of their vvittes. Necessitye made all meate that came to the teethe, supplying to be eaten those thin­ges, vvhiche vvere not commodious, no not for the fylthyest brute beastes. At lengthe they abstayned not from gyrdles and shoes, they eate the leathren skynnes that couered their tar­getts. [Page 40] Many eate chopt haye, or mynced grasse that vvas vvithered, other some gathered svvept and scraped dust, & dounge, selling the least measure thereof for foure pence. But vvhat should I rehearse, hovve that famyne spareth not thinges that haue no life, vnlesse vvith all I de­clare this vvorke of her: vvhose like vvas neuer reported, to haue bene done amonge the Gen­tyles, nor Barbarians: horrible to be spoken of, but true to the hearer. I of myne ovvne parte vvoulde gladly passe this calamitie, vvith silence, leste that I seemed to laye forthe monstrous lyes vnto the vvorlde: Vnlesse I had infinite vvitnesses in this behalfe. for other­vvise I should recompence my contrye vvith colde thanke, if I restrayned the rehearfall of such Ioseph. lib. 7. Cap. 8. thinges, as they smarted for. * A certayne vvoman vvhich dvvelled beyond Iordane, called Ma­ria, the daughter of Eleazar, of the village Bathezor, vvhich signifieth Hyssope: of good kindred An horrible history. and great vvealth: sled vvith the rest of the multitude vnto Ierusalem, and there vvas besieged: the rest of her substance, vvhich she had procured vnto her, out of the region beyonde lordane, and caused to be caryed into the city, the tyrantes of the contrye, tooke avvay: the reliques that vvere left, and the prouision for foode, the catchpoles rushing in dayly, snatched avvay. A cer­tayn grieuous indignation inuaded this seely vvoman, so that often tymes she prouoked against her selfe, by rayling and scolding, the cruell rauenners. VVhen as none either moued vvith pity, or prouoked vvith anger, slevve her: & she labored about, seeking vittailes, and could no longer finde any: and famine had entred into her bovvels, and inner partes: furious motions more then famine, inflamed her mind so, that she being ledd vvith the heat of anger, & pinching or pining necessity, offred violence vnto nature. for taking her sonne in her armes, vvhich vvas a suckling, she sayd: O vvretched infant, for vvhom shall I reserue thee in these vvarres, in this famyne, in A mother slayeth her owne childe to eate. this seditious conspiracy? Among the Romaynes, if so be that vve shall liue vnder them, there shall be bondage: this bondage hath famyne for gone: these seditious persons do afflict vs more grieuously then both. Passe on, be thou meate vnto me: a fury vnto these seditious men: a fable vnto the vvorlde: vvhiche yet alone hast not felt the Ievvish calamities. And immediatly vvith these vvordes, she slevve her childe, and boyled him: being boyled, she eate halfe, the rest she saued, and hidd secretly. Anone, these of the conspiracy come in, stamping & staring, threatning present death vnto her, vnlesse vvith speade she bring forth vvhat meate she had prepared. she aunsvvered that she reserued the better portion for them, bringing forth and shevving vvith all the reliques of her litle childe. A sodaine horror, and traunce of trembling minde, tooke them, that they vvere astonied at the sight thereof. But she sayd: this is my naturall sonne, and this is the vvorke of myne ovvne handes: Eate, for I haue eaten: be not you more tender then a vvo­man, or proner to compassion then a mother. If you are so godly, and mislike this my sacri­fice: I truely haue eaten in your name, and that vvhiche remayneth, I reserue for my selfe. vvhiche vvhen she had sayde, they all trembled at this one horrible fact, and scarse leauing this meate for the mother, they departed vvith greate feare. In a vvhile after, this haynous offence vvas bruted ouer the vvhole citye, so that euery man behoulding before his eyes this affliction, vvas no lesse moued, then if the fact had bene committed agaynst him selfe. But they that vvere pressed vvith famyne, desired death earnestly, and happy vvere they accomp­ted, vvhome death so preuented, that they neyther hearde nor savve the greate misery that hap­pened. such were the rewardes of iniquity, and impiety committed by the Ievves agaynst Christ and God. It shalbe thought well, if we adde the true prophecy of our Sauiour, declaring these thinges after this maner to haue come to passe.

CAP. VII.

The prophecyes of Christ, toutching the destruction of Ierusalem.

WOE be to them vvhich are vvith childe, and geue sucke in those dayes, (sayth Christ) [...]uth. 24. but praye that your slight be neyther in vvinter, nor on the Saboth daye, for then shall be greate tribulation, suche as vvas not from the beginning of the vvorlde, [...]osep. (bel. [...]. lib. 7. cap [...]) saith the [...]ber was [...]e hūdred [...]usande. vnto this tyme, neyther shall be. When the Historiographer had collected the number of them that perished by sword, and famine, he reporteth that it mounted to * a hundred & ten myllions. besides the seditious and theeuish reuenners, betrayed on by an other, and slayne after the win­ning of the city: and yonge men of highe stature, and comlynes of bodye, that were reserued for [Page 41] their exercise in triumphe, of the rest of the multitude, as many as passed seuentene yeare olde, they were sent bounde to druggerye in Aegypt, many were sent into the prouinces, that be­ing layde on theatres, subiect to the sworde, and crueltye of beastes, so they might perishe▪ suche as were vnder seuentene yeare olde, were brought vnto captiuitie, and soulde, the num­ber of these he reporteth to haue mounted to nyne Myriades, or millions. these thinges hap­pened Iosephꝰ saith the number of the capti­ues was four score and se­uentenethou sande. after this manner, in the seconde yeare of the raygne of Vespasian, Anno Do­mini 73. forty yeares iust after the passi­on of Christ. Luk. 19. Luk. 21. truly, according vnto the foreshewed prophecye of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ, which by his diuine power, as if they had bene then present, he foresawe: and with the shedding of teares, as the holy E­uangelistes testifie, he be wayled: whiche alleadge these his wordes then vttered to Ierusalem. If thou hadest knovvne (sayth he) these thinges vvhiche belong vnto thy peace, euen at this daye, thou vvouldest take hede. But novve are they hidde from thine eyes, for the dayes shall come vpon thee, that thine enemyes also, shall cast a banke about thee, and compasse thee rounde, and keepe thee in vvith vexation on euery side, and make thee euen vvith the grounde, and thy children also. Then sayth he of the people: there shall be greate trouble in the lande, and vvrath ouer all this people, and they shall fall through the edge of the svvorde, and shall be ledde avvay captiue vnto all nations, and Ierusalem shall be troden dovvne of the Gentyles, vntill the tyme of the Gentyles be fulfilled. If any will conferre the wordes of Christe with the rest of those thinges that the Historiographer hath written concerninge the whole warres: how can he but fall into an admiration, and confesse, that the prophecy, and pre­science of our Sauiour was wonderfull, and passing naturall reason: of those thinges which (after the passion of our Sauiour, & there crying, when the whole multitude of the Ievves craued a thefe Luk. 23. and a murtherer to be deliuered) happened vnto this whole nation, I thinke it not necessary to entreate. But this is needefull to be noted, which commendeth the goodnes of the prouidence of God, in deferring their destruction, for the space of forty yeares after their presumptuous rashe­nes agaynst Christ, in the which yeares, many of the Apostles and Disciples, ( Iames by name, their first Bishop, called the brother of the Lorde) as yet aliue, and abiding in the citye of Ierusa­lem: haue endured and continewed as a most sure fortresse, for that place, God winking all that while, if peraduenture they woulde repent, to the ende they might be pardoned, and saued. And besides so notable a patience, how wonderfull signes from aboue were exhibited, to happen vp­pon the impenitent, which of the aforesayde Historiographer are sett forth to perpetuall memo­ry, and are now to be deliuered of vs, vnto the Readers handes. I will therefore propose what he hath published in his seuenth booke of historyes.

CAP. VIII.

Of the signes foreshewing the warres.

SEducers (sayth he) and authors of lyes agaynst God, deceaued at that tyme, that seely and Ioseph. bell. Iud lib. 7. cap▪ 12. vvretched people, so that they neither marked those euident ougly shapes, forshevving the desolation to come: nether gaue any credit therunto, but as astonied, both blinde & sense­lesse, contemned the demonstrations of God, so that a starre stoode ouer the city, like vnto a A starre like a sworde. A commet [...] svvorde, and a Commett enduring the space of a vvhole yeare. Agayne, before their rebellion, and vvarlike tumulte, vvhen the people frequented the feaste of svveete breade, the viij. day of the moneth Aprill, in the night, at nyne of the clocke: so greate a light ouerspred the altar, and A light in the temple in the night time. the temple, that it seemed to be cleare daye, continevving the space of halfe an hovvre, vvhich sight vnto the vnlearned seemed good, but vvas numbred of suche as exercised them sel­ues in the holy Scripture, among thinges vvhiche shortly shoulde happen. At the same feaste, a covve ledde by the high priest to sacrifice, calued a lambe, in the middest of the temple. A cowe cal­ued a lamb [...] A great gat [...] opening it selfe. Moreouer the East gate of the inner temple, though of brasse, and most stronge, so that in the euening, tvventy men coulde scarse shutt it, being boulted vvith iron barres, and strengthe­ned vvith longe postes, and pillers: in the night tyme, about the sixt houre, vvas seene to haue opened voluntarily, of it selfe. A fevve dayes after the feaste, the xxj. daye of Maye, there A deuill in the forme [...] man. vvas seene the figure, and shape of the deuill, almoste incredible. some vvoulde thinke that I vvent about to reporte, a monstrous lye, vnlesse it had bene reported by them, that savve it: and the afflictions vvhiche folovved, vvere correspondent vnto the signes. For before sunne sett, there vvere seene in the aëre, throughout the contrye, charettes, and armed souldiers, [Page 42] marching in the cloudes, and compassing the citye. In the feaste of Pentecost, vvhen the priestes An army of souldiers in the cloudes. A cōmotion in the aëre. A voyce heard in the temple, Let vs go hence. One Iesus the sonne of Ananias, 4. yeres before the warres, cryed conti­nually woe, woe, all a­bout Ierusa­lem. after their maner, vvent into the temple, in the night season to offer sacrifice, they reported to haue hearde a commotion, and a ratling sounde, vvith this voyce folovving: Let vs goe hence. And that vvhich vvas more terrible on Iesus, the sonne of Ananias, a rude, and a contrey fellovv, came vnto the feaste, in the vvhich the lavve geuen by God, vvas deliuered vnto all, as in the tyme of their tents, foure yeares before the vvarres, vvhen the citye vvas in peace, and prosperi­tie, and so dainly about the temple cryed out, and sayd: A voyce from the East: a voyce from the VVest: a voyce from the foure vvindes: a voyce vpon Ierusalem, and the temple: a voyce vp­pon the bridegrome, and nevve maried vvife: a voyce vpon all this people. this, day, and night, cryed he out, in the crosse vvayes of the streates, Many of the chiefe of the people, not pleased vvith this infortunate voyce, vvere throughly moued, so that they chastized, and scourged him, vvith many, and grieuous stripes: he of the contrary, saying not a vvorde for him selfe, ceased not to cry seuerally, vnto them that vvere present, the same songe. The magistrates supposing him to be possessed of a fanaticall spirite, as it vvas in deede, brought him vnto the Romayne president, vvhere he vvas scourged, from top to toe, so that the bare bones might be seene, yet neuer entreated he for him selfe, nor shedd a teare, but as much as in him laye, lifted his voyce vnto lamentation, sounding at euery stripe, vvoe, vvoe, vnto Ierusalem. An other thing yet more straunge, the same Historigrapher writeth, that a certayne oracle was found in the holy Scri­ptures, An oracle to be vnder­stoode of Christ. contayning in it this sense: y there should one rise out of their owne region, which shoulde rule the worlde, which Iosephus vnderstandeth to haue bene ment by Ʋespasian. yet ruled he not the whole worlde, but the Romayne Empire. This oracle may better be referred vnto Christ, vnto whome it was sayd of the Father: Aske of me, and I vvill geue thee the Gentiles, for thyne inhe­ritance, Psal. 2. and the endes of the earth, for thy possession, the sound of vvhose Apostles, vvent at the Psal. 19. very same tyme, throughout the earth, and their vvordes to the endes of the vvorlde.

The translator vnto the Reader, toutching the infinite number of Iewes, which perished in all the warres, betwene the Romaynes, and the Iewes, diligently gathered out of Iosephus.

I thinke it not amisse (gentle Reader) to note here vnto thee the infinite number of Iewes which peri­shed, from the beginning of the warres, betwene the Romaynes, and the Iewes, that is from the 12. yere of Nero, and the 2. of the Lieuetenantship of Florus, Anno Christi 68. (out of Iosephus a Iewe, whiche was present in the warres) vnto the ouerthrowe of Ierusalem, and the burning of the temple by Titus, the which Eusebius, in these former chapiters, hath partly mentioned, and partly omitted to the ende we may beholde eyther the long suffring, and goodnes of God, for the amendement of our liues, by repen­tance, which winked so long at the wickednesse of these Iewes, to prouoke vs: or els the ire, wrathe, and heauy hand of God, ouer impenitent persons, to terrifie vs to feare his name, and tremble at his plagues. The land of Sodome for their abominable sinne was ouerthrowne, with fire, and brimstone from heauen. The Lord him selfe sayd: (Genes. 18.) that their sinne vvas exceeding grieuous. Abraham pleading with the Angell of God (which came to destroy them) for pardon, could not finde tenne iust persons, no not Iosephus. lib [...]. cap. 5. in fiue cities. if they could haue bene founde, all the rest had bene pardoned for their sakes. Iosephus wri­teth of Sodome thus: (bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 5.) Terra Sodomitica olim tam fructibus, quàm substantia ciuitatum fortunata, nunc autem omnis exusta, atque habitatorum impie­tate, fulminibus conflagrasse memoratur. denique adhuc in ea Diuini reliquias ignis, & oppidorum quinque videre licet imagines, & renascentes in fructibus cineres, qui colore quidem sunt edulibus similes, carpentium vero manibus in fumum dissoluun­tur, & cinerem. The land of Sodome is knovven of olde to haue bene fortunate, both for frute and vvelth of cities, but novv to lye all parched, and to haue bene burnt vvith lightnings, for the sinne of the inhabitants▪ to be short, as yet a man may there see reliques of the fire, vvhich God sent, and tokens of the fiue cities, and ashes to spring agayne, and grovve in the frute, vvhich in color are like vnto the eateable frute, but being plucked dovvne in the hande of the gatherer, they are dissolued into smoke, and ashes. The tenne plagues of Aegypt were very grieuous, yet was the hart of Pharao, and of the Aegyptians, so hardened, that they could not repent. so that in steede of [Page 43] the salt teares of repentance, which should haue trickled downe their cheekes, to the washing away of their sinnes: the redd sea was fayne to open, & to wipe away such monsters, from of the face of the earth. God ouerthrewe infinite nations, before the face of his owne people (I meane the Iewes) to make away, for them into the land of promise. Yet forgat they all his goodnes, and benefites bestowed vpon them. how shamefull a thing is it for the sonne to disobey his father, for the seruant to dishonour his Lorde and may­ster, for the pacient to cast of the phisicion, for the chosen people to forsake their proper, and peculiar God? this haue the Iewes done, wherefore beholde what happened vnto them. Iosephus writeth (bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 13.) that in the 12. yeare of the raygne of Nero, the 17. yeare of the raygne of King Agrippa, in the moneth of May, and the 2. yeare of the Lieuetenantship of Florus, the Iewes beganne to rebell, and to take armour agaynst the Romaynes, reiecting the solemnitie done in the temple, to the honour of Cae­sar. The chiefe cause that moued them thereunto, was the cruelty of Florus. VVherefore this Florus, to geue the Iewes a taste of his authority, for displeasure conceaued agaynst some which reuiled him, cau­sed such a slaughter at Ierusalem, that the number of the slayne, mounted to six hundred and thirty persons. Iosephus bello Iudaico, lib. 2. cap. 14. Agayne through wiles, and deceate, this Florus raysed a great commotion at Ierusalem, to the slaughter of many. cap. 14. The inhabitors of Caesarea, slewe in one day all the Iewes which dwelled there, aboue tvventy thousande in number, all that fled, Florus tooke, and imprisoned. the Iewes seeing this, thought to reuenge them selues, vpon the Syrians, in which skirmishe there were slayne thirtene thousand Ievves, & all their substance taken for spoyle. bell. Iud. li. 2. cap. 19. Other contreyes in like sorte, set vpon the Iewes: the Ascalonites slewe tvvo thousande▪ the inhabitants also of Ptolemais destroyed tvvo thousande. The Tyrians imprisoned a great many, & slewe very many. The Hippinaei and Gadarits set packing the stoutest of them, and watched the rest very na­rowely. Varus the procurator of King Agrippa, slewe seuenty of the noblelest, and sagest Iewes, being sent as Legates vnto him. lib. 2. cap. 20. The people of Alexandria, slewe fifty thousande Ieeves, cap. 21. Cestius gathered an hoast, went into Iudaea, he burned Zabulon, he tooke Ioppe, he destroyed eyght thousand, and forty persons. cap. 22. Caesennius Gallus, ouerrunneth Galilee, he destroyed in Asamon, tvvo thovvsande. cap. 23. The inhabitantes of Damascus, destroyed tenn thovvsande Ievves, which dwelt among them. lib. 2. cap. 25. The Romayne souldiers vnder Antonius their captayne, tooke Asca­lon, and destroyed tenn thovvsande Ievves, immediatly at an other skirmishe, in the same place aboue eyght thousande. bell. Iud. lib. 3. cap. 1. Vespasian is sent from Nero into Iudaea, he inuadeth Galilee, he taketh Gadara, he burneth the citye, and the villages rounde about. lib. 3. cap. 5. 6. The city Aphaca was taken by Titus, the 25. day of Iune, there were slayne fiftene thousande Ievves, and tvvo thousand, a hundred, and thirty persones taken captiues. lib. 3. cap. 11. Ʋespasian tooke Samaria, the 27. daye of Iune, and slewe eleuen thousande, and six hundred. lib. 3. cap, 12. Ʋespasian tooke Iotapata, sett all the castels afire, the 13. yeare of Nero, the first of the Calendes of Iuly, he slewe forty thousande, he tooke a thousand, and tvvo hundred captiue. lib. 3. cap. 13. Ʋespasian tooke Ioppe, the second time, the Iewes seeing no way but one, slewe them selues, and fell hedlong into the sea, so that the sea was imbrued with blood, the number of dead bodyes which the sea threwe vp, was foure thousande and tvvo hun­dred. the rest otherwise slayne, there remayned not one to bring tydinges thereof into Ierusalem. lib. 3. cap. 15. Vespasian besieged the Taricheans, he slewe in their citie six thousande, and fiue hundred, he tooke many aliue, whereof he commaunded a thousande, and tvvo hundred of the noblelest, and elder sorte of them to be slayne, he sent six thousande of the lustier to Nero, vnto Istmon. he solde thirty thou­sande and foure hundred persons, besides those which he gaue to King Agrippa, this was done, the sixt of the Ides of September. Iosep. bell. Iud. lib. 3. cap. 19. The citie of Gamala, beganne to rebel, the 21. of September, the citie was taken, the 23. of October, there were slayne therein, foure thousande, be­sides these, there were founde other fiue thousande, which had cast them selues headlonge, and broke their neckes, not one of the whole city left aliue, but only 2. women. lib. 4. cap. 3. Titus tooke the city Ga­scala, the inhabitantes fledd to Ierusalem, they were ouertaken, tvvo thousande slayne, and three thousande taken captiue. and thus was all Galilee ouerrunne, and now to Iudea. lib. 4. cap. 4. In Ierusa­lem there was such a sedition, and conspiracy among themselues, which opened a gappe for the enemy to come vpon them, that euen in the first bickering. there were founde dead eyght thousande, & fiue hun­dred Ievves. lib. 4. cap. 7. againe the seditions persons among them, called Zelotae, by the helpe of the Idu­maeans, sl [...]we tvvelue thousande of the chiefe of the Iewes. lib. 5. cap. 1. Vespasian tooke Gadara, and slew thirty thousande, besides these, the number was infinite that drowned them selues, the number of the captiues came to tvvo thousand, and tvvo hundred. lib. 5. cap. 3. Vespasian tooke Gerasion, & slewe a thousande yong men, which had not fledd. lib. 5. cap. 6. Vespasian now at length, after the death of Ne­ro, [Page 44] Galba, Otho, and Vitellius the Emperours: is chosen Emperour, and goeth to Rome, he committeth the warres in Iudaea to his sonne Titus. li. 5. cap. vlt. The misery of the Iewes in Ierusalem waxed so great, that the sedition afore tyme but one, was now become three folde, euery one hauing their captayne. Titus layeth siege to the city. Iosep. bell. Iud. lib. 6. cap. 1. 2. Their estate was miserable, the famyne lamentable, the slaughter out of all measure, such as came out of the city, were hanged on gibbetts: such as fledde a­way, were taken: of the fugitiues tvvo thousand had their bowels ript, to see whether they had swalow­ed vp any golde. lib. 6. cap. 15. report came vnto Titus, that from the 14. of Aprill, vntill the 14. of Iune, there were brought out at one gate of the city, fiftene thousande, one hundred and foure score Ie­vves, which dyed of famine. bell. Iud. lib. 6. cap. vlt. The temple is sett on fire, the priestes, the women, and children, with other people which hid them selues in vautts, in walls, and in corners of the temple, which also were burnt to ashes: came to six thousande. lib, 7. cap. 11. Titus tooke the citye, the souldiours killed, vntill they were weary. Titus commaunded all that wore armour to be slayne: such as were olde, weake, and feeeble, the souldiours dispatched. the yong, the lusty, and profitable, they shutt vp in a certayne place of the temple, for further consideration. Many were solde for a smale price, there were many to be solde, but few to bye. all the theeues, robbers, and seditious persons within the city, he commaunded forth with to be dispatched. the chosen yong men of goodly bodyes, and tall stature, he reserued for triumphe: seuen­tene thousand of elderly yeares, he sent bound to Aegypt, for slauery, & druggery▪ many others through out the prouinces, he allotted for spectacles, and teeth of wild beastes▪ as many as were vnder sixtene yeres▪ of age, were solde▪ of such as were shutt vp in the temple, for further consideration, during the time of this deliberation, and disposed order: there dyed tvvelue thousande of famine. Iosep. bell. Iud. lib. 7. cap. 15. 16. The number of the captiues, during the tyme of the warres, mounted to foure score and seuentene thousande. The number of all that dyed, during the siedge within Ierusalem, came to tenne hundred thousande. no maruell at all, that the city could comprise so many. for at the feast of the Passeouer, Ce­stius being Lieuetenant of Iudaea, sent Neroworde, that the high priestes had numbred, at his request, all that came to offer, which came to seuen and tvventy hundred thousande. lib. 7. cap. 17. and suche was the wofull, and miserable ende of the Iewes. Iosephus moreouer (lib. 7. bell. Iud. cap. 18.) writeth of Ierusalem, that it was taken at sondry tymes before, his wordes be these: Ierusalem vvas taken the 2. Iosephus. lib 7. bell. Iud. cap. 18. yeare of the raigne of Vespasian, the 8. day of September, it vvas taken fiue tymes before, & then agayne destroyed. Asochaeus King of the Aegyptians: after him Antiochus: then Pompeius: & after these, Herode and Sosius tooke the city, and kept it▪ and before that tyme the King of Babylon, by conquest destroyed it, a thousande three hundred three score yeares, eyght moneths, and six dayes after the building thereof. The first founder of this city, vvas the most potent Prince of the Chananits, called after his contrey language The iust king▪ for such a one he vvas in deede▪ ther­fore he first ordayned a priesthood vnto God, and hauing first buylded the temple: he termed the city Ierusalem, vvhich afore vvas called Solyma, Leobius King of the Ievves, hauing vanqui­shed the Chananits, deliuered the city to be inhabited of his ovvne people, the vvhich vvas o­uerthrovvne by the Babylonians, foure hundred, three score, foure yeares, and three monethes after. From Leobius the King, vvhich vvas the first Ievve that raygned in it, vnto the ouerthrovv vnder Titus, there vvere one thousande, one hundred, seuenty, and seuen yeares. Yet for all that, neyther did antiquity preuayle, neyther great riches profit, neyther the fame dispersed throughout the whole worlde, fauour them, neyther the great glory they put in their religion, helpe them at all, that the city shoulde not perishe.

Discite iustitiam moniti non temnere Christum.

CAP. IX.

Of Iosephus, and his commentaries, in the ninth and tenth chapiters folowing.

BEsides all this, I thinke it good, not to be ignorant of Iosephus him selfe, that hath stoode vs in so great steade, for the furnishing of this our present historye, whence, and of what kin­dred he came, which circumstance he him selfe sheweth, saying thus: Iosephus the sonne of sephus of [...] selfe An [...]. lib. 16. cap [...]el. lud. lib cap. 25. lib. contra A­nem. Mattathias, a priest, of Ierusalem, vvhich him selfe also at the first impugned the Romaynes, and vvas necessarily present, at the finall ende of their vvofull miseryes, because of the Ievves of that tyme. This man was famous, not onely among his owne nation, but also among the Romaynes, so that at Rome, he was thought worthy the honor of a grauen picture, and the bookes which di­ligently he wrote, were thought worthy of the publike librarye. He wrote tvventy bookes of Iu­daicall [Page 45] Antiquities. he testifieth him selfe, therefore worthy of creditt, that he gathered in seuen bookes the Romayne vvarres of his tyme, and published it both in the Greeke, and Hebrewe ton­gues. Certayne others worthy the reading, passe vnder his name, for example: Tvvo volumes of the Antiquitie of the Ievvish nation, where he aunswereth Apion Grammaticus, and certayne o­thers: which at that tyme impugned the Ievves, and endeuored to disgrace the natiue lawe, of the Iewishe nation. In the first he layeth downe the number of the bookes of the olde testament, deli­uered by tradition, and receaued without gainfaying, of the Ievves, saying as foloweth:

CAP. X.

How Iosephus mentioned the bookes of the old testament, and diuers of his owne.

THe bookes of the holy Scripture (sayth he) are not innumerable amongst vs, disagreeing, Iosep. lib. 1. contra Apiō. The Iewes acknowledg 22. bookes. 5. Bookes of Moses. 13. Bookes of the Prophets 4. Bookes of psalmes and admonitions & dissenting one from an other, but only xxij. contayning the circumstances of all times, and vvorthy of creditt. fiue of these are Moses vvorkes, contayning the lavves, & the state of man, continevved vnto his death. the tyme of them contayneth litle lesse, then three thousand yeares. The Prophetes vvhich liued after Moses, comprised in thirtene bookes, the famous actes of their tymes, from the death of Moses, to Artaxerxes, vvho after the death of Xerxes, vvas king of Persia. The other foure, containe Hymnes vnto God, and admonitions for the amendment of mans life. From Artaxerxes vnto our tymes, there are continuall bookes, yet not of such creditt as the former, in so much there is not diligently layd dovvne a continuall succession of the Pro­phets. It is very apparent, vvhat affection vve beare vnto our Scriptures, because there is novv so much time past, and yet none of vs dare presume, either to adde any thinge thereto: or to dimi­nish anything therefro: or to alter any thinge thereof. this is engrassed in the sevves, from their youth vp, that they persvvade them selues, this doctrine to be the vvritinges of God, and to per­seuere in the same, and vvillingly, if necessity so constrayne, to dye in the quarrell. these wordes I haue thought commodiously to haue bene by vs alleadged out of his commentaryes. this writer hath published one other, and no simple volume of the rule of reason, whiche some haue fathered vppon the Machabees, because it contayneth the combats of the Hebrues, so termed in the bookes of the Machabees, manfully fighting in the defence of their pietye towardes God. And about the ende of the twentieth booke of Iudaicall Antiquities, Iosephus him selfe signifieth, that he wrote foure bookes, of the proper opinions of the Ievves. of God. of his essence. of the lavves. and vvhy according vnto them, certayne thinges are lavvfull, and certayne forbidden. He mentioneth in his workes other treatyes of his. it shall seeme agreable with order, if we recite those thinges, which he wrote about the ende of his Iudaicall Antiquities: that our allegations may the better be confirmed, for he endeuoring to confute Iustus Tyberianus, (who writinge the historye of that This is foūd in losephus first booke a­gainst Apio [...] tyme, reported many vntruthes,) among others, of his confutations, thus he sayth: I feared not thy censure so much of my vvritings, but that I exhibited my bookes vnto the Emperours them­selues, vvhen the dedes done, vvere novv fresh in memory, my conscience bare me vvitnes, that Ierred not, but deliuered the trueth, hauing obtayned their testimonies vvhich I hoped for. And to diuers others, I offred my historye, vvhere of some vvere encombred vvith the vvartes, as king Agrippa, and diuers of his kinsfolkes. And the Emperour Tytus him selfe vvoulde haue the cer­tayne knovvledge of these vvarres, deliuered vnto the vvorlde, by my bookes onely, commaun­ding them to be published, vvith the priuiledge of his ovvne hande. King Agrippa vvrote three­score, & tvvo epistles, vvherin he testifieth of the true history deliuered by me. Two of these epi­stles he alleadgeth. but so farre concerning Iosephus, now we wil proceede to that which foloweth.

CAP. XI.

How after Iames the Iust, Simeon was Bishop of Ierusalom.

AFter the martyrdome of Iames, and the captiuity of Ierusalem now ended, the reporte [...] ­eth, that the Apostles and Disciples of our Lorde, which then were aliue (whereof many yet remayned) gathered them selues from euery where, vnto one place, together with the kinsmen of the Lorde, according to the fleshe, there to haue consulted, who was thought best wor­thy to succeede Iames: so that all, with one voyce, iudged worthy of the seae of Ierusalem, Simeon the sonne of Cleopas, mentioned in the Gospell, and called the cosin of Christ, for Aegesippi [...] wri­teth that Cleopas was the brother of Ioseph.

CAP. XII.

How Vespasian commaunded the posteritie of Dauid diligently to be sought out, in the Churche of Ierusalem.

MOreouer, he declareth that Ʋespasian after the siege of Ierusalem, caused enquirie to be made, of such as were of the lyne of Dauid: lest that any remayned yet among the Ievves, of the royall bloude, so that thereby agayne, there was raysed a great persecution among the Ievves.

CAP. XIII.

After Vespasian, and Titus: Domitian raigned. vnder Titus: Linus, and Anacletus were Bishops of Rome. vnder Domitianus: Anianus, and Abilius, were Bishops of Alexandria.

WHen Vespasian had raigned tenne yeares, Titus his sonne, succeeded him in the empire, Titus crea­ted Empe­rour Anno Domini 81. Linus. Anacletus. Domitiā created Empe­rour Anno Domini 83. Anianus. Abilius. The 2. of the tenne perse­cutions was raised by this Emperour Domitian. Clemens. in the seconde yeare of whose raygne, Linus after he had bene Byshop of Rome, the space of xii. yeares, deseased, and him succeeded Anacletus. When Titus had raygned two yeares and two monethes, his brother Domitian tooke the imperiall crowne. In the fourth yeare of the raigne of Domitian: Anianus the first Bishop of Alexandria, (hauing continued there xxii. yeares) dyed. the seconde after him that succeeded, was Abilius.

CAP. XIIII.

Of Clemens, his Bishoprike, his testimony, his epistle.

IN the twelfe yeare of the raygne of Domitian, when as Anacletus had bene Bishop of Rome twelue yeares: Clemens succeeded, whome S. Paul writing to the Philippians, calleth his fe­lovv laboter, when he sayth: Cap. 15. af­ter the greke Philip. 4. vvith Glemens, and the rest of my felovv laborers, vvhose names are vvritten in the booke of life. Cap. 16. af­ter the greke The epistle of Clemens [...]nto the Co­inthians eade in the Churche. [...] Cap. 17. af­ter the greke [...]omitian dy [...]d Anno Do [...]ini 98. cap. 18. after [...] greeke. one vndoubted epistle there is of his, extant, both worthy & no­table, y which he wrote from Rome, vnto Corinthe, when sedition was raysed among the Corin­thians: the same Epistle we haue knowne to haue bene reade openly, & publikely, in many chur­ches, both of olde, and amongest vs also▪ that at that tyme there was raysed a sedition amongest the Corinthians, Aegesippus is a witnes of creditt.

CAP. XV.

Of the persecution, and ende of Domitian, warring agaynst God.

DOmitian, when he had executed much cruelty agaynst many, and put to death no smal mul­titude of the Nobles of Rome, and notable men, beyond all rightfull iudgement: and pu­nished an infinite company of famous men, with the hurtful exile & losse of their substance, dyeth: and appoynteth him selfe successor of the hatred owed to Nero, & of the warre against God. this man secondarily raysed persecution agaynst vs, although his father Vespasian practysed no presumptuous Lordlynes towards vs.

CAP. XVI.

VVhen Iohn the Euangelist was banished into Patmos.

ABout this time, Iohn y Apostle, & Euangelist, is sayd to haue bene banished into y Ile Pat­mos, [...]hn being [...]iled into [...]tmos An. [...]omini 97. [...]ote the relation. [...]naeus lib. 5 for the testimony of the worde of God. Irenaeus in his fift booke agaynst the heresies, writing of the epitheton of Antichrist, layde downe in the reuelation of S. Iohn, sayth thus, word by word of Iohn: If his name ought publikely to haue bene preached, at that present tyme: by him veryly it vvas preached vvhich vvrote the reuelation. for it vvas not seene a long time af­ter, but vvelnigh in this our age, about the ende of the raygne of Domitian. Our religion so flo­rished in the forsayd times, that the heathen writers, noting exactly the tymes: voutchsafed to pu­blish in their historyes, this persecution, and the martyrdomes suffred in the same.

CAP. XVII.

Of Flania Domicilla, a noble gentlewoman, banished into the Ile Pontia: and the e­dict [...]p. 19. after 5 greeke. of Domitian, for the destroying of the posteritie of Dauid.

[Page 47]THey haue written that in the fiftenth yeare of Domitian, one Flauia, descending of the sister of Flauius Clemens, which then was of the Romayne Consuls, was exiled with many others vnto the Ile Pontia, for the testimony of Christ. When Domitian commaunded such as ly­nealy descended out of Dauid to be slayne, the old report goeth, that certayne of this opinion, were accused to haue come out of the auncetors of Iudas, who was the brother of Christ, according vn­to the fleshe, as if by this meanes they were of the stocke of Dauid, and the kinsmen of Christ. this Aegesippus declareth, saying: Cap. 20. af­ter the greke Aegesippus. there suruiued as yet certayne of the kindred of the Lorde, ne­phevves of Iudas, called his brother, according vnto the flesh, vvhom they brought forth, as be­ing of the line of Dauid. these Iocatus doth bring before the Emperour Domitian, for he feared the comming of Christ, euen as Herode did, and demaunded of them, vvhether they vvere of the stocke of Dauid. vvhich vvhen they had acknovvledged, he demaunded againe, vvhat possessi­ons they enioyed, and vvhat money they had. They aunsvvered: both vve haue onely ix. thou­sande pence, so that halfe that summe sufficeth either of vs, yet this summe haue vve not in mo­ney, but in vallovved land, contayning not aboue xxxix. acres, out of the vvhich vve pay tribute, and relieue our selues through our labour, and industry. Then shevved they him their hands, for testimony that they labored them selues, and the hardnes of their bodies, and the hard bravvne of their handes grovven by continuall labour. and vvhen as they vvere asked of Christ, and his The kinsmē of Christ ac­cording vn­to the fleshe, make an ac­compte of their fayth, before Domitian the Em­perour. kingdome, vvhat maner, vvhen, and vvhere, it should appeare, they aunsvvered: that his kinge­dome, vvas neither vvorldly, nor earthly, but caelestiall and Angelicall, and that it shoulde be at the consummation of the vvorlde, vvhen that he comming in glory, shall iudge the quicke and the dead, and revvarde euery man according vnto his vvorkes. After they had thus aunsvvered, the report goeth, that Domitian condemned them not, but despised them, as vile, and base crea­tures, & let them goe free, & stayed by his edict, the persecution then raysed against the church. VVhen they vvere gone, it is sayde, that they vvere rulers ouer Churches, in so much that in the ende they vvere martyres, and of the line of our Lorde, and aftervvardes peace ensuing, the re­port goeth, that they liued vntill the raigne of Traian. So farre Aegesippus. Tertullian also repor­teth Tertullian. the like of Domitian. Domitian (sayth he) some time assayed the like practise, being a porti­on of Neroes cruelty. but he hauing some humane sense, (as I suppose) forthvvith relented, cal­ling home agayne such as he had exiled.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 21. after the greeke.

Nerua succeedeth Domitian, and Traian succeedeth Nerua in the empire. Cerdo succeedeth Abilius, in the Churche of Alexandria.

AFter that Domitianus had raygned fiftene yeares, and Nerua had succeeded him: the Hi­storiographers Nerua crea­ted Empe­rour Anno Domini 99. Traian crea­ted Empe­rour Anno Domini 100. The 3. perse­cution of the 10. famous persecutions was vnder this Traian. Cerdo. Cap. 22. after the greeke. Peter. Linus. Anacletus. Clemens. Euodius. Ignatius. Simeon. Cap. 23. after the Greeke▪ of that tyme do write, that the Romayne Senate decreed, that the honors exhibited vnto Domitian shoulde cease, and such as were iniuriously exiled, shoulde returne vnto their natiue soyle, and receaue their substance agayne. it is also amonge the auncient traditi­ons, that then Iohn the Apostle returned from banishment, and dwelt agayne at Ephesus. When Nerua had raigned a litle aboue a yeare: Traian succeeded him. In the first yeare of whose raigne, Cerdo succeeded Abilius, which was Bishop of Alexandria, the space of thirtene yeares. This is the thirde after Anianus of that Churche.

CAP. XIX.

The succession of the first Bishops in three Churches, Rome, Antioch, Alexandria.

AT that tyme Clemens ruled the Churche of Rome, beinge the thirde Bishop after Paul, & Peter. the first was Linus. the seconde Anacletus. And of them which gouerned the church of Antioche, the first was knowne to be Euodius. the second Ignatius. likewise Simeon at the same tyme, the seconde after the brother of our Sauiour, gouerned the churche of Ierusalem.

CAP. XX.

An history of Iohn the Apostle, and a yong theefe conuerted by him.

AS yet the Apostle and Euangelist, whome the Lorde loued, remayned aliue in Asia, who after the death of Domitian, being returned from the Ile Patmos, gouerned the Churches there in Asia. And that he liued at that time, the confirmation of two witnesses shall suffice. [Page 48] They are worthy of creditt, such as haue gouerned the Churche with sounde doctrine. These are Irenaeus and Clemens Alexandrinus. the former in his seconde booke agaynst the heresies, writeth thus: All the Elders beare vvitnes, vvhich liued together vvith Iohn, the Disciple of our Sauiour Irenaeus lib. 2 cap. 39. Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 3. in Asia: that he deliuered these thinges. he endured vvith them vnto the tyme of Traian▪ also in the thirde of his sayde argument, he declareth the same in these wordes: The churche of the E­phesians planted by Paul, confirmed by Iohn, vvhich remayned there vntill the tyme of Traian, is a true testimony of this Apostolicke tradition. Clemens with all, signifieth the tyme, and also a very necessary historye is by him adioyned, for suche as are recreated with honest and profitable Sozomenus an Historio­grapher is crept into this greeke coppy, I wot not how, he liued an hun­dred and odd yeares after Eusebius, & dedicated his history▪ vnto Theodosius iunior, the autor there­fore of this history tout­ching Iohn, was Clemens as Eusebius writeth be­fore & after. thinges, whereof also one Sozomenus in his history hath made mention, at large in his commen­taryes, if thou reade it, thou shalt finde thus written. Heare a fable, and yet no fable, but a true tale reported of Iohn the Apostle: deliuered vnto vs and committed to memory after the desease of the tyrant. VVhen he had returned to Ephesus, out of the Ile Patmos, being requested, vvent vnto the contreyes adioyning, partly to consecrate Bishops, partly to set in order vvhole Chur­ches, and partly to chuse by lott, vnto the Ecclesiasticall function, of them vvhome the holy Ghost had assigned. VVhen he vvas come vnto a certayn city not farre distant (the name vvherof diuers doe expresse) and among other thinges had recreated the brethren: beholding a yong man of a goodly bodye, a gracious face, and seruente minde, he turned his face vnto him, that vvas appointed chiefe ouer all the Bishops, and sayd: I commend this yonge man vnto thy custody, vvith an earnest desire, as Christ, and the Churche, beare me vvitnes. VVhen he had re­ceaued his charge, and promised diligence therein: he spake and protested vnto him, the selfe same, the second time. Aftervvardes he returned to Ephesus. but the elder taking the yong man, that vvas deliuered vnto him, brought him vp at home, ceased not, cherished him still, and in processe of time baptized him. he came at length to be so diligent & seruiceable, that he made him a liuery garment or scrole, signed vvith his masters seale of Armes. but this yonge man be­came dissolute out of season, perniciously accompanyed him selfe vvith them, of his ovvne yea­res, idle, dissolute, and acquainted vvith ill behauiour. first they bringe him to sumptuous ban­quetts: next they guyde him in the night to steale, and to robbe: after this they require that he consent vnto the committing of a greater offence. but he acquainting him selfe by a litle, and a litle, through the greatnes of his capacitye, much like a horse of a hardned mouth, fierce, strong, and hardy, forsaking the right vvay, vvith the biting of the bridle, bringeth him selfe vnto a bot­tomlesse pitt, of all misorder and outrage. At length despayring of the saluation that commeth of God, being past all hope of grace▪ he practised no toye nor trifle, once being ouer the shoes, he proceeded forvvardes, and tooke the like lott vvith the reste of his companions. takinge vnto him companions, and a rout of theues being gathered together, he became a most violent cap­tayne of theeues, vvholy bent to slaughter, & murther, & extreame cruelty. In the meane vvhile, necessitye so constrayning, the Bishops sent for Iohn: he vvhen he had ended, and finished the cause of his comming, goe to (sayth he) O Byshop: restore vnto vs thy charge, vvhiche I, and Christ haue committed vnto thy custody, the churche vvhereof thou art heade, bearing vvitnes. the Byshop at the first vvas amazed, supposing some deceite to be vvrought toutching money, vvhich he had not receaued, yet vvas he not able to aunsvvere them, for that he had it not, ney­ther to mistrust Iohn. but vvhen Iohn had sayd: I require the yong man, and the soule of our bro­ther, then the elder looking dovvne, vvith a heauy countenance, sobbing and sighing, sayde: he is deade: to vvhome Iohn spake, hovve? and vvhat kinde of death? vvhich aunsvvered: he is dead to God. for he is become vvicked, and pernicious, and to be short, a theefe. for he keepeth this mountayne ouer against the church, together vvith his associates. the Apostle then renting his garment, and beating his heade vvith greate sorrovv, sayde: I haue left a vvise keeper of our brothers soule: prepare me a horse, and let me haue a guyde. he hastened out of the churche, & rode in post, being come vnto the place appoynted, he is straight vvayes taken of the theeuishe vvatch, he neither flyeth, neither resisteth, but exclam [...]th: for this purpose came I hither, bringe me vnto your captaine, vvho in the meane space as he vvas armed, behelde him comminge. but eftsones vvhen he savve his pace, and knevve that it vvas Iohn, he vvas stroken vvith shame, and fledd avvay. the olde man forgetfull of his yeares, vvith might pursueth him flying, and cryeth: My sonne, vvhy flyest thou from me thy father, vnarmed and olde? O sonne tender my case, be [...]he wordes [...]f Iohn the [...]uangelist vn [...] the theefe not afrayde, as yet there remayneth hope of saluation, I vvill vndertake for thee vvith Christe. I vvill dye for thee, if neede be, as Christ did for vs. I vvill hazard my soule for thine, trust to me, [Page 49] Christ sent me▪ but he hearing this, first stoode still, turning his countenance to the ground, next Tokens of true repen­tance. shoke of his armour, anone trembled for feare, and vvept bitterly. He embraced the olde man, comming vnto him, aunsvvering as vvell as he coulde for vveeping, so that agayne he seemed to be baptized vvith teares, the shaking of the hande onely omitted. The Apostle vvhen he had promised and protested to procure for him pardon of our Sauiour, and prayed, and fallen vpon his knees, and also kissed his right hande, novve clensed through repentance, brought him vn­to the Churche agayne. VVhen that also he had povvred forth often tymes prayers for him, and stro [...]gled vvith him in continuall fastinges, and mollified his minde vvith diuers and sun­dry sermons, and confirmed him: departed not (as the reporte goeth) before he had fully resto­red him vnto the Churche▪ and exhibited a greate example of true repentance a greate tryall of nevve birth, and a singular token of the visible resurrection. this haue I taken out of Clemens, partly for the history, and partly also for the profit [...] of the Reader.

CAP. XXI. Cap. 24. after the Greeke.

Of the order of the Gospells.

NOw we will forwardes, and entreate of the vndoubted wrytinges of this Apostle. And The Gospell of Iohn. firste let there be no staggering at his Gospell, which is well knowne of all the Chur­ches vnder heauen. Why it was of olde placed the fourthe, after the other three, it shall thus appeare. The diuine & holy men, namely the Apostles of Christ, leading a passing pure life, hauing their mindes be decked with euery kinde of vertue, vsed, rude and simple speache, yet of a diuine and forcible power, which they had receaued of Christ, neither knewe they, nether en­deuored they to publish the doctrine of their [...]ister, with curious paynting of wordes: but vsing The Apostle in their prea­ching vsed no curious eloquence▪ the demonstration of the holy spirite which wrought with them, and the onely power of Christ, which brought miracles to perfection, they shewed the knowledge of the kingdome of heauen to the whole worlde, being nothing carefull at all for the writinge of bookes. And this they brought to passe being occupied with a greater worke, and in maner exceeding the strength of man. Paul the mightiest of all the rest, in the setling of wordes, and best armed with the power of perfect sen­ses, wrote but very short epistles, whereas he might haue layd downe infinite thinges, yea and se­cretes, 2. Corinth. 12. being rapt vnto the thirde heauen, and behoulding celestiall things, yea brought into pa­radyse it selfe, and there thought worthy to heare secrete mysteries. neyther were the rest of the Disciples of our Sauiour, namely the tvvelue Apostles, and the seuenty, with other innumerable, ignorant and vnskilful herein. And yet of al these the Disciples of our Sauiour, Matthew, & Iohn, wrote gospels. Who (as report goeth) were constrained therunto. for Matthew, when he had first The Gospell after Mat­thewe writtē in Hebrewe. Why Iohn the Apostle wrote a Go­spell. preached vnto the Hebrevves, & now passing vnto other people, wrote his Gospell in his contrey language, supplying by writing in his absence, y which was desired in his presence. When Mark and Luke had published their gospels▪ Iohn (say they) in all y space preached without writing, but at length was moued to write for this cause. It is reported that when the bookes of the three E­uangelistes were through out the worlde, and come into his handes, he allowed them, and yelded of them a true testimonye, wishing that the declaration of such thinges had bene printed in their bookes, which were done at the first preaching of Christ. the Reader may perceaue these three Euangelistes to haue onely sett forth the doinges of our Sauiour, one yeare, after the impryson­ment, and captiuitye of Iohn the Baptist, which may be gathered by the beginning of their histo­ries. for after the xl. dayes fasting, and the annexed temptation, Matthewe sheweth the time of Matth. 4. the beginning of his historye, saying: VVhen he had hearde that Iohn vvas taken, he returned from Iudaea into Galilee And Marke likewise: after that (sayth [...]e) Iohn vvas taken, Iesus came Marck. 1. into Galilee. And Luke also before he had mentioned the doings of Iesu, obseruing the same man­ner: Luke 3. Herode (saythe he) proceeding in his haynous offences, shutt vp Iohn in prison. Iohn the Apostle beinge for these causes entreated, wrote the tyme passed ouer of the former Euange­listes with sylence, and therein the Actes of our Sauiour, namely which went before the impri­sonment of Iohn, which he partly signified, writing thus: this vvas the first of the miracles vvhich Iohn. 2. Iesus did: partly with all mentioning the doinges of Iohn the Baptist, who as then baptized in [...] ­non, by Salem. which is euident, when he sayth: for as yet Iohn vvas not cast into prison. Iohn Iohn. 3. then in his Gospell, deliuereth such thinges as were done of Christ, before the co [...]i [...]ing of Iohn. the other three, beginne with the mention of Iohns imprysonment, vnto him that reco [...]yleth [Page 50] the Euangelistes thus they shall not seeme discrepant, in so much that the Gospell of Iohn con­tayneth the former doinges of Christe, the other, the latter, lastinge vnto the ende. therefore not without cause Iohn passeth ouer with silence, the genealogye of our Sauiour accordinge vnto the fleshe, being afore amply layde downe by Matthewe, and Luke, and beginneth with his diuinitie, reserued of the holy Ghost for him, as the mightier, thus much shall suffice con­cerning the Gospell written by Sainct Iohn. The cause why Marke wrote his Gospell we haue Why Luke wrote a Go­spell. declared before. Luke in the beginninge of his historye, sheweth the occasion of his writing, si­gnifying that diuers nowe already had imployed their diligent care, to the setting forthe of such thinges, as he was fully perswaded of, deliuering vs very necessarily from their doubtful opini­on, why left that he by his Gospell, declareth vnto vs the sure, and certaine narration, of such thinges whereof he had receaued the truthe sufficiently, partely by the company, and conuer­sation of Paul, partely also throughe the familiaritie had with the rest of the Apostles. but of these thinges thus farre. for hereafter more properly in place conuenient, we will mention what the fathers of olde hereof haue written. Among the rest of Iohns writinges, his first epistle hath bene generally of olde, and late wryters receaued, without any staggering. the two latter, haue bene gainesayed. toutching his Reuelation as yet among many, there is a variable opinion, some allowing, and some disalowing of it. likewise of this hereafter, what the Elders haue thought shalbe entreated.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 25. after the Greeke.

The bookes of the newe Testament, canonicall, and Apocrypha.

IT shall seeme conuenient if in this place we collect briefely, the bookes of the newe Testa­ment. 4. Euangelists The Actes of the Apostles. The epistles of Paule. The 1. epistle of Iohn. The 1. epistle of Peter. The reuelation of S. Iohn The epistle of Iames. The epistle of Iude. The 2. of Pe­ter. The 2. and 3. of Iohn. Acts of Paul. Pastor. Reuelation of Peter. epistle of Barnabas. Doctrine of the Apostles The Gospell vnto the He­brewes. Also of Pe­ter, Thomas, Mathias, An­drewe, &c. Cap. 26. after the greeke. Menāder the Sorcerer cal­eth him self [...] Sauiour. In the first place we must sett the fourefolde vvritinges of the Euangelistes: next the Actes of the Apostles: then the Epistles of Paul are to be added: after these the first of Iohn: and that of Peter which is autenticke: lastly, if ye please the Reuelation of Iohn. of the which what is to be thought shall followe hereafter, all these are receaued for vndoubted. the bookes which are gaynesayde, thoughe well knowne vnto many, are these: the Epistle of Iames: the Epistle of Iude: the latter of Peter: the seconde and thirde of Iohn, whether they were Iohn the Euangelistes, or some others of the same name. take these which followe for forged workes: the Actes of Paul. the booke called Pastor. the Reuelation of Peter. moreouer the Epistle fathered vppon Barnabas, and the Doctrine called the Apostles, and the Reuelation of Iohn (if it so please you) which (as I haue sayde before) some disalowe, some other receaue as an vndoubted true doctrine. diuers doe number amonge these the Gospell vnto the Hebrevves, vsed specially of them, which receaued Christ of the Hebrevves. these writinges are they which commonly of all others are impugned. I suppose that necessaryly we made rehearsall hereof, to the ende we may discerne and seuer the vnfayned, the vndoubted, the true writinges, accor­ding vnto the Ecclesiasticall tradition: from the vnlawfull wrytinges of the newe Testament, from such as are impugned, and yet dayly read of diuers Ecclesiasticall persones, that we may knowe them and such as vnder the name of the Apostles, as of Peter, of Thomas, or Matthias, & besides, the Gospells of others, as of Andrewe, of Iohn, contayning the Actes of the other Apo­stles: are published by Heretickes, whereof not one Ecclesiasticall writer hath with reuerence alleadged in his Commentaries. moreouer the forme of the phrase, varieth from the manner of the Apostles: their sentence: their drifte in discourse disagreeth very much with the trueth of the tryed doctrine. for nowe being conuinced, they plainely expresse the fond sigments of hereticall persons. In fine they are not to be placed as forged, but altogether to be reiected as absurde and impious. but let vs proceede vnto that which followeth.

CAP. XXIII.

Of Menander the Sorcerer.

MEnander succeeding Simon the Sorcerer, is found nothing inferior vnto him for deuelish operation, for inuention, and behauiour. he was also a Samaritane, and preuailed no lesse in the blinde misteryes of magicall artes, then his maister. yea rather added vnto these monstrous sayned illusions, somewhat of his owne, terming him selfe now a Sa [...]iour, sent downe [Page 51] from aboue of the inuisible worldes for the saluation of mankinde, teachinge with all, that none was otherwise able to subdue the Angels, workers of this worlde, then first of all by his ma­gicall experience, deliuered for the purpose, and by the Baptisme receaued of him, the which as many as doe accept of it, they purchase into them selues, sempiternall immortalitie, yea in this present lyfe, so that they dye no more, but continually remayne amonge them selues, without wrinckled olde age, and become immortall▪ these thinges out of Irenaeus may easi­ly appeare. and Iustinus likewise making mention of Simon, remembreth also this Menander▪ saying: vvo haue knovvne one Menander, and the s [...]me a Samarytane, of the village Capa­rattaea, Iustinus Martyr Apolog. 2 pro Christ. the Disciple of Simon, throughly moued of deuils, and abyding at Antioche, to haue bevvitched many vvith magicall artes, persvvading his follovvers, that they shoulde not dye. And as yet there be diuers which can testifie the same of him. it was the drifte of the deuill by the meanes of such Sorcerers, cloked vnder the name of Christians, to defame by magicke the greate mistery of godlinesse, and by them to choke the Ecclesiasticall doctrine, which concer­ned the immortalitie of the soule, and the resurrection of the deade. but such as embraced these The craft of the deuill. Sauiours, haue lost the sauing healthe of their soules. When the spyte of Satan coulde not se­uer vnto him selfe such as syncerely bare affection towards Christ, he linked vnto him selfe the wauering and wandring turnecoates.

CAP. XXIIII. Cap. 27. after the greeke.

The heresie of the Ebionites.

THese the Elders properly called Ebionites, that is poore men. for they were poore and Ebionites. abiectes in deliuering the doctrine which concerned Christ, they iudged him a simple and a common man, and for his perfection of manners founde iustified as man onely, borne by reason of the company of man, and his mother Marie▪ againe they thought the obseruation of The heresie of the Ebio­nites, which thought that fayth alone did not iusti­fie. the lawe to be necessarye, as thoughe saluation were not by faythe alone in Christ Christ [...] [...]uer­sation of lyfe correspondent vnto the same. Other some of the same name haue au [...]yded the fowle absurditie of the wordes, nor denying the Lorde to haue [...]e [...]e borne of the virgine, and the holy Ghoste: yet when they confesse him to be God, the worde and wisedome to haue bene before the natiuitie of the fleshe they sincke in the same sinne, with their former felowes, especially when as they busily goe aboute to sette vp the corporall obseruation of the lawe. these Heretickes all doe reiecte the epistles of the Apostle Paul, accusinge him that he felle from the lawe. they vse onely the Gospell whiche is after the Hebrevves, other they passe not for. the Iewishe Sabothe, and other their ceremonyes, they obserue a like, with the Ievves. they celebrate the Sonnedayes, as we doe, in remembrance of the resurrection of our Sauiour. for hence it came to passe by reason of these their fancies, that they allotted vnto them selues the name of Ebionites, signifyinge their pouertie. for by this name or title poore men Ebionites what it signifieth. are called of the Hebrevves. About the same tyme, we learne there was one Cerinthus, an au­thor of an other heresie. Gaius whose wordes we haue before alleadged, in the controuersie cary­ed about vnder his name, writeth thus of him.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 28. after the greeke.

Of Cerinthus the Hereticke.

CErinthus also by reuelations vvritten, as of a greate Apostle, brought vnto vs certayne Gaiꝰ writeth thus of Ce­rinthus the Hereticke. monstrous thinges, fayning them to haue bene reuealed vnto him by Angels. that the kingdome of Christ after the resurrection shoulde become earthly: that in Ierusalem our fleshe agayne shoulde serue the concupiscence and lust of the flesh: and being set vvholy to seduce, as enemy vnto the vvorde of God, he sayd there shoulde be the terme of a Millenarie feaste allotted for mariage. Dionysius also Bishop of Alexandria, in his seconde booke, after Dionysius bishop of Alexandria lib. 2. he had remembred the reuelation of Sainct Iohn, receaued by tradition of olde, he reporteth of this man, thus: Cerinthus vvhiche founde the Cerinthian heresie▪ gaue his figment a name for the further creditt thereof. his kinde of doctrine vvas this [...]he dreamed the kingdome of Christ shoulde become earthly, and sett vppon those thinges vvhich he lusted after, novv being coue­red vvith his fleshe, and compassed in his skinne, that is: the satisfying of the belly, and the [Page 52] thinges vnder the belly: vvith meate, vvith drinke, vvith mariage, and that he might the more colerably bring his deuelish deuices to passe, he dedicated thereunto holy dayes, oblations, and slaughter for sacrifices. so farre Dionysius. but Irenaus in his first booke against the heresies, layeth downe certayne more detestable opinions of his. And in his thirde booke he reporteth a historye worthy the memorye, as receaued by tradition of Polycarpus, saying: that Iohn the Apostle on a Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 3. certayne time to bayne him selfe, entred into a bathe, and vnderstandinge that Cerinthus there vvithin bayned him selfe also, started a side, and departed forthe, not abiding any tariance vvith him vnder the same [...]ouffe, signifying the same to his company, and saying: let vs speedely goe hence, lest that the bathe come to ruyne, vvherein Cerinthus the enemy of the truth baineth him selfe.

CAP. XXVI. Cap. 29. after the Greeke.

Of Nicolas, and such as of him are called Nicolaïtes.

AT the same time the heresie of the Nicolaïtes spronge, whiche lasted not longe after, wher­of Apocalyps. 2. Nicolas the 7. Deacon. Act. 6. Clemens Bi­shop of Alex andria. the reuelation of S. Iohn made mention. they boast, that he was one of the Deacons, or­dayned together with Stephen, of the Apostles, to minister vnto the poore. Clemens Alex­andrinus in his thirde booke of stromatôn reporteth thus of him. This Nicolas (sayth he) hauing a beautifull vvoman to his vvife, after the ascention of our Sauiour, vvas accused of ielousie, and to cleare him selfe of that cryme, brought forth his vvife, and permitted him that lysted to ma­rye her. but his follovvers say, that their doing is agreable vvith that saying, that is: the fleshe is to be brydled: and so follovving that doing and saying vvithout all discretion, they sinne vvith­out all shame, in silthy fornication. but I heare that Nicolas accompanied with none other, then Eusebius ex­cuseth this Nicolas whose folowers the holy Ghost in the reuelation abhorreth. Mathias. his proper wife, allotted vnto him by wedlocke: and of his children, his Daughters to haue endu­red virginity: his sonne to haue remained vncorrupt. the case being thus, in y he brought forth his wife (for ielousie ouer the which he was accused) into the middest of the Apostles, it was to cleare him o [...] the [...]me layde to his charge, and to teache the brydling of the fleshe, by contayning and refrayning voluptuous lust and pleasure. He woulde not (as I suppose) accordinge vnto the pre­cept: serue two masters, lust, and the Lorde. they say that Mathias after this maner, commaun­ded by instruction, the fleshe to be ouercome, and tamed, yelding vnto it not one iote which might tende vnto pleasure, and that the soule hereby shoulde take encrease by fayth, and knowledge. Thus much shall seeme sufficiently spoken, toutching them which then depraued the truth, and sodainely came to naught.

CAP. XXVII. Cap. 30. after the greeke.

Of the Apostles which liued in wedlocke.

CLemens whose wordes lately we alleadged, after the premises, against them which relece and rebuke mariage, reciteth the Apostles which liued in wedlocke, saying: VVhat doe Clemens A­lexandrinus. Peter. Philip. Paul was maried. Philip. 4. they condemne the Apostles? for Peter, and Philip, employed their industry, to the brin­ging vp of their children. Philip also gaue his Daughters to mariage. And Paul in a certaine epi­stle sticked not to salute his vvife, vvhiche therefore he ledd not aboute, that he might be the re­dier vnto the ministation. In so much then that we haue made mention hereof, it will not seeme tedious if we alleadge an other historye worthy the notinge, which he wrote in his seuenth booke after this manner: they say that Sainct Peter going to his house, and seeing his vvife ledd to be Clemens A­lexandrinus. executed, reioyced greatly because of the calling, and cryed out vnto her vehemently, exhorting and comforting her, calling her by her name, and saying: O vvoman remember the Lorde. such The wordes of Peter vnto his wife whē she went to martyrdome vvas the mariage of the godly, and the entire affection of faithfull friendes. And thus muche as pertinent to my purpose hereof, I thought good here to alleadge.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of the death of Iohn, and Philip the Apostles. Cap. 31. after the Greeke.

OF the deathe of Paule, and Peter, the tyme eke, and the manner, their resting place also after their departure hence, we haue spoken of before, and of Iohn toutchinge his appoynted tyme, we haue tolde before. but of his resting place, or tombe, we are enstru­cted [Page 53] by Polycrates his epistle, (this Polycrates was Bishop of Ephesus) whiche he wrote vnto Ʋictor Bishop of Rome, where he remembreth also Philip the Apostle, and his Daughters af­ter Policrates Bishop of Ephesus, vn­to Victor Bi­shop of Rome. this maner: fo [...] in Asi [...] (sayth he) greate pleadges of Christian religion rested them selues▪ vvhiche shall rise the laste daye at the comming of the Lorde, vvhen he shall come from hea­uen vvith glorye, to seeke out all the Sainctes▪ Philip one of the tvvelue Apostles▪ resteth in the dust of the earthe at Hierapolis, and tvvo of his Daughters vvhiche ledd their vvhole lyfe in virginitye. the thirde vvhose conuersation vvas directed by the holy Ghoste, resteth at Ephesus. And Iohn (vvhiche leaned on the breaste of our Sauiour, vvho beinge also a Iohn the A­postle called a Priest, he vvore a Bi­shops atyre called Petal [...] ergo mini­sters had thē pecullar ap­parell. Act. 21. Priest, vvore the garment petalum, A martyre and a doctor,) rested at Ephesus. thus much of their endes. In the Dialogue of Gaius mentioned before, Proclus, (agaynst whom be proposed the question) testifieth agreeable vnto that before, of the death of Philip, and his Daughters, say­ing: After this the foure Prophetisses, the Daughters of Philip vvere at Hierapolis in Asia, their sepulchre is there to be seene, and their fathers also▪ so farre he▪ Luke in the Actes of the Apo­stles, maketh mention of the Daughters of Philip, dwelling at Caesarea, in Iudaea, with their father, which were endued with the gift of prophecye, saying: VVe came to Caesarea, and entred into the house of Philip the Euangelist, vvhiche vvas one of the seuen, and there made our a­bode. this Philip had iiij. Daughters vvhiche vvere virgines, and Prophetisses▪ thus much of the Apostles, and apostolicke tymes: and the thinges deliuered vnto vs by holy Scriptures: of the ca­nonicall, and disalowed Scriptures, though read of many in many Churches: of the forged, and farre from the Apostolicall rule, as farre forth as we could learne. Now to that whi [...] followeth▪

CAP. XXIX. Cap. 32. after the Greeke.

The martyrdome of Symeon Bishop of Ierusalem.

AFter Nero, and Domitian, vnder that Emperour, whereof we minde now to entreate, the rumor went euery where throughout the cityes, that persecution was raysed agaynst vs Christians, through populare seditions, in the which we learned that Symeon the sonne of Cleopas, the seconde Bishop of Ierusalem, ended his life with martyrdome. hereof is Aegesippus a witnesse, whose wordes we haue oft alleadged. for he writing of certayne Hereticks geueth vs to vnderstand, how that the afore sayd Symeon was then diuersly by them accused to be a Christian, for the space of many dayes he was scourged, so that the Iudge, and his company, was mar­uelously amazed, and in the ende he dyed a deathe agreeable with the passion of Christe. but let vs heare the Historiographers owne wordes. Certayne (sayth he) of the Heretickes accused Aegesippus writeth thus of Symeons martyrdome Symeon the 2. Bishop of Ierusalem was crucified Anno Dom. 110. being a hundred and twenty yeare olde. Aegesippus writeth of the kinsmen of Christ. Symeon the sonne of Cleopas, that he linealy descended of the stocke of Dauid, and that he vvas a Christian. he suffered martyrdome being a hundreth, and tvventy yeare olde, vnder Traian the Emperour, and Atticus the Consul. The same Aegesippus reporteth, how that his accusers (enquiry being then made of such as came of the royall bloude among the Ievves) were founde to haue their originall, of the Regall Iewish trybe. whosoeuer wayeth this, with him selfe, he will confesse, that this Symeon was of them, whiche both hearde, and sawe the Lorde, in that he liued so long a tyme, and in that the Gospell maketh mention of Marie Cleopas, whose sonne we haue sayde this Symeon to haue bene before. Agayne the same Historiographer writeth, how that cer­tayne others of the posterity, of some one of them, called the brethren of our Lorde, namely Iude, were alyue, vntil the same tyme, yea after the testimony of them whiche vnder Domitian were tri­ed, for the true faythe of Christe. for thus he writeth▪ they come and gouerne vvhole Chur­ches, as martyrs, being also of the kindred of Christ. VVhen peace novve had possessed the Churches, they remayne aliue vnto the tyme of Traian the Emperour, vntil the afore sayd Syme­on the Lords consingermaine, the sonne of Cleopas, vvas il entreated of Heretickes, accused vnder Atticus the Consul, often scourged, tollerated such martyrdome, that all vvondred, & the Con­sul him self marueiled, hovv that he, being a hundred, & xx. yeares old, vvas able to endure that bitter torment. to be short, in the end he vvas by commaundement crucified. Vnto the afore said the same Historiographer annecteth this▪ vnto those tymes the Church of God remained a pure The Church of God was a pure [...] 110 yeares [...] [...] Christ. & an vncorrupted virgin. for such as endeuored to corrupt the sound rule & the right preaching of the vvord (if then there vvere any such) hidd them selues vnto that time in some thicke miste▪ or dongeon of darkenes, but after that the sacred company of the Apostles, vvas vvorne, and come to an end, & that, that generation vvas vvholy spent, vvhich by special fauour had heard [Page 54] vvith their eares, the heauenly vvisedome of the sonne of God▪ then the detestable error of con­spiracy, through deceate of such as deliuered straung doctrine, tooke rooting, and because that not one of the Apostles suruiued, they publish boldely, vvith all might possible, the doctrine of falsehoode, and impugne the open, manifest, and knovvne trueth. Thus of these thinges, hath this Historiographer written. Now to that which by order of history we are bound vnto.

CAP XXX. Cap. 33. after the greeke.

How Traian caused to cease the inquisition for Christians.

SO greate a persecution was raysed agaynst vs in sundry places, that Plinius secundus a no­table Plinius secundus wrote vnto the Emperour Traian in the behalf of the Chri­stians. President, made relation thereof vnto the Emperour, being very much moued with the number of martyrs, which suffred death for the testimony of their fayth, signifying with­all, that they committed no haynous offence, that they transgressed no law, sauing that they rose before day, and celebrated Christ with hymnes, as God. forbidding adulteryes, & slaughter, with such other like abominable factes, conforming all thinges agreable vnto the lawes. After which reporte, it is written that Traian commaunded by edicte, that the Christian nation shoulde not be enquired for, but if happily they were founde, they ought to be punished. by which edicte, the ve­hement heate of that greuous persecution was somewhat delayed, yet neuerthelesse, there was scope enough left for such as were willing to afflicte vs. so that in one place the people, in an other place the Princes, and rulers of the regions, layde wayte for our men, whereby seuerall persons, suffred martyrdome in their prouinces, and sundry of the faithful, sundry kindes of death, without open, or manifest persecution. which history we haue selected out of the latine Apollogye of Ter­tullian, whereof we haue alleadged before, by interpretation thus: Although vve haue knovvne Tertullian. the inquisition directed for vs to be inhibited, it vvas by reason of Plinius secundus President of the prouince, vvhich hauing condemned some of the Christians, and depriued some others of their dignities, vvas moued vvith the greatnes of the multitude, and doubted vvhat vvas best to be done. he made the Emperour Traian priuy thereof, saying: that he founde nothinge in them that vvas impious, but that they refused the vvorshippinge of Idoles. signifyinge this vvith­all, that the maner of the Christians vvas to ryse before daye, to celebrate Christe in Psalmes as God: and to the ende their discipline might straitly be obserued, to forbid shedding of bloude, adultery, fraude, trayterous dealing, & such like. for aunsvvere hereunto, Traian vvrote againe: that there shoulde be no inquisition for the Christians, but if they vvere mett vvith, to be puni­shed. And thus went the affayres of the Christians then.

CAP. XXXI.

Of Euarestus the fourth Bishop of Rome. Cap. 34. after the greeke.

AMonge the Bishops of Rome, when as the afore sayd Emperour had raigned three yea­res, Euarestus. Clemens committed the ministery vnto Euarestus, and finished his mortall race, when he had gouerned the Churche, and preached the worde of God, the space of ix. yeares.

CAP. XXXII. Cap. 35. after the greeke.

How after Symeon, Iustus succeeded, the thirde Bishop of Ierusalem. and of the famous Bishops then liuing▪ Polycarpus, Papias, Ignatius, and his Epistles.

AFter Symeon had such an ende, as before we haue reported, a certayne Ievve, called Iustus, Iustus Bishop of Ierusalem one of that infinite number, which of the circumcision beleued in Christ, was placed in the Bishops seae of Ierusalem. And vnto that time Polycarpus a Disciple of the Apostles, liued Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna. Papias Bi­shop of Hie­rapolis. Ignatius Bi­shop of Anti­oche. in Asia, beinge placed Bishop of the Churche of Smyrna, by suche as sawe the Lorde, and mi­nistred vnto him. the same time florished Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, a man passing eloquent, & expert in the Scriptures. And Ignatius likewise vnto this daye, amongest most men famous, the seconde Bishop by succession after Peter, of the Churche of Antioch. the reporte goeth, that this Ignatius was sent from Syria to Rome, for the confession of his faith, to be foode for wilde beastes, who passing through Asia, and curiously garded with a greate troope of keepers, confirmed the [Page 55] congregations throughout euery citye where he came, with preaching of the worde of God, and wholsome exhortations, and specially geuing charge to auoide the heresies lately sprong, and at that time ouerflowing, and to cleaue stedfastly vnto the traditions of the Apostles, which for the a­uoyding of error, and corruption, he thought very necessary to be diligently written. And being at Smyrna where Polycarpus was Bishop, he wrote an epistle vnto the Church of Ephesus, making mention of Onesimus their Pastor. An other vnto the Church of Magnesia, lying on the riuer Me­ander▪ making mention of Dama their Bishop. An other vnto the Church of Trallis, whose ouer­seer then was Polybius, and besides these epistles, he wrote vnto the Churche of Rome, prefixing an exhortation, lest that they refusing martyrdome, shoulde be depriued of the hope layde vp for them. but it may seeme needefull, that we alleadg thence some part of the wordes for proofe here­of, for thus he writeth: Cap. 36. af­ter the greke Ignatiꝰ epist. ad Rom. from Syria (sayth he) vnto Rome, I striue vvith beastes, by sea, by land, nightes, and nightes, fettered among tenne Leopardes, that is a bande of souldiers, & the more benefit they receaue, the vvorse they become. I thus exercised vvith their iniuries, am the more instructed, yet hereby am not I iustified. I desire to enioy the beastes prepared for me, vvhiche I vvishe to fall vppon me vvith fierce violence, yea I vvill allure them forthvvith to deuoure me, that they abstayne not from me, as they haue left some for feare vntoutched. If they as vnvvil­ling vvill not. I vvill compell them to fall vpon me. pardon me. I vvott vvell vvhat this shall a­uaile me. Novv doe I beginne to be a Disciple, I vvay neither visible, nor inuisible thinges, so that I gaine Christ▪ let fire, gallovves, violence of beastes, bruysing of the bones, racking of the members, stamping of the vvhole body, and all the plagues inuented by the mischiefe of Satan light vpon me, so that I vvinne Christ Iesu. this he wrote from the aforesaid city, vnto the Chur­ches before named. And beinge beyonde Smyrna, he wrote vnto the Churches of Phila­delphia, and Smyrna, and seuerally to Polycarpus their Bishop, whome he knewe for a right Apostolike man, commending as a syncere and right Pastor ought to doe, the congrega­tion of Antioche, praying him to be carefull of the busines there, namely about the election of a Bishop in his rowme. this Ignatius writing vnto the Church of Smyrna, reporteth certaine wor­des Ignatiꝰ epist. ad Smyrnen­ses. vttered by Christ, which he founde I wott not where: I knovve and beleue that he vvas in the fleshe, after the resurrection, for comming vnto them vvhich vvere vvith Peter, he sayde vn­to them. Come, feele me, and knovve that I am not a spirite vvithout body, and anone they felt him, and beleued. Irenaeus also knewe his martyrdome, & remembred his epistles, writing thus: Irenaeus lib. 5 Euen as one of our men condemned vnto the beastes, for the confession of his fayth sayde: In so much that I am the vvheate of God, I am to be grinded vvith the teeth of beastes, that I may be founde pure breade, or fine manchet. And Polycarpus maketh mention hereof in the epistle vnder Polycarpus epist. ad Phi­lip. his name vnto the Philippians, writing thus: I beseeche you all, that you be obedient, and exer­cise patience, vvhich you haue throughly seene, not only in blessed Ignatius, Rufus, and Zosimus, but in diuers of your selues, and in Paul, vvith the rest of the Apostles, being persvvaded for cer­taine, that all these ranne not in vayne, but in fayth, and righteousnes, novve resting them vvith the Lorde, in the place appointed, due for their deserts, vvith vvhom they suffred together. they loued not this present vvorlde, but him that dyed for our sinnes, and rose agayne for our sakes. agayne he addeth: both you, and Ignatius, vvrote vnto me, that if any did trauell vnto Syria, he might conuey thither your letters, of vvhich I vvill be careful, if fitt opportunity be offred, vvhe­ther I my selfe goe, or send, that your busines there, may be dispatched. according vnto your re­quest, I haue sent you the epistles of Ignatius, both vnto vs vvritten, and the others in my custo­dy, annexed vnto this epistle, vvhere you may gayne much profitt, they contayne fayth, and pa­tience, Heros. and all maner of edifying in the Lorde. thus much concerning Ignatius, whom Heros suc­ceeded in the Bishopricke of Antioche.

CAP. XXXIII. Cap. 37. after the greeke▪

Of the Euangelistes then florishing.

AMong them which were then famous, was Quadratus, whome they say together with the Quadratus▪ Daughters of Philip, to haue bene endued with the gift of prophecying, and many others also at the same tyme florished, which obtayning the first stepp of Apostolicall succession, and being as deuine Disciples of the chiefe and principall men, buylded the Churches euery where, planted by the Apostles: preaching, and sowing the celestial seede of the king [...] of hea­uen, throughout the worlde, filled the barnes of God with encrease. for the greater [...]e of the [Page 56] disciples then liuing, affected with greate zeale towards the worde of God, first fullfilling the heauenly commaundement, distributed their substance vnto the poore: next taking their iourney, fullfilled the worke, & office of Euangelistes, that is they preached Christ, vnto them which as yet heard not of the doctrine of fayth, and published earnestly the doctrine of the holy Gospell. These men hauing planted the fayth in sundry newe, and straunge places, ordained there other pastors, committing vnto them the tillage of the newe ground, & they lately conuerted vnto the fayth, pas sing them selues vnto other people, and contries, holpen there vnto by the grace of God which wrought with them, for as yet by the power of the holy Ghost they wrought miraculously so that an innumerable multitude of men, embraced, yea at the first hearing, with prompte and wil­ling mindes, the Religion of the Almighty God. In somuch that it is impossible to rehearse all, by name, when, and who were pastors, and Euangelistes, in the first succession after the Apo­stles, in the Churches scatered throughout the worlde: it shall seeme sufficiente onely to commit in writing to memorie, the names of such as are recorded vnto vs by tradition, from the Apo­stles them selues, as of Ignatius in the epistles before alleadged, and of Clemens mentioned in the epistle which for vndoubted he wrote vnto the Corinthians, in the person of the Romayne churche, where he imitating very much the epistle wrytten vnto the The epistle vnto the He­brewes vn­doubted is Pauls, writtē by him in Hebrewe, but traslated into greeke, by Clemens bishop of Rome, or by the reporte of Clemens bi­shop of Ale­xandria, (as Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 13. wry­teth) transla­ted by Luke the Euange­list. Hebrewes, and alleadging thereof whole sentences worde by worde, manifestly proueth, that this epistle vnto the Hebre­wes, was nether newe, nether of late founde: wherefore it semed good to number it among the rest of the Apostles writings. whē as Paul wrote vnto the Hebrevves in his mothers tonge, some affirme that Luke the Euangelist: some other (which seemeth more aggreable) that Clemens tras­lated it, for bothe the Epistle of Clemens, and that vnto the Hebrevves, vse the like manner of speach, and differ not much in sense.

CAP. XXXIIII. cap. 38. after the greeke

Of the Epistle of Clemens, and other wrytinges forged vnder his name, and fathered vpon him.

WE haue to learne that there is a seconde epistle of Clemens, yet not so notable, and fa­mous as the former, and we knowe that the elders did nether vse, nether alleadge it. Now diuerse haue thrust out in his name, certaine vabling, and tedious comentaries, containing the dialogues of Peter, and Apion, which none at all of the elders haue mentioned, nether doe they obserue the sincere forme, and rule of the Apostolicke doctrine.

CAP. XXXV. Cap. 39. after [...]he greeke.

Of the writinges and workes of Papias.

THe vndoubted wrytinges of Clemens are apparent, we haue spoken likewise of the wry­tinges The workes [...]f Papias. of Ignatius, and Polycarpus. The wrytinges of Papias, are sayde to be fiue bookes en­tituled the exposition of the Lordes sermons. Of these Irenaeus reporteth, as wrytten alone by this man, saying thus: This truely Papias, the auditor of Iohn, the companion of Polycarpus, testifieth in the fourth booke of his vvrytinges, for he vvrote fiue. Thus farre Irenaeus. Papias [...]enaeus. him selfe in the preface to his bookes signifyeth that he nether heard, nether sawe the Apostles, but receiued the vndoubted doctrine of fayth, of their familiars, and disciples, When he sayth: It shall not seeme greuous vnto me if that I compile in vvriting, and commit to memorie, the [...]pias in the [...]oēm to his [...]okes. thinges vvhich I learned of the elders, and remember as yet very vvell, vvith there expositions hauing fully tryed already the trueth thereof. Nether am I pleased vvith such as say many thinges (as many are accustomed to doe) but vvith such as teach true thinges: nether vvith such as repeate straunge precepts, but vvith such as alleadge, the thinges deliuered of the Lorde, for the instruction of our fayth, proceding from the trueth it selfe. if any came in place vvhich vvas a follovver of the Apostles, forthvvith I demaunded the vvordes of the elders. VVhat An­drewe, vvhat Peter, vvhat Philip, vvvhat Thomas, or Iames, or Iohn, or Matthewe, or any other of the Lordes disciples: vvhat Aristion, and the elder Iohn, disciples of the Lord had sayd. I be­leued verely not to profit my self so much by their vvrytinges, or bookes, as by the authori­tie of the persons, and the liuely voice of the reporters, making relation thereof. It may [...]n the E­ [...]elist. seeme worth the notinge, that by these wordes wee marke the name of Iohn, to bee twise [Page 57] repeated. The first numbred with Peter, Iames, Matthewe, and the rest of the Apostles, signifying Iohn▪ the Euangelist; the second with a different terme, without the cataloge of the Apostles, ioy­ning him with Aristion, & playnly calling him the Elder: that hereby the truth of the history may Iohn the El­der. appeare, which declareth two of the same name, to haue bene in Asia, and two seueral monuments of them both, to be at Ephesus, whereof [...]oth as yet beare the name of Iohn, which may not light­ly be passed ouer of vs for it is very like, that the seconde (vnlesse ye are pleased with the first) saw that reuelation, which beareth the name of Iohn. Papias then (of whom we spake before) confesseth him selfe to haue hearde the wordes of the Apostles, of them which were their followers, namely of Aristion, and Iohn the elder. for often tymes by mentioning them, he alleadgeth their traditi­ons in his bookes. I suppose these thinges to haue bene spoken to good purpose. agayne, to that which hath bene already spoken, I thinke it not amisse to adde out of the bookes of Papias, things very straung, which he reporteth to haue receaued by tradition. before we haue written how that Philip the Apostle, together with his Daughters, had his abode at Hierapolis, nowe we haue to signifie how that Papias remayning amongest them, reporteth a certayne history tolde him by the Daughters of Philip he writeth that a deade man rose to life againe, and moreouer an other mi­raculous thinge to haue happened to Iustus, whose syrname was Barsabas, that he dronke deadly poyson, and tooke therby no harme, the godnes of God preseruing him. The history of the Actes declareth of this Iustus, how that after the ascention of our Sauiour, the holy Apostles seuered him together with Mathias, praying ouer them, that ereother of them might be allotted in the place of Iudas the traytor, to the complete number of the Apostles: They appointed tvvo, Ioseph Act. 1. called Barsabas, by syrname Iustus, and Mathias. Certayne other thinges the same writer repor­teth, of the which some he receaued for tradition, by worde of mouthe: also certayne straunge pa­rables of our Sauiour, mixt with fabulous doctrine, where he dreameth that the kingdome of Papias was of the here sy of the Chili­asts. traditiō and not the truth ledde him thereun to. Irenae [...] a Chiliast. Christ shall corporally here vppon earth, laste, the space of one thousande yeares, after the resur­rection from the deade. which error (as I suppose) grewe hereof, in that he receaued not rightly the true, and mysticall meaning of the Apostles, neither deepely wayed the thinges deliuered of them, by familiar examples. for he was a man of smale iudgement, as by his bookes playnly ap­peareth. yet hereby he gaue vnto diuers Ecclesiastical persons, occasion of error, which respected his Antiquity. namely vnto Irenaeus, and others, if there be any founde like minded. other traditi­ons he alleadgeth of Aristion, and the Elder Iohn, vnto the which we referre the studious reader, yet one thinge toutching Marke the Euangelist, the whiche he reporteth, we may not omitt, for thus he writeth: The Elder (meaning Iohn) sayd: Marke the interpreter of Peter, looke vvhat Papias reporteth of Mark the Euange­list. he remembred, that diligently he vvrote, not in that order, in the vvhich the Lorde spake, and did them. neither vvas he the hearer, or follovver of the Lorde, but of Peter, vvho deliuered his doctrine not by vvay of exposition, but as necessity constrayned, so that Marke offended no­thing, in that he vvrote as he had before committed to memory. of this one thinge vvas he care­full, in omitting nothinge of that he had hearde, and in deliuering nothing vvhiche vvas false. so farre of Mark. concerning Matthewe he writeth thus: Matthewe vvrote his booke in the hebrevv Matthevve. tongue, vvhich euery one after his skill interpreted by allegations. Papias alleadged testimonies out of the first epistle of Iohn, & of Peter. he expounded a certayne historye of a woman accused be­fore Christ of many crymes, written in the Gospell after the Hebrevves, of these thinges thus much we suppose to haue bene necessarily spoken, and added vnto that which went before.

The ende of the thirde booke.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

VVhat byshops were of Rome, and Alexandria, in the time of Traian the Emperour.

ABout the twelfe yere of the Raygne of Traian after the death of the Byshop of A­lexandria Anno Chri­sti. 111. Primus. Alexander. before mentioned: Primus was placed the fourth byshop, after the Apo­stles. The same time Alexander (when Euarestus had gouerned full eight yeares) was the eight byshop of the Church of Rome, after Peter and Paul.

CAP. II.

VVhat calamities the Iewes suffred in the time of Traian.

THe doctrine of our Sauiour, & the Church of Christ, so florished, that dayly it encreased, and was more and more furthered. But the calamities of the Ievves, grewe so great that one mischief ensued vpon an other. When the Emperour was nowe come to the eigh­tenth yere of his raygne, the rage of the Ievves was so stirred that a greate multitude of their na­tion The rebelliō and tumultes of the Ievves in Aegypt Anno Chri­sti. 117. was destroyed. for at Alexandria, and throughout the rest of Aegypt, and Cyren, the Ievves (as if they were possessed of a raging, seditious, and fanaticall spirite) so bestirred them selues, that they made an vprore among the Gentiles where they abode, & kindled such a firye sedition, that the yere folowing, they waged no small battaile. Lupus then being president throughout Ae­gypt, In the first battaile the Ievves had the victorie. Then the Gentiles fled to Alexandria, and as many Ievves, as they founde there they tooke & executed. The Ievves which wandred through­out Cyren, a region of Aegypt being destitute of ayde, spoyled the countrey of corne and cattell, ha­uing one Lucas to their captaine, against whome the Emperour sent Marcus Turbo, with a great power of footemen and horsemen by lande, and a nauye by sea, who nether in shorte space, nether without long & cruell warres slewe many millions of the Ievves, not onely of them of Cyrene, but also of the Aegyptians, which ayded their King, & captaine Lucas. The Emperour also suspecting the Ievves, which inhabited Mesopotamia lest that they traiterously shoulde ioyne with the o­ther, The calami­ties of the Iewes in Mesopotamia. commaunded Lucius Quintius, to banish them the prouince, who hauing gathered an hoaste, marched towardes them, and ioyning with them, slewe a greate multitude of the Ievves there a­biding, for the which facte he was appointed by the Emperour, president of Iudaea These thinges haue the Heathen historiographers then liuing paynted for the knowledge of the posteritie fo­lowinge.

CAP. III.

Of them which in the raigne of Adrian, published Apologies, in the defence of the fayth.

WHen Traian had raigned twentie yeares, six moneths excepted, Aelius Adrianus succe­ded Traian rai­gned 19. yeres and six mo­nethes. him succeded A­drian Anno Domini. 119. Quadratus. Apolog. him in the Empire. Unto whome Quadratus dedicated a booke, intitled an Apo­logie of the Christian fayth. for certain spitefull, and malicious mē, went about to mo­lest the Christians. This booke is as yet extant among diuerse of the brethren, & a coppye there­of remayneth with vs. By the which we may perceaue, & vnderstande, the markes of this man, to be according vnto the true vnderstanding, and the right rule of the Apostolicke doctrine. That he was of the auncient elders it may be gathered by his owne testimony, where he writeth thus: The vvorkes of our Sauiour vvere manifest, and open, for they vvere true. such as vvere healed, & [Page 59] raysed from the dead, vvere not onely healed, and raysed in sight, and outvvarde shevve, but they continually, & constantly remayned such in deede. Nether liued they onely the tyme our Sauiour had his abode here on earth, but a longe time after his ascention, yea and a numbre Aristides an Athenian philosopher, wrote an A­pologie of the christian fayth. of them, vnto our time. Suche a man was Quadratus. Aristides likewise, a faythfull man, one that laboured for the furtherance of godlines, published an Apologie (as Quadratus did be­fore) of the Christian fayth, with a dedicatorie epistle vnto Adrian the Emperour, which booke of his, is read in many handes at this daye.

CAP. IIII.

Of the Bishoppes of Rome, and Alexandria, vnder Adrian.

THe third yere of this Emperours raygne, Alexander bishop of Rome, after that he had gouerned Anno domi­ni. 122. Xystus. b. of Rome. Iustus. b. of Alexandria. tenne yeres, departed this life, whome Xystus succeded. And about that time Primus byshop of Alexandria, when he had preached there, twelue yeres, dyed: after whome Iustus succeeded.

CAP. V.

The number, and the names of the Bishops of Ierusalem, from our Sauiour vnto the 18. yere of Adrian.

THe yeares of the bishopes of Ierusalem, I find wrytten no where. It is sayd they liued a shorte time. Onely out of certaine bookes, I haue learned that vntill the destruction of the Ievves vnder Adrian, there were fifteene byshops of Ierusalem, successiuely, all which they say by auncient lyne, to haue bene Hebrevves, and sincerely to haue embraced the word of God and there to haue bene thought worthy to rule, by such as then could well discerne such thinges. The church then stoode, & flourished through the faithfull Hebrevves, which continued from the Apostles vnto y Calamity, in the which the Ievves rebelling againe vnder the Romaines with no small warres were ouerthrowne. because that then the byshops of y circumcision fayled: I thinke it necessary to name them from the originall. The first was Iames, called the brother of the Lord: 15. Bishopes of Ierusalem from the A­postles vnto the 18. yeare of Adrian all Hebrewes. Telesphorus b. of Rome. Eumenes b. of Alexādria. the second, Sym [...]on. the third, Iustus: the fourth, Zach [...]us: the fift, Tobias: y sixt, Beniamin: the seuenth Iohn: the eight, Matthias: y ninth, Philip: the tēth, S [...]nnecas: the eleuenth, Iustus: the twelfe, Leui: the thirteneth, Ephrem: the fourteneth, Ioseph: the fifteneth, & last of all, Iudas. So many bishops were there of Ierusalem, from the Apostles tymes, vnto the sayd Iudas, & all of the circumcision. In the twelf yeare of the raigne of Adrian, after that Xystus had ben bishop of Rome tenne yeares Teles­phorus succeded him, being the seuenth from the Apostles. After a yeare, & fewe moneths Eume­nes was chosen byshop of Alexandria, the sixt by succession, when as his predecessour had gouer­ned that church, eleuen yeares.

CAP. VI.

The last besieging of the Iewes in the time of Adrian.

WHen as the Jewish rebellion waxed vehement, and greuous, Ruffus Liuetenant of Iu­daea, Ruffus pro­curator of Iudaea. Barchoche­basthe Iewes captayne. being sente with a great power from the Emperour, fiercely withstood their fu­rie. And forthwith, slewe an innumerable multitude, of men, women, & children, de­stroying (as by law of armes it was lawfull) their regi [...]s, & contries. The Ievves thē had to their capitain one called Barchochebas which be interpretation is a starre, a man otherwise giuē to murther & theft. Which alluding to his name, lyed shamefully saying y he was come frō heauen, as a light, to shine comfortably, in the face of the Ievves, now oppressed with slauery, and bondage, & afflicted to death. When the warres, in the eighteneth yeare of the emperour Adrian, waxed hott about the towne Beththera (well fortifyed, neither farre distant, & belonging to Ierusalem) & the slege lasting longer then was looked for, and the rash raysers of sedition, by reason of famine, were redy to yelde vp the last gaspe, and the guide of this vngodly dealing had receaued due vn­to his desert (as Aristion P [...]ll [...]us writteth) this whole nation was vanished that towne, and gene­rally, the whole contrey of Ierusalem, by the lawes, decrees, and specially, the constitutions of The Iewes being foyled, Ierusal [...] was ouerthrowē and called af­ter the empe­rours name Aelia. Marke of the Gentiles the first byshop of Ierusalē. when perse­cution fayled then heresies sprang. Adrian, so that by his commaundement it was not lawfull for these seely soules, to behould their natiue soyle, no not through the least chinke of the dore. This citie then at the vtter ruyne of the Jewish nation, and the manifold ouerthrowe of auncient inhabitours, being brought to confusion [Page 60] began to be inhabited of straunge nations, and after that it was subdued to the Romaine empire, the name was quite changed, for vnto y honour of the conquerour Aelius Adrianus, it was called Aelia. And the church being gathered there of the Gentiles, Marke was first byshop there, after them, of the circumcision. When as the churches of God now shined as starres throughout the world, and the faith of our Lord, and Sauiour Christ Iesu, flourished: Sathan enimie to all ho­nesty as a sworne aduersary to the trueth, and mans health and saluation, impugneth the churche with all meanes possible, arming himself against hir with outward persecution, then depriued of that vsed the ayde of subtle sorcerers, and sleyghty inglers, as fitt instrumēts, and authors of per­ditiō, to the destruction of seely soules. Which sorcerers, & iuglers bearing the same name, & ti­tle, and in shewe professinge the same doctrine with vs (by his subtle inuention) might the sooner snare the faythfull, in the slipery way of perdition, & vnder pretence of reducing them to the fayth, to ouerwhelme them, in the whirpoole, & deepe dungeon of damnation. Out of Menander there­fore Menander (whome before we termed the successor of Simon) there budded out, a doubtfull, a viperous, & a twofolde heresie, by the meanes of Sathan, hauing two heades or captaynes, varying among themselues: Saturninus of Antioch, and Basilides of Alexādria, whereof the one throughout Syria, Saturninus of Antioch. Basilides of Alexandria Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 22. 23. the other throughout Aegypt, published hereticall, and detestable doctrine. Irenaeus sayth that Sa­turninus for the moste parte, dreamed the same with Menander: and that Basilides vnder pretence of more mysticall matters, enlarged his deuise into infinitie, inuenting monstrous fables to the furtherance of his Heresie.

CAP VII.

VVhat heretickes, and ecclesiasticall wryters lyued then.

WHen as many ecclesiasticall persons in those dayes, striued in the behalf of the trueth, and contended with sure, and certaine reasons, for the Apostolicke, and Ecclesiasticall doctrine: some also as forefencers, haue exhibited instruction to the posterity, by their commentaries, leuealing at the aforesayd heresies, of which number one Agrippa Castor, a stout champion, and a famous wryter of those times, published a confutation of Basilides, disclosing all Agryppa Castor confuted Basilides. Barcabus. Barcoph. his Satanicall iugling. hauing displaied his secrety, he reporteth that Basilides wrote foure and twenty bookes vpon the gospell, fayning vnto him self prophets, whome he calleth Barcabus, and Barcoph, and certaine others neuer heard of before: Inuenting those barbarous names, to amaze the hearers withall: teaching that indifferently thinges offred to Idols may be eaten: that in time of persecution, the fayth with periury may be renounced: cōmaunding silence after the manner of Pythagoras, for the space of fiue yeares. And such like heresies of Basilides, the sayd writer hathe plainely confuted. Irenaeus wryteth, that in the time of these two: Carpocrates liued, y e father of that Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 24. The opiniōs of Gnostici whose father was Carpo­crates. heresie, which the Gnostici hould, who thought good, not to publish the sorcery of Simon priuely, after his manner, but openly. Glorying of charmed loue drinkes: of diuelish, & dronken dreames: of assistent, and associate spirites: with other like illusions. They teach farther, that who so will attaine vnto the perfection of their mysteries, or rather abhominable deuises, must worke such fa­ctes, by they neuer so filthy, otherwise can they not ouercome (as they terme them, the secular po­tentates, vnlesse euery one play his parte, after the same secret operation. So it came to passe that Sathan reioycing in his deuelish subtlety, seduced many of thē thus already snared, whome he led to perdition, by the meanes of such wicked ministers, & gaue hereby great occasion to y e in­fidels, of blasphemy agaynst the diuine doctrine, and spred a great slaunder in that the fame of The here­ticks were a sclaūder vnto christian re­ligion. them was bruted abrode throughout christendome. By this meanes it fell out often that the infi­dels of those times conceaued a wicked, absurde, and shamefull opinion of vs, that that we vsed the vnlawfull company, of Mothers, & sisters: that we fed vpon the tender infantes & sucklinges. But these reports preuailed not long for the trueth tride it self, & in tyme folowing shined as the sonne beames. for the sleyghts, and subtleties of the aduersaries turned to their owne confusion, whilest that new heresies dayly sprong, creeping one vpon an other, the latter taking place, the former vanished away, & encreasing into diuerouse, & manifold sectes chaunging now this way, Falsehood vanisheth a­way the trueth remaineth still. anone that waye, they were destroyed. The brightnes of the catholicke, and onely true churche, continuing alwayes the same, encreased, & enlarged dayly the boundes thereof, that the grauitie sinceritie, liberty, and temperancy of Godly conuersation, and christian philosophie, shined and florished among all the nations, both of the Grecians, and Barbarians. Thus the slaunder slyded [Page 61] away with the time, and the doctrine famous among as, and forthered of all men, specially for the pietie, and modestie, for the diuine, and mysticall doctrine thereof, tooke place: so that from that time vnto this day, none durst note y same of any haynous crime, or [...]famy, as they durst before, which conspired agaynst vs, and the Christian fayth. But the trueth brought forth, many in those dayes which contended and dealt with these Heretickes, some with inuincible arguments, with­out the Scriptures: some with manifest proofes, and authorities of Scripture, confuting their hereticall opinions.

CAP. VIII.

VVhat notable writers liued the [...].

OF the number was Aegesippus, whome we haue before ofte [...]ymes [...], one ofth [...] Apostles tyme, who in fiue bookes wrote the syncere tradition of the Apostles preaching▪ signifying his owne time, and making mention of such as in former times, erected Idols, where he writeth thus: To vvhome they erected Idols, and monuments, and [...]alo [...]d temples, Aegesippus. it is vvell knovvne. Antinous the seruant of Adrianus Caesar, had a festiual triumphe decreed vnto him, called after his name Antinous vvrastling, celebrated in our daies. They buylded him a city after his name Antinoia; they consecrated Priestes, they appoynted Prophets. At the same tyme Iustinus Martyr, an embracer of the true philosophy, well studied, and exercised in the doctrine of the Gentiles, maketh mention of the same man, in his Apologie vnto Antoninus, writing thus: It Iustinus A­polog. pro Christianis. shall not seeme impertinent; if that vve propose vnto you, the remembrance of Antinous, and of that vvhich they celebrate in his name. VVhome all doe vvorship as it vvote for feare, vvhen as they knovv vvell inough vvho, and vvhence he vvas. The same Iustinus maketh mention of the warres, helde against the Ievves, saying thus: In the Iudaical vvarres fresh before your eyes, Bar­chochebas a captayne of the Ievvish rebellion, commaunded the Christians only to be greuou­sly punished, vnlesse they renoūced Christ, & blasphemed God In the same place he declareth, how that not rashly, but after good aduisement taken, he left p [...]gauisme, and embraced the true, and onely piety. For I my self (sayth he) delighted vvith the doctrine of Plato, hearing the Chri­stians led captiues, nether fearing death, nether all the torments most terrible▪ thought it could not be, that this kinde of men, vvas subiect vnto malice, & set on pleasure. For vvhat voluptuous person, or intemperate, or delighted vvith deuo [...]ing of mans [...]: can so embrace death, that he be depriued of his desire, & not rather endeuour▪ that this life may alvvayes [...]ste, that he be able to deceaue Princes, & not betray him self to the death▪ Moreouer this Iustinus writeth, how that Adrianus, receauing letters of Serenius Granianus, a noble President, signifying in the behalf of the Christians, that it was very iniurious for no [...]e, but onely at the out [...]ry of the people, they should be brought forth, and executed: wrote agayne vnto M [...]ius Fundanus, Proconsul of Asia, and commaunded that none, without greeuous crime, and iust accusation, shoulde dye the death. The coppy whereof, obseruing the Latins phrase, as much as in him lay, he added, prefi­ring these fewe wordes: And vvhen as vve might iustly require, by vertue of the epistle, of the most victorious, & noble Caesar Adrian, your father, that as he graciously commaunded, so sen­tence should be giuen: yet vve require not this as commaunded by Adrian, but in as much as you knovve, that at the request of the people, iustice is to be craued. vve haue annexed the cop­py of Adrianus his epistle, to the ende you may vnderstand, vve tell nothinge but that vvhich is true. for thus he vvrote.

CAP. IX.

The epistle of Adrian the Emperour, that no Christian be accused, neither suffer, without iust cause.

VNto Minutius Fundanus, Proconsul of Asia, Adrian fendeth greeting: I receaued an E­pistle Adrian the Emperour writeth in the behalfe of the Chri­stians. from Serenius Granianus that right vvorthy man, and [...]hy predecessor, the occasion vvherof I can not vvith silence leaue vntoutched, lest that thereby, men be troubled, & a gappe left open, to the malice of Sycophants. VVherfore if your prouincialls can proue ought against the Christians, vvhereof they charge them, and iustifie it before the barre, let them pro­ceede on, & not appeach them only for the name, nether crau [...] vvith outcries against thē ▪ for it is very expedient, that if any be disposed to accuse, the accusation be throughly knovvne of you, and sifted. Therefore if any accuse the Christians, that they transgressed the [...]vves, see that you [Page 62] iudge and punish according to the qualitie of the offence, but in playne vvordes, if any vpon spyte, or malice, comense or cauill against them, see you chastice him for his malice, and punish him vvith reuengement. This was the epistle of Adrian.

CAP. X.

VVhat Bishops there were of Rome, and Alexandria, in the tyme of Autoninus.

AFter that Adrian, ruling in the regall scepter, the space of one and twenty yeares, had Adrian the Emperour died Anno Domini 140. him succee­ded Antoni­nus Pius. Hyginus b. of Rome. Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 3. runne the race of his naturall life: Antoninus called Pius, succeeded him in the empyre. In the first yeare of whose raygne, Telesphorus hauing gouerned the Ecclesiasticall seae, ele­uen yeares, depar [...]ed this life, whome▪ Hyginus succeeded. Irenaeus writeth that this Telesphorus was crowned at his death, with martyrdome, and signifieth withall, that in the tyme of the sayde Hyginus▪ Valentinus; the inuentor of his owne heresy, and Cerdon, author of that error which Mar­cion afterwardes sucked, were manifestly knowne at Rome. For thus he writeth.

CAP. XI.

The report of Irenaeus, toutching the graund heretickes of that tyme, with the succession of the Bishops of Rome, and Alexandria.

VAlentinus came to Rome, in the tyme of Hyginus, [...]e flourished vnder Pius, and continu­ed Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 4. Valentinus. Cerdon. vnto Anicetus. Cerdon likevvise (vvhome Marcion succeeded) came vnder Hyginus the nynth Bishop from the Apostles. vvho hauing protested his fayth, one vvhile perseuered: an other vvhile taught priuely: aftervvardes confessed his error: Agayne being reprehended for the doctrine, vvhich he had corruptly taught, refrayned the company of the brethren. This he wrote in his third booke, against the heresies▪ Cerdon also sucking error of such as vvere Simons Irenaeus lib. 1 cap. 28. 29. adhaerents, abiding at Rome vnder Hyginus, (the nynth by succession from the Apostles) taught This here­sy is cōfuted by Origen, [...] lib 2. cap. 4. 5. Marcion of Pontus. that God, preached of the lavv, and Prophets, vvas not the father of our Lorde Iesus Christ. He said moreouer that Christ vvas knovvne, the father of Christ, vnknovven: Christ vvas iust, the fa­ther good. After him succeeded one Marcion of Pontus, a shamles blasphemer, vvhich encrea­sed this doctrine. Irenaeus dilating that infinite profundity of matter, inuented by Valentinus, sub­iect to many errors, discloseth openly the malice of the Hereticke, being cloked and concealed, as it were a serpent, hid in his denne. After this he remembreth one Marke by name, most expert in inagical artes, to haue bene in that time. for he reuealing their prophane ceremonies, and detesta­ble mysteries, writeth thus: Some prepare their vvedding chamber, and accomplish the seruice Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 18. to be sayd ouer them that are to be consecrated, vvith charmed vvordes, and hauing thus done, they call it a spiritual mariage▪ conformable to the celestial copulation. Some bring them to the vvater, & in baptizing say thus: In the name of the vnknovven father of all thinges, in the truth mother of all thinges, and in him vvhich descended vpon Iesus. Some other pronounce hebrevv vvords, to the end the yong conuerts, might thervvith be the more amazed. But omitting these things, after that the fourth yeare of Hyginus was expired: Pius tooke the publicke ministery of y Pius bish. of Rome. Marcus b. of Alexandria. Celadion b. of Alexādria. Anicetus b. of Rome. Aegesippus. church of Rome. At Alexandria Marke is chosen their shepherde, when Eumenes had continued there Bishop, thirteene yeares. After Marke had bene Bishop ten yeares: Celadion succeeded him in y e church of Alexandria. And at Rome, after y e death of Pius, which departed the fiftenth yeare: Anicetus was placed minister, vnder whom Egesippus sayth of him self y he came to Rome, where he remained vnto the time of Eleutherius. But specially Iustinus at that time, disposing the heauē ­ly doctrine, in a Philosophers atyre, contending by his commentaryes for the faith which he em­braced: Wrote a booke against Marcion, who at y present time liued, & was wel knowne, for these are his words. Marcion of Pontus at this present, teacheth such as harken vnto him, to beleue in a Iustinus Martyr. certaine God, greater then the maker of all things, vvho among all sortes of men, (ayded by the subtiltie of Satan) hath seduced many, to blaspheme, and to deny the maker of all thinges to be the father of Christ, and to confesse some other that should be greater then he▪ as many as come of him are called Christians, euen as it fareth vvith Philosophers, though they be not addicted to the same precepts in philosophie: yet the name of a Philosopher is common to all. To these he addeth: VVe haue vvritten a booke against the heresies novv raigning if you please you may reade it. The same Iustinus hath valiantly encountred with the Gentiles, & dedicated Apologies [Page 63] in the defence of our fayth vnto Antoninus, by syrname Pius, and to the Senate of Rome, for he dwelled at Rome, and declareth who, and whence he was, in his Apologie writing thus.

CAP XII.

The beginning of Iustinus Martyrs Apologie, for the Christian faith.

VNto the Emperour Titus Aelius. Adrianus vnto Antoninus Pius, most noble Caesar, Iustinꝰ Mar­tyrs Apolog. Antoninus was called T. Aelius Adri­anus because he was ado­pted of T. Aelius Adri­anus the Emperour. and vnto Verissimus his adopted sonne and true Philosopher, vnto Lucius sonne of the Philosopher Caesar, and adopted of Pius, fauourer of learninge, and vnto the sa­cred Senate, vvith all the people of Rome, in their behalfe, vvhich among all sortes of men, are vniustly hated, and reprochfully dealt vvithall: Iustinus the sonne of Priscus Bacchius, borne in Flauia, a nevve city of Syria in Palaestina, one of them, and one for them all, doe make this request, &c. The same Emperour receauing a supplication of others, in the behalfe of the bre­thren in Asia, which were greeued with all kinde of contumelyes practised vppon them by their prouincialls: graciously sent vnto the commonaltye of Asia, this constitution.

CAP. XIII.

The epistle of Antoninus Pius, vnto the commons of Asia, in the behalfe of the Chri­stians, not to be persecuted.

THe Emperour Caesar, Marcus, Aurelius, Antoninus, Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex maximus Antoninus the Empe­rour, vnto the commōs of Asia. fiftene times tribune, thryse Consul, vnto the communalty of Asia, sendeth greeting. I am sure the Gods are not so secure, but that they disclose hurtfull persons. For these men pu­nishe such as vvil not vvorship the Gods, more greuously then you doe, vvhich thus vexe them, and confirme the opinion vvhich they conceaue of you, to be Atheists, or godlesse men. It is their desire in Gods quarell, rather to dye, then to lyue. so that they become conquerers, yel­dinge their liues vnto the deathe, rather then they obey your edictes. It shall seeme very ne­cessarye to admonishe you of the earthquakes, vvhich haue and doe happen among vs, that be­ing thervvith moued, ye may compare our estate, vvith theirs. They haue more confidence god­vvardes, then you haue. you during the tyme of your ignorance, despise other Gods: contemne the religion of the immortal God: banish the Christians vvhich vvorship him, & persecute them vnto the death. In the behalfe of these men, many of the prouinciall Presidentes haue vvritten heretofore vnto our father, of famous memory, vvhome he aunsvvered in vvriting againe, that they vvere not to be longer molested, vnlesse they had practised treason, agaynst the Romayne empire. & many haue giuen notice vnto vs of the same matter, vvhom vve aunsvvered as our fa­ther did before vs. If any therefore hereafter be founde thus busied in other mens affayres: vve commaund that the accused be absolute, & free, though he be founde such a one, I meane faul­ty, and that the accuser be greeuously punished. This edict was proclaymed at Ephesus, in the hearing of the greate assembly of Asia, witnesse hereof is Meliton, Bishop of Sardis, (which flo­rished Melitō wrot an Apology. at y e time) in his profitable Apologie for our doctrine, deliuered vnto the Emperour Verus.

CAP. XIIII.

Of Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna.

IRenaeus reporteth that while Anicetus was Bishop of Rome, Polycarpus as yet liued, and came to Rome, and questioned with Anicetus▪ concerning the day of Easter. An other thinge yet, he reporteth of Polycarpus, in his thirde booke against heresies, which needefully must here be an­nexed, Polycarpus (sayth he) vvas not only instructed by the Apostles, and conuersant vvith ma­ny Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 3. Polycarpus the Disciple of S. Iohn being olde was seene of Ire­naeus being yonge. vvhich savve Christe but also of the Apostles ordayned Bishop of Smy [...]na in Asia▪ vvhome vve in our youthe haue also seene, for he lyued long, and vvas very olde, and at lengthe fini­shed this lyfe vvith moste glorious▪ and renovvned Martyrdome▪ vvhen he had continually taught that he learned of the Apostles vvhich the Churche at this daye deliuereth for vndoub­ted trueth. All the Churches of Asia, and as many vnto this daye as succeeded him in that seae beare vvitnesse that Polycarpus vvas vvorthier of credit, th [...]n Valentinus, & Marcion, & then the vvhole rabble of peruerse people. For he being [...] Rome, in conference vvith Anicetus, con­uerted [Page 64] many of the foresayd Heretickes, vnto the Church of God, preaching the one, and one­ly trueth, receaued of the Apostles, and deliuered by the Churche. There be yet aliue vvhich hearde him reporting, hovve that Iohn the Disciple of Christ, entring into a bath at Ephesus, to bayne him selfe, and spying vvithin the Hereticke Cerinthus, departed the bath vnbayned, and sayd: Let vs departe hence, lest the bath fall, vvherein Cerinthus, the svvorne enemy of the trueth bayneth him selfe. And Polycarpus on a tyme meeting Marcion face to face, vvhich sayd vnto him, knovve vs, aunsvvered: I knovve thee for the firste begotten sonne of Satan. So zelous vvere the Apostles, and their Disciples, that they communicated not in vvorde, vvith the corrupters of the trueth, according vnto that of Paul: eschevv him that is an Hereticke, after the Tit. 3. Antoninꝰ Pi us died Ann. Domi. 163. & him succe ded Marcus Aurelius Ve­rus, vnder this Verꝰ the 4. of the tēne persecutions was raysed. Lucius being the sonne of Verꝰ was called the bro­ther of Antoninꝰ because he vvas ado­pted togither with him. first and seconde admonition, knovving that such a one is peruerse, and condemned a sinner by the testimony of his ovvne conscience. There is extant an epistle of Polycarpus vnto the Philip­pians, very profitable for such as are carefull of their saluation, vvhere they may knovve the true character of fayth, and the right rule of doctrine. So farre Irenaeus. Polycarpus in the fore­sayde Epistle vnto the Philippians (at this daye extant) alleadgeth testimonyes out of the for­mer Epistle of Peter. When that Antoninus syrnamed Pius, had ended twenty and two yeares, in the Romayne Empire: Marcus Aurelius Ʋerus, and Antoninus his sonne, togither with Lu­cius his brother, succeeded him.

CAP. XV.

The martyrdome of Polycarpus, and diuers other Sainctes in Smyrna, vnder Verus the Emperour.

WHen Asia was visited with greate persecution, Polycarpus was crowned with martyr­dome. I suppose it necessary, to penne in this our historye, his ende, which at this daye is published in writing. The Epistle is in the person of the Churche where he was President, vnto the Parishes throughout Pontus, signifying the circumstance about Po­lycarpus, in this sorte:

The Church of God which is at Smyrna, vnto the Church at Philomilium, and vnto The epistle of the chur­che of Smyr­na whereof Polycarpus was Bishop. all the congregations of the holy Catholicke Church throughout Pon­tus, mercy to you, peace, and the loue of God the Father, & of our Lorde Iesus Christ be multiplyed.

VVe haue vvritten vnto you brethren, of such as suffred martyrdome, and of blessed Polycar­pus, vvho signed, and sealed this persecution vvith his ovvne bloud. And before they make relati­on of Polycarpus, they rehearse the constancy, and pacience of other Martyrs, saying: The behoul­ders vvere amazed, seeing the flesh of the Martyrs rent vvith scurges, euen into the inner vaynes and sinovves, so that the most secret entrayles of their bodies, their bovvels, & invvard priuityes vvere piteously to be seene. Behoulding againe the sharpe shells of sea fishe, & pimple stones stravved vnder the Martyrs backes, and brused bodies, vvith euery kinde of torment, that could be deuised. Last of all throvvn to be torne in peeces, and deuoured of vvilde beastes.

Specially they wrote of Germanicus, that he valiantly endured and ouercame through the grace of God Germanicus torne in pee­ces of wilde beastes. that corporall feare of death, graffed in the frayle nature of man. For when as the Proconsull exhorted him to relent, admonished him of his tender yeares, prayed him to pitye his owne case, being nowe in the flowre of his youth▪ He without intermission, enty [...]ed the beaste to deuoure him, yea constrayned, and compelled, that with speede, he might be dispatches of this wrongfull, and wicked life. Which patience and constancye of the blessed Mar [...] ▪ and of the whole Christian nation, the multitude of In [...]dels behoulding, sodainly began to sho [...]: [...]oue the vvicked, seeke out Polycarpus. And when there was a great tumu [...]e raysed, by reason of this clamor, a certaine Phrygian, by name Quintus, lately come out of Phrygia, trembled at the fler [...]e Qulntus vn­constant in persecution. rage of the terrible beasts, and shrinked at the sight of their grimme visage, and betrayd his owne safety, with his slacknes of courage. For the same epistle testifieth of him, that he personally ap­peared together with the rest before the barre, more of rashues, then of any religion, and being taken, be publickly protested: that none ought to intru [...]e him selfe, amonge such men, without good deuotion, neither intermedle in m [...]s wherewith he hath not to doe. But of these men [Page 65] thus much. Toutching the renowned Polycarpus, they write, that he hearing the report of this cruell persecution, was nothing therewith moued, but retayned the immoueable tranquilitye of his minde, continued still in the city, vntill at length he was perswaded through the petitions of such a [...]: prayed him, to goe aside for a season, and to get him to a certayne farme place, not farre from the city, where he abode with a fewe, occupied day and night onely in prayer, making hum­ble supplications after his vsuall manner: for the tranquillitye, and peace of all congregations throughout the world. Being in prayer, three dayes before he was taken, and now fallen a sleepe, Polycarpus is forewar­ned by a visi­on of his mar tyrdome. he sa [...]e in a vision by night, the pillowe vnder his heade set a fire, and sodainly consumed to ashes, when he waked, forthwith he enterpreted this vision vnto them that were then present, playnly progn osticating, that it shoulde come to passe, that his life shoulde be ended, that his bodye shoulde be burned for the testimonye of Christ. They write further, that when the searchers were nowe at hande, at the instant, and earnest entreaty of his friendes, be fleeted thence vnto an other village, where incontinently the pursuers came, which tooke two boyes of that place, and scourged them vntill that one of them confessed the circumstance, and ledde them vnto the lodginge of Polycarpus. When they had entred in, they founde him lying in an vpper cham­ber, where he might haue escaped, if that it had pleased him. But he sayde▪ The vvill of the Lorde be fulfilled. for he vnderstandinge of their pretence, as the reporte goeth, came downe, commoned with them pleasantly, and chearefully, so that they which knewe him not before, stedfastly eyed his comely age, his graue, and constant countenance, marueyling that such a doe was made, so much labour spent, and that a man of such yeares shoulde be taken. He com­maunded the table forthwith to be couered, meate to be layde on, requested them to make mea­ry, craued of them the space of one houre for prayer, that being graunted, he rose vp, went to prayer, so replenished with the grace of God, that such as were present, and prayed, hearing his deuotion, were rauished, and many sorowed, that so honest, and godly a father, shoulde dye. After these thinges the Epistle contayneth in manner these wordes following:

VVhen that he The epistle of the Chur­che of Smyrna. had novv ended his prayer, vvith the remembrance of all such thinges, as euer befell him, vvhe­ther they vvere small, or great, famous, or infamous, and also of the vniuersall, and Catholike Churche, and the houre novve fully ended: they sett him vppon an asse, and brought him to the citye, being on the greate Sabbaoth daye. There mett him Herode the iustice of peace, and his father Nicetes, vvho receauing him into their chariott, persvvaded him, saying: VVhat harme is it to saye: Lorde Caesar, to sacrifice and so be saued? at the firste he aunsvvered nothinge, but vvhen they vrged him, he sayde: I vvill not condescende vnto your counsayle, they perceauing he vvoulde not be persvvaded, gaue him very roughe language, and tumbled him dovvne out of the vvaggon, to the brusing of his shinnes. But he as thoughe he had bene nothinge hurte, neyther iniuried at all, vvent bolte vprighte, chearefull, and apace to­vvardes the Theatre. VVhen he vvas come vppon the Theatre or stage, a voyce came dovvne from heauen (vvhiche by reason of the greate tumulte vvas hearde of fevve) Be of good cheare ô Polycarpus, and play the man. The speaker no man savve, but the voyce vvas hearde of many of vs. In the meane tyme the multitude vvas in a rage, seeing Polycarpus brought forthe. The Proconsul demaundeth of him, vvhether he vvere that Polycarpus, beckning that he shoulde denye it, and saying: tender thine yeares, vvith such like persvvasions, svveare by the fortune of Caesar, repent thee of that is past, say, remoue the vvicked. But Polycarpus behoul­ding vvith vnmoueable countenance, the multitude rounde about the stage, poynting vvith the hande, and sighing, and looking vp vnto heauen, sayde: remoue ô Lorde the vvicked. VVhen the Proconsul vrged, and sayd: svveare, and I vvill let thee goe: Blaspheme, and defie Christ, Polycarpus aunsvvered: foure score, and sixe yeares, haue I serued him, neyther hath he euer offended me in any thinge, and hovv can I reuile my Kinge, vvhich hath thus kept mee? The Proconsul still vrged, and sayde: svveare by the fortune of Caesar. To vvhome Polycarpus: If thou requirest this vayne glorye, that I protest the fortune of Caesar, as thou sayest, fay­ning thou knovvest me not, Here freely I am a Christian. If thou desyre to knovve the do­ctrine of Christianitie, apoynte the daye, and thou shalt heare. VVhen the Proconsul sayd, per­svvade this people, Polycarpus aunsvvered: I haue voutchsafed to conferre vvith thee. For vve are commaunded to giue to Princes, and Potentates their due honour, ordained of God, nether preiudiciall to our religion, but as for this furious multitude, I vvill not deale vvith them. I iudge them vnvvorthy hearers of my purgation. To this the Proconsul sayde: I haue vvilde beastes to deuoure thee, vnlesse thou take a better vvaye. Polycarpus aunsvvered: bring them forthe, for it is determined amongest vs, not to passe from the better vnto the vvorse by repen­tance: But vve recount it a thinge commendable, to turne from the thinge that is euill, to that vvhich is good and iuste. Agayne the Proconsul sayd: I vvill styll thee vvith fire, if thou vvaye not the beastes, neyther repent. VVhome Polycarpus aunsvvered: Thou threatnest fyre for an houre, vvhich lasteth a vvhyle, and quickly is quenched, but thou art ignorant of the euerlasting fyre, at the day of iudgement, and endlesse torments reserued for the vvicked. But vvhat linge­rest thou, dispatche as it pleaseth thee. Vttering these, and the like vvordes, he vvas constant, and chearful, his countenance so gracious, that he notvvithstanding vvas nothing moued thervvith, but of the contrary the Proconsul being amazed, commaunded the bedle, in the middest of the theatre, thryse to cry: Polycarpus confesseth him self a Christian. At vvhich saying, the multitude both of Ievves, and Gentiles, inhabiting Smyrna, shouted vvith a great rage: this is that Doctor of Asia, the father of the Christians, the ouerthrovver of our Gods, vvho instructed many, that our Gods are not to be adored. To this they added an other clamor, crauing of Philip President of Asia, that he vvoulde lett loose a lyon to deuoure him, vvho aunsvvered: That this vvas not lavvefull, in so much that the game or stage stryuing of beastes vvas then finished. Then they cryed vvith one voyce that Polycarpus shoulde be burned quicke. It behoued that the vision shoulde be fulfilled vvhiche he savve on his pillovve, and prophecyed of, to such as prayed vvith him at that present, sayinge: I must be burned quicke, vvhiche vvas as soone done as spoken. For the multitude forthvvith caryed logges of vvoode, and stickes out of their shop­pes, and bathes. but specially the Ievves, serued promptly (after their vvonted manner) for that purpose. The fyery pyle being prepared, he vnapparelled him selfe, loosed his girdle, en­deuored to pull of his shoes, vvhich before he did not, for that the faythfull contended among them selues vvho coulde soonest touch his bodye, at their farevvell. for his good, and godly conuersation, yea, before his graye heare grevve, he vvas honoured of all men. In a shorte vvhyle all thinges necessarily required for the execution, vvere applyed. And vvhen as they vvoulde haue nayled him to the stake, he sayde: naye suffer me euen as I am. For he that gaue me pacience to abyde this fyre, vvill geue me also an immoueable mynde, to per­seuer vvithin this fyery pyle, vvithout your prouision, in pryntinge my bodye vvith nayles. VVhen they had hearde that, they cease from naylinge, and fall a byndinge of him. His handes then being bounde to his backe, he like a notable ramme, picked out of a greate flocke, fitte for an acceptable burnte sacrifice vnto Almightye God, is offered, saying: O Father of thy vvelbeloued, and blessed sonne Iesus Christ, through vvhome vve haue knovvne [Page 66] The prayer of Polycarpꝰ at his Martyr dome. thee: O God of the Angels, and povvers, and of euery liuing creature, and of all sortes of iust men, vvhiche liue in thy presence: I thanke thee that thou hast graciouslye voutch­safed this daye, and this houre, to allotte me a porcion, amonge the numbre of Mar­tyres, amonge the people of Christe, vnto the resurrection of the euerlastinge lyfe, both of body, and soule, in the incorruption of the holy Ghost, amonge vvhom I shall be receaued in thy sight this daye, as a frutefull, and acceptable sacrifice, as thou hast heretofore pre­pared, often reuealed, and novv fulfilled, most faithfull God vvhich canst not lye. VVherefore for all thinges I prayse thee, I blesse thee, I glorifye thee, throughe the euerlastinge highe Prieste Iesus Christ, thy vvelbeloued sonne, to vvhome vvith thee, and the holy Ghost, be all glory vvorld vvithout ende, Amen. VVhen that he had pronounced this Amen, and finished Polycarpus burned. his prayer, the executioners sette the pyle a fyre. The flame vehemently flashed about, ter­rible to the sight, shevved no doubt of purpose to suche as vvere preserued to publishe the same to the posteritie. For the flamye fire, framing it selfe after the forme of a vault, or the sayle of a shippe, vvith the blustring blastes of vvinde, compassed the filling bodye of the Martyr vvithin placed, as vvith a vval, and that vvhich vvas in the middes of the same, vvas not as firye, skorched, or burned fleshe, but as golde or siluer tryed in the fornace. For it seemed to our sen­ses, a fragrant, & svveete smell, as of frankensense, or some such like precious perfume. At length vvhen the cruel persecutors perceaued the fire not to consume his body, they called for a tormē ­tor, and gaue him charge, to launce him in the side vvith a speare, vvhich vvhen he had done, such a streame of bloude issued out of his body, that the fire vvas therevvith quenched, so that the vvhole multitude maruailed, such a preheminence to be graunted (in respect of the Infidels) among the faythfull and elect people of God, of vvhich number this Polycarpus vvas one, a right [Page 67]Apostolicke, and propheticall doctor of our tyme byshop, of the Catholicke church of Smyrna, for all that he spake, either is alreadye, or shalbe hereafter fullfilled. But the enuiouse, subtle and maliciouse aduersarye of iust men, seeinge the glorye of this Martyr so greate, and his vnblamable conuersation from the beginninge to be crovvned vvith incorruption, and to re­ceaue an incomparable revvarde: procured that his bodye should perishe from amonge vs, for there vvere manye that endeuored and fullye purposed to haue bene partakers of his blessed bodye by buriall, many pricked forvvardes Nicetes, the father of Herode, and his brother Dalces, to moue the proconsull, not to deliuer vnto the Christians his body least that (sayth he) they leauinge Christ, fall a vvorshippinge of him. This they sayd, vvhen the Ievves egged, and vrged them forevvardes, vvhich continually vvatched vs least that vvee snatched him out of the fyre, beinge ignorant of this, that vve can neuer forsake Christ, vvhich dyed for the sal­uation of the vvhole vvorlde: that vve can vvorshippe none other. for vve vvorshippe Christ The Chri­stians wor­ship God & reuerē ce his Martyrs. as the sonne of God, the Martyrs vve loue, as disciples, and follovvers of the Lorde, and that vvorthely for the inuincible good loue they beare, to their Kinge, and maister, vvhose compa­nions and disciples vve desire to be. vvhen the Centurion perceaued the sedition of the levves he caused the body to be layd in the middes after theyr accustomed manner, to be burned. So vve gathered his bones, more precious then pearles, and better tryde then golde, and buryed them in the place that vvas fitte for the purpose, vvhere god vvilling, vve beinge gathered to­gether, the Lorde vvill graunte that vvith ioye and gladnesse, vve may celebrate the byrth day Why the passions of mar­tyrs are cele­brated. of his martyr, both for the remembrance of suche as haue bene crovvned before, and also to the preparation, and stirringe vp of suche as hereafter shall striue. Thus it happened vnto Po­lycarpus that vvas martyred at Smyrna, together vvith tvvelue others out of Philadelphia, vvho onely among all the rest is so remembred, that the Gentiles euery vvhere spredd his fame farre and nighe.

Such was the end of the blessed Apostolicke Polycarpus, published in wrytinge by the brethren of the Church of Smyrna in the aforesayde Epistle, where is also contayned the martyrdome of sundrye others, that suffred then with Polycarpus, whereof one Metrodorus Metrodorus burned. Pionius bur­ned. suspected of the heresie of Marcion was burned with fire, and consumed to ashes. And amonge the Martyrs of that tyme, there was one Pionius, very famous, who for his protestations and liberty of speache and Apologies for the fayth bothe in the presence of the people and Magistra­tes: for his godly sermons, and comfortinge perswasions of such as faynted in persecution: for his consolation vnto suche as were imprisoned: for his exhortations vnto the brethren resorting vnto him: for his constancye in his manyfolde, and greeuous torments and afflictions: for his pa­cience in the firye pyle flashing about: and last of all for his quiet death: is highly commended, Eusebius wrot a book of Martyrs which is not extant. Carpus, Papylus, Agathonica, martyrs. and published to the prayse of God, in that booke of ours which contayneth his Martyrdome, Whereunto I referre the reader. Also there are extant other monuments of certayne Martyrs that suffred at Pergamus, a Citie of Asia. As of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathonica a woman, who after their notable confessions, suffred gloriouse Martyrdome.

CAP. XVI.

Of the martyrdome of Iustinus a Christian philosopher,

AT that time Iustinus of whome we made mention before, when he had dedicated a booke in the defence of our doctrine, to the foresayd Emperours was crowned with martyrdome by the maliciouse meanes of Crescens the philospher, professing in life and learninge the sect of Cynickes, for Iustinus in open disputations, and publicke conference had with this philoso­pher, bare away the bell which tended to the shortning of his life, and the hasteninge of his ende. This thinge did this famous philosopher in his foresayd Apologie foresee and signifie in these words. I looke for no other thinge then this, but that I be betrayed of some one of thē called philosophers Iustinus mar­tyr Apolog. 2. , or knockt in the head vvith a clubbe by Crescens, no philosopher in deed, but a state­ly iangler. It is not requisite that vve call him a philosopher, vvhich of ignorance reporteth that the Christians are impious and irreligious, to the ende he may please and flatter such as are ouer­shadovved vvith the miste of error and darkenesse. For either he impugneth the doctrine of the Christians vvhich he hath neither readd nor knovven, then is he full of malice & farre vvorse then Idiotes that alvvayes bevvare they reason not of vnknovven matters, least they beare false vvitnesse: or els he readeth them, but vnderstandeth not the mystery and maiesticall meaning [Page 68] thereof, or if he vnderstande, he dothe it that he be not taken for suche a one, then is he a­gayne farre more vvicked, and spitefull, the bondslaue of vayneglo [...]ye, and bruti [...]he seare: for I vvoulde haue you vvell to vnderstande, and to recount my tale for trueth, that I haue proposed certayne questions, and demaunded certayne interrogatoryes of him, vvherein I haue founde and knovve rightvvell that he knovveth nothing. If that these conferences haue bene neyther bruted, neyther blased in your hearing: I am ready agayne to rehearse the same vnto you. This vvill be a Princely parte and a vvorthye vvorke, for your honour to heare. If you knevve bothe vvhat I demaunded, and vvhat he aunsvvered: you vvoulde soone gyue sentence, that he is altogether ignorant in our doctrine. Or if he knovveth it, he dareth not vtter it for feare of his auditours, and hereby to be proued (as I sayde before) no philoso­pher, but a flatterer, contemninge that vvhich Socrates highly esteemed. No mans fonde, vayne, or foolish humor vvith flatterye to be fedde. Thus farre Iustinus. And that he peri­shed through the practise of Crescens, Tatianus a man instructed from his youth vp in pro­phane literature, and praysed very much for the profit he tooke therein, testifleth in his booke against the Gentiles wryting thus: The famous philosopher Iustinus sayd very vvell, that the Tatianus lib. contra gen­tes. philosophers then vvere to be likened to theeues. A litle after he sayth: Crescens being nevvly come vnto that great Citie passed all men, in that vnnaturall, and shamefull sinne of Sodom, de filing himself vvith mankind, inferior to no mā in couetousnes, taught, that death vvas not to be feared, yet he vvas so feareful of it that he procured Iustinus death for a great mischiefe, pouring out the poyson of his malice, bycause that he preachinge the trueth reprehended the philoso­phers, for gluttonous and deceitfull persons. such was the cause of Iustinus martyrdome.

CAP. XVII.

Of the Martyrs mentioned in the Apologie of Iustinus.

THe same Iustinus before he suffred, remembred in his Apologie, such as were martyred before him, very pertinent for this our purpose, wryting thus: A certain vvoman there Iustinus in his Apology reporteth a certain hi­story of a mā & his vvife. vvas maryed vnto an husbande vvholy giuen vnto lasciuious life and leudnes, vvhereun­to she hir self vvas in times past addicted, vvho vvhen she had learned the doctrine of Christ re­pented hir of hir former life, and embraced chastitie, and exhorted hir husbande likvvise to repēt, expounding vnto him the doctrine vvhich threatned vnto intemperate, and beastly liuers euerlasting punishment, of endlesse fyre. But he neuerthelesse altogether set vpō the same levvd nesse, separateth by his vnlavvfull meanes his vvife from him. for she sayd that it vvas thence­forth vnlavvfull for hir, to vse company at bedd, and at borde, vvith that man, vvho contrarie vnto the lavve of nature, beyonde all right and reason, sought meanes to satisfie his filthy luste and therefore vvould be diuorced from him. But through the persvvasions of her frends, she re­uoked hir sentence, & changed hir mind, vvho counsayled hir, a litle vvhile quietly to liue toge­ther that there vvas great hope at length of his repentance: refrained hir self and continevved vvith him in vvedlocke. VVhen hir husbande vvas gonne to Alexandria, and there knovven to haue practised farre more levvd factes, least that she should be made partaker of his vvicked fa­ctes and haynous offences by continevving in his company at bedd and boord, in the bonde of matrimony: she made a bill of diuorce (as vve tearme it) she vvas separated and vvent a­vvay from him. Then this good man (vvhen he shoulde haue reioyced that his vvife vvhich Ironia. of olde vvas slaundered of hir seruantes and accused of hir levvdnesse: vvhich of olde vvas giuen to dronkennesse, and all kinde of spite: novve had renounced hir former life, and ex­horted him to the same repentance vvith hir, vvhome she diuorced because he kept other com­pany) accused hir that she vvas a Christian. And she gaue vp a supplication vnto thee (ô Empe­rour) humbly requesting, that she might first dispose hir househould affaires, & after the dispo­sition and ordering thereof, to aunsvvere vnto that vvhich she vvas accused for, the vvhich thing thou diddest graciously graūt, but he (hir husband somtimes) hauing no colour, nor cloke, to accuse his vvife: bent his bovve and leueled thus at Ptolomaeus, vvho instructed hir in the Christian fayth, & endured tormēts vnder Vrbicius the Iudge. He had to his frend the Centurion, vvhom he persvvaded to impryson Ptolomaeus: to entreat him roughly vvithall: & to demaund of him if he vvere a Christiā. vvhich vvhen Ptolomaeus, one that vvas zealous for the trueth, no flatterer, no dis­sembler, Ptolomaeus martyred. had confessed himselfe to be: the Centurion cast him into pryson vvhere he vvas longe [Page 69] punished. Aftervvardes being brought before Vrbicius, of this onely he vvas examined: if he vvere a Christian, vvhose conscience bearing him vvitnesse of no crime, but in a iust cause: con­fessed that he had preached the true, and heauenly doctrine of Christ. For he vvhich denyeth himselfe to be that man he is, either condemneth that vvhich is in him by denyall: or knovving him vnvvorthy and estranged from the matter, refuseth to confesse: vvhere of neither is found in a true Christian. And vvhen Vrbicius commaunded that he should be brought forth: one Lu­cius (that vvas also a Christian) seing the sentence giuen contrary to all reason, sayde to Vrbicius VVhat reason is it (O Vrbicius) that thou shouldest condemne this man for confessing the name of Christ: vvhich hathe committed neither adultery: neither fornication: neither manslaughter, neither theft: neither robbery: neither any vvicked offence, that he may iustly be charged vvith­all. Thy Iudiciall sentences do become neither Pius the Emperour: neither the philosopher the sonne of Caesar: neither the sacred Senate. Vrbicius aunsvvering nothing to these thinges sayde to Lucius: and thou seemest to me, to be such a one. Lucius aunsvvered: I am so, and he com­maunded him forthvvith to be brought forth to the place of executiō. For this, Lucius thanked Lucius mar­tyred. him, & sayd that by this meanes he should be deliuered, from such vvicked maysters, & go vnto a gracious God, his father, and King. After this a third stept forth vvhich suffred the like. In the end Iustinus concludeth with y rehersall of that which we remembred before, saying: And I looke for no other, then that I be betrayed by some one of them, that are called philosophers.

CAP. XVIII.

Of the workes and writinges of Iustinus

IVstinus hathe leaft vnto the posterity many monuments, of his instructed minde, and right vn­derstanding: full of all kind of profitt, vnto the which we referre the studious readers, and withall we will note such as came to our knowledge. first: a supplication vnto Antoninus Pius: and his sonnes: and to the Romayne Senate: in the defence of our doctrine. Agayne: an Apo­logy vnto y sayd Emperours successor, by sirnam [...] Antoninus Verus, whose time we presently do prosecute. He wrote also agaynst the Gentiles: where at large he disputeth many questions, both of ours, and the heathenish philosophers doetrinet of the nature of spirites, altogether impertinent for this our present purpose. He wrote an other booke also agaynst the Gentiles, intituled a con­futation or reprehension. After that of the monarchie of God, collected not onely out of the sa­cred Scriptures, but also out of prophane wryters. Next one intituled: Psaltes. An other: of the soule, as by way of annotation, alleaging diuers [...] questions, and many opinions of the hea­then philosophers, differring the consutation and his definitiue sentence, vntill an other place. Lastly of all he wrote a dialogue agaynst the Ievves disputing at Ephesus with Tryphon, then a famous Doctor among the Ievves, where he beela [...]eth how the mercifulnes of God brought him to the knowledge of the true fayth: how he diligently studied philosophie: and earnestly sought after the trueth. In that dialogue of the Ievves, declaring their spite against the doctrine of Christ he inueieth against Tryphon thus: You haue not onely hardened your selues from repentance, but haue sent chosen men from Ierusalem, vvhich shoulde passe through out the vvorlde, and pronounce: that there vvas a certaine Christian Heresie spronge, slaunderinge vs as the rest doe, vvhich knovve vs not, so that thereby you proued your selues authors of falsehood, not onely to The gifte of prophecye was in Iusti­nus, and Ire­naeus time [...] Irenaeus li. 5. Irenaeus li. 4. cap. 14. Erasmus no [...] without caus [...] suspecteth this opinion of Irenaeus in his prolo­gue to the fif [...] booke of I­renaeus. Anno Do­mini. 171. Soter b. of Rome. Agryppas byshope of Alexandria. Cap. 20. after the Greeke. Teophilus b. of Antioch Cap. 21. after the Greeke. Egesippus. Dionysius. Pinytus. Philippus. Apolinarius Meliton. &c. Cap. 22. after the greeke. your ovvne people but to all other nations. He wryteth also, how that vnto his time the gifte of prophecy flourished in the Church. He remembred the reuelation of Iohn, plainely affirming: that it was the Apostles, he alleageth many places of the prophets, charging Tryphon: that the Ievves rased them out of the Bible. It is reported he wrote many other things, well knowne vn­to diuerse of the brethr [...]. His workes of old, were in great reuerence, Ir [...] in his fourth booke remembreth him, saying: Iustinus vvryting agaynst Marcion sayth very vvell. Nether vvoulde I haue beleued in the Lord, if he had shevved any other God, besides the ma [...] of all thinges. And in his first booke▪ Iustinus sayd vvell that before the cōming of our Sauiour, S [...]thā durst not blaspheme God, in so much he knevve not certainely of his condemnation before that tyme. These thinges were needfull to be noted: that the [...]sous might [...]nestly embrar [...] his workes. so farre concerning Iustinus.

CAP. XIX.

The succession of Byshops in Rome, Alexandria, and Antioche.

IN y eight yeare of the sayd Emperours raygne, when as Anicetus had bene byshope of Rome eleuen yeares: Soter succeded. And in Alexandria after that Celadion had gouerned fourteene yeares: Agryppas came in place* In the Church of Antioche Theophilus was the sixt from the Apostles: Heros the fift: Cornelius the fourth.

CAP. XX.

VVhat ecclesiasticall persons flourished at that time

IN those dayes Egesippus flourished in the Churche, one of the moste auncient: and Dionysius byshope of Corinthe: and Pinytus byshope of Creta: Philippus: Apollinarius: Meliton: Mu­sanus: Modestus: but specially Irenaeus. of all which number, there are monuments leaft in wryting vnto the posteritie of their Apostolicke traditions and sounde fayth.

CAP. XXI.

By the reporte of Egesippus he declareth what vniforme consent in relligion, there was in that age, and who of olde were authors of sectes and heresies.

EGesippus in his fiue bookes, left vnto the posteritie a full remembrance of him, where he de­clareth that comminge to Rome, and conferringe with many byshopes: he founde them all of one minde, and the same doctrine: we haue also to vnderstande of the worthy reporte al­leaged by him toutching the Epistle of Clemens, wrytten vnto the Corinthiās saying: The church Egesippus. of Corinthe remayned in the pure and right rule of doctrine, vnto the tyme of Primus byshop there, vvith vvhome (meaninge the Corinthians) sayling to Rome, I conferred: and abode many dayes: and vvas conforted very much by reason of them and their doctrine. Being come Thebulis through am­bition be­came an he­reticke. Simon. Cleobius. Dositheus. Gorthaeus. Masbothaei. Menandria­nists. Marcionists. Carpocra­tians. Valentinians Basilidians. Saturnilians. Essaeans. Galilaeans. Hemeroba­ptists. Masbothaeās Samaritans. Saduces. Pharises. The Gospell after the He­brewes, and Syrians. Prouerbes of Solomon. Apocrypha published by heretickes. Cap. 23. after the greeke. to Rome, I stayd there vntill that Anicetus vvas stalled byshop, vvhose Deacon vvas Eleutherius vvhome Sother succeded, and after him Eleutherius. In all their successions, and in euery one of their Cities: it is no othervvise then the lavve, and prophets, and the Lorde himselfe preached. The same author reciteth y originalles of y heresies in his tyme wryting thus: After that Iacobus Iustus, had bene martyred, in such sorte as Christ himself vvas put to death this vncle Simō Cleo­pas vvas chosen byshope, vvhome all preferred, because that he vvas the Lordes seconde kins­man, vvherefore they called that church a pure virgin, for as yet the deuell had not sovvne there any corrupt seed of false doctrine. But Thebulis because he vvas not chosen byshop, vvent about to corrupt the same, beinge partaker of the seuen heresies vvhere of one is Symon, of vvhome the Simoniani: and Cleobius, of vvhome Cleobiani: and Dositheus, of vvhome Dositheani: and Gor­thaeus, of vvhome Gorthaeani: and Masbothaei, of vvhome spronge the Menandrianists: Marcionists: Carpocratians: Valentinians: Basilidians: and Saturnilians, vvhereof euery one hath sett a broche, a proper & seuerall opinion. Of these sprang the false christs: the false prophets: the false­apostles: renting a sunder the Church vvith their false doctrine directed agaynst God, & Christ our Sauiour. The same author describeth likewise y t old heresies of the Ievves, saying: There vvere in the time of the circumcision sundry sectes among the children of Israell, varying in opinions, & sett opposite agaynst the tribe of Iuda, and Christ, namely theese: the Essaeans▪ the Galilaeās: the Hemerobaptistes: the Masbothaeans: the Samaritans: the Sadduces, the Pharises. diuerse other thinges he wryteth of, the which haue bene partly remembred of vs before, and applyes to their proper and peculier places. Afterwardes he maketh relation of the Gospell after the He­brevves, and Syrians, and seuerally of certayne Hebrue dialectes: and that [...] mean [...]s of the He­brevves, he attained vnto the Christian fayth: with a recitall of other vnwrytten traditions of the Ievves▪ Moreouer Egesippus, and yet not onely he but also Irenaeus, with the whole assembly and company of the elders [...] haue termed the prouerbes of Salomon, wisedome it self, replenished with all kinde of vertue and godlines, and by occasion, reasoninge of the Scriptures called A­pocrypha he sayde that in his time, diuerse of them were published by Heretickes. hereof thus much, now to that which by order of history we are bounde vnto.

CAP. XXII.

Of Dionysius Byshop of Corinthe▪ and his Epistles.

FIrst we haue to speake of Dionysius▪ who being byshop of Corinthe freely communicated his diuine and godly labour and industry not onely to such as were his charge, but also to stran­gers, shewing himself most profitable vnto all people, by those, Catholicke epistles which he directed vnto the Churches. of which numbre is that epistle written by him vnto the Lacedae­monians▪ contayning y e right institution of christian peace, & vnitie, Moreouer his epistle wrytt vnto the Athenians stirreth the mindes of faythfull men vnto the embracing of the trueth, and e­uangelicall conuersation of life: rep [...]en [...]endeth the gainesayers & despisers thereof: chargeth di­uerse of them, that they were now in manner fallen from the fayth: although Publius there bishop Publius a Martyr. Quadratus Dionysius Areopagita 1. b. of A­thens. in their time had there bene martyred. He remembreth Quadratus the successor of Publius (after his martyrdome in the byshoprick) & testifieth of him, that by his meanes they were vnited, and stirred to the fayth. He sheweth moreouer howe that Dionysius Areopagita conuerted vnto the fayth, according vnto that which is wrytten in the Actes of the Apostles▪ was by Paul placed the first byshop of Athens. There is extant also an other epistle of his vnto the Nicomedians, where repugninge the heresie of Marcion: he fortifieth the right rule of fayth. And vnto the Churche of the Gortynenses, together with other congregations throughout Creta he wryteth: commen­ding Philip there byshope, for that the Church committed vnto his charge was beautified and be­decked Philip. by the proufe of many vertuous properties: warninge withall that they should auoide the wilfulnes of peruerse heretickes. And wryting to the Church of Amastris together with the rest throughout Pontus: he mentioneth Bachilides, and Elpistus, at whose instant motion he wrote: Bachilides. Elpistus. Galma. and Galma there byshop: interlacing expositions of sundry places of Scripture. He admonisheth them at large toutching mariage and virginitie [...] commaundinge also to receaue after repentance such as fell, how soeuer it happened, eyther of purpose, or by heretical perswasiō. Unto this there is annexed an epistle vnto the Gnosij, where theyr byshope Pinytus is admonished not to charge Pinytus. Vowed cha­stitie forbid­den. necessarily the brethren, with the greuous burthen of vowed chastitie: but to haue consideration of the frail imbecillity of many natures. vnto the which epistle Pinytus making answere extolleth & commendeth Dionysius, yet agayne by way of admonition requireth, that stronger meat beinge deliuered, he fead the flocke cōmitted vnto his charge, with more absolute and profound doctrine, least that they lingering in their milkesoppes, and smothe exhortacions, waxe old through negli­gence, in childish nurture. In the which epistle of Pinytus the right rule of fayth: diligent care for the saluation of his flocke: discretion also & vnderstanding of holy scripture, is liuely set forth. last of all there remaineth an epistle of Dionysius vnto the Romaines, namely vnto Soter their byshop Dionysius wryteth of the Romains then: if he were nowe to wryte he could tell an other tale. whereof if we alleage some parte it shall not seeme impertinent, where he commendeth the Ro­maine manner obserued vnto the persecution of our time, wryting thus: It hath bene your accu­stomed manner, euen from the beginning: diuersely to benefitt all the brethren, and to send re­lief throughout the citie, supplying the vvant of the poore by refreshing them in this sorte, and specially the vvante of the brethren appointed for slauishe drudgerie, and digging of mettalls, you Romaynes, of old do retaine the fatherly affection of Rome, vvhich holy Soter your bishop not onely obserued, but also augmented, ministringe large and liberall relief to the vse of the sainctes: embracing louingly the conuerted brethren, as a father doth his sonnes, vvith exhorta­tion of vvholsome doctrine. Here also he remembreth y epistle of Clemens wrytten to the Corin­thians, shewing the same of aunciēt custome, to haue bene read in the Church, for thus be writeth Dionysius readeth in the Churche of Corinthe the epistle of the Churche of Rome, and of Clemens. Dionysius complaineth that here­tickes corru­pted his epi­stles. Cap. 24. after the greeke. VVe haue this day solemnized the holy sunday, in the vvhich vve haue read your epistle & al­vvaies vvill for instructions sake, euen as vve do the former of Clemens vvritten vnto vs. The same author reporteth of his owne epistles that they were patched, & corrupted in these words: VVhen I vvas intreated of the brethren to vvrite, I vvrote certaine Epistles, but the messengers of Satan haue sovven them vvith tares, pulling avvay some, putting to other some, vvhose condemnation is layd vp for certaine. no maruell then though some endeuored to corrupt the sacred Scriptures of God, vvhen as they vvent about to counterfett such vvrytinges of so smale authoritie. Yet be sides all these, there is founde an other epistle of Dionysius to Chrysophora a faithfull sister, where, as it was most mete, he ministreth vnto her spirituall foode conuenient for her calling. thus much toutching Dionysius.

CAP. XXIII.

Of Theophilus byshop of Antioche, and his workes

OF Theophilus byshop of Antioch before mētioned: there are found three bookes of Elemē ­tall Theophilus. Institutions, dedicated vnto Antolicus. again an other entitled: Against the heresie of Hermogenes, where he alleageth many testimonies out of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn. there are also certaine other bookes of his, intitled: of Institutions, but there was neuer no grea­ter plague or pestilence, then the poyson of heretickes: which then infected after the manner of tares, the true seede of Apostolicke doctrine. whome the pastors of the Churches repelled from the flocke of Christ, as if they had bene certen sauadge beastes, partely by adinomtions & exhor­tations vnto the brethren: partly also by encountring with the heretickes them selues: sometimes disputing and questioning with them face to face, to the vtter ouerthrow of their trifling fantasies & sometimes by theyr wrytten commentaries, diligently confuting by way of reprehension theyr fonde opinions. Among whome Theophilus together with others which then labored against thē, was counted famous, who also wrote a booke leaueling at Marcion, the which we knowe toge­ther with the rest, at this day to be extāt. after the desease of this Theophilus, Maximinus being the Maximinꝰ b. of Antioche Anno Domini 179. cap. 25. after the greeke 7. from the Apostles, succeeded him in the Church of Antioche.

CAP. XXIIII.

Of Philip byshop of Gortyna, Irenaeus, and Modestus.

PHilip whome by the reporte of Dionysius we haue learned to haue bene byshop of the Church Philip. Irenaeus. Modestus. of Gortyna: wrote a most exquisite tract agaynst Marcion. so did Irenaeus, and Modestus which of all others chiefly detected his error vnto the worlde. so did sundrye other learned men, whose bookes are yet to be seene with diuerse of the brethren.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 26. after the greeke.

Of Melito byshop of Sardis in Asia, and his workes.

ABoute this time Melito byshop of Sardis, and Apollinarius byshop of Hierapolis florished, Melito and the cataloge of his bookes who both wrote vnto the Emperour of Rome then raygning, seuerall bookes, and Apo­logies, in the behalfe of our faith: whereof these of Melito his doinges, came to our handes 2. bookes of Easter. of Politicke conuersation, and the Prophets. of the church. of the sundaye. of the nature of man. of the molde of man. of the obedience of fayth of the senses. Moreouer: of the body, and soule. also of our regeneration, or nevvbirth. of the trueth▪ of the faith, and the na­tiuitie of Christ. likewise a booke of his: of prophecie. of the soule, & body▪ of hospitalitie. And a booke intitled: a key an other: of the deuell. an other: of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn, and of God incarnate. last of all a booke dedicated vnto Antoninus. In his booke of Easter he declareth the time when he wrote it, begining thus: In the time of Seruilius Paulus proconsul of Asia, vvhat time Sagaris suffred martyrdome, and the great sturre vvas moued at Laodicea, tourchinge the Melito in his booke of Ea­ster. Sagaris mar­tyred. Apece of the Apologie of Melito vnto the Empe­rour. Sabaoth, vvhich then by reason of the time fell out, these thinges vvere vvrytten of this booke Clemens Alexandrinus made mention, in a seuerall tracte which he wrote of Easter, and purpose­ly (as he testifieth himselfe) by occasion of Melito his booke. In his Apology vnto the Emperour he reporteth the thinges practised against the Christians, wryting thus: The godly people gre­ned, by reason of nevve edictes, published throughout Asia and before neuer practised: novve suffer persecution. for impudent Sycophantes, & greedy gapers after other mens goods, hauing gotten occasion through those proclamations: openly robb and spoile, day and night, such as committee no trespasse at all. And after a fewe lynes he sayth: If this be done through your pro­curemēt, let it stand for good. for the Emperour that is iuste, neuer putteth in practise any vniust thing, & vve vvillingly vvill beare avvay the honor of this death, yet this onely vve hūbly craue of your highnes, that you (after notice and tryall had of the authors of this contention) doe iustly geue sentence, vvhether they are vvorthy of death & punishment, or of lif and quietnesse. but if this be not your maiesties pleasure, and the nevve edicte proceed not from your povver and authoritie, (vvhich vvere not seemely to be sett forthe agaynst barbarian enemies) the ra­ther vve pray you, that you despise vs not, vvhich are greued and oppressed, vvith this common [Page 73] and shamefull spoyle. Agayne to these he addeth: The philosophie novve in aestimation amon­gest Christian re­ligion began to be made manifest in the time of Augustus, for then Christ was borne. vs, first florished among the Barbarians. for vvhen as it florished vnder the great dominion of Augustus, your forefather of famous memorie, it fell out to be a most fortunate successe vnto your empire. For thence forvvardes vnto this daye, the Romaine empire increased and enlarged it selfe vvith greate glorie, vvhose successor novve you are, greatly beloued: and haue bene long vvished for: and vvilbe together vvith your sonne continually prayed for. retaine therefore this religion, vvhich encreased vvith the empire, vvhich began vvith Augustus, vvhich vvas reueren­ced of your auncetors, before all other religions. This vvas a greate argument of a good begin­ning, for since that our doctrine florished together vvith the happie beginning empire: no mis­fortune befell vnto it from the raygne of Augustus vnto this daye: but of the contrary all prospe­rous, and gloriouse, and gladsome, as euery man vvished him selfe. Onely of all others Nero, & Domitian, through the persvvasion of certaine enuious, & dispitefull persons: vvere disposed to bring our doctrine into hatred. From vvhome this sclaunder of flattering persons, raised against the Christians sprong vp, after a brutishe maner or custome. but your godly auncetors corrected their blinde ignorance, and rebuked oftentimes by their epistles, their sundry rashe enterprises. Of vvhich number Adrianus your graundefather, is knovven to haue vvritten both vnto Funda­nus Proconsul, and President of Asia, and to manie others. And your father (yours, I saye, in that you gouerned all thinges together vvith him) vvrote vnto the cities in our behalfe, and vnto the Larissaeans, Thessalonians, Athenians, and to all the Grecians: that they should innouate nothing, nether practise any thing preiudiciall vnto the Christians. but of you vve are fully persvvaded to obtaine our humble petitions, in that your opinion, and sentence is correspondent vnto that of your predecessors, yea and that more gracious, and farre more religious. Thus as ye reade, he wrote in the aforesayde booke. And in his Proeme to his annotations of the olde Testamente, he reciteth the cataloge of the bookes of the olde Testament, then certeine & canonicall (the whiche necessarilie we haue annexed) writinge thus: Meliton vnto the brother Onesimus sendeth gree­ting: Melito wri­teth vnto O­nesimus of the canonical Scripture of the olde te­stament. VVhereas oftentimes (you beinge inflamed vvith earnest zeale tovvardes our doctrine) haue requested of me, to select certaine annotations out of the lavve and prophets, concerning our Sauiour, and our vvhole religion: and againe to certifie you of the summe of the bookes, contained in the olde testament, according vnto their number, and order of placinge: novve at length I (beinge mindefull heretofore also of your petitions) haue bene carefull to performe that you looke for, knovving your endeuer, your care and industrie in setting forth the doctrine of faith, marching forvvards vvith loue tovvards God, and care of euerlasting saluation, vvhich you preferre before all other thinges. VVhen that I traueled into the east and vvas there, vvhere these thinges vvere both preached and put in practise: I compiled into order the bookes of the olde testament, suche as vvere vvell knovven, and sent them vnto you, vvhose names are these: The fiue bookes of Moses: Genesis, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numeri, Deuteronomium. Then Iesus Naue, the Iudges, the booke of Ruth, foure bookes of kinges, tvvo of Cronicles, the Psalmes of Dauid, the Prouerbes of Solomon, the booke of VVisdome, Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, Iob, Esay, and Ieremie the Prophets. on booke of the tvvelue prophets, Daniel, Ezechiel, Esdras. vpon the vvhich vve haue vvritten six bookes of commentaries. Thus farre Meliton.

CAP. XXVI. These. 2. chapters in the Greeke were one.

Of the writings of Apollinarius, and Musanus.

ALthoughe there were many volumes written by Apollinarius, yet these onely came to our Apollinarius handes. A booke vnto the foresaide Emperour. fiue bookes against the gentiles, 2. bokes of the trueth. 2 bookes againste the Ievves. and suche bookes as afterwardes he wrote a­gainst the Phrygian heresie, whiche not longe after waxed stale, then firste buddinge out, when as Montanus together with his false prophetisses ministred principles of Apostasie. so farre of him. Montanus the heretick. Musanus. Encratitis. Tatianus. Musanus also spoken of before, wrote a certaine excellent booke intituled: Vnto the brethren, lately fallen into the heresie of the Encratits, which then newely had sprong, and molested man­kinde, with a strange and perniciouse kinde of false doctrine, the autor whereof is sayde to bee Tatianus.

CAP. XXVII.

Of Tatianus and his heresie.

WE meane that Tatianus, whose testimony a litle before, we haue alleaged toutchinge the renoumed Iustinus, whome also we haue reported to haue bene the Martyrs disci­ple. The same dothe Irenaeus declare in his first booke against heresies, wryting of him and his heresie thus: Out of the schole of Saturninus and Marcion sprange the Hereticks Irenaeus li. 1. cap. 30. 31. Saturniani. Marcionitae. vvhome they call Encratits (that is to say continent persons) vvho taught that mariadg vvas to be abhorred, contemning the auncient shape and molde of man, framed of God and so by sequel, reprehending him that made the generation of man and vvoman. Againe they haue commaunded abstinence from liuing creatures, for so they call them, shevving themselues vn­gratefull tovvards God, vvhich made all thinges for the vse of man. They deny that the first man vvas saued and this blasphemie lately spronge vp, Tatianus beinge originall thereof. vvho Tatianus. vvhilest that he vvas the auditor of Iustinus, reuealed no such thinge, but after his Martyrdome, falling from the Church, & being puffed vp vvith presumptuous estimation and selfe opinion of Doctorship, as though he passed all others: inuented a selfe and a seuerall character or maner of Doctrine. he dreamed of certaine inuisible vvorldes, vvith the Valentinians, preachinge of Valentiniani. mariadge and corruption, and fornication as Marcion, and Saturninus had done before, calling into controuersie of himselfe the saluation of Adam. This doth Irenaeus write in the place be­fore cyted, and a litle after thus: One Seuerus reuiued the foresayd heresi, and became an author Seuerus. Seueriani. vnto his follovvers that of him they vvere called Seueriani. These receaue y Lavve, the Prophets and the Gospells: they expounde names of holy Scripture, as pleaseth them best: they reuile the Apostle Paul: they reiect his Epistles: they deny the Actes of the Apostles. there first author was Tatianus, who patched together, I wot not what kind of mingle mangled consonancy of the Gospells and termed it Diatessaron, which as yet is to be sene of many. some reporte that he pre­sumed Diatessaron. metaphrastically to alter the wordes of the Apostle, correcting as it were the order of the phrase. He left in wryting vnto the posteritie a great numbre of commentaries, but of all the rest that booke of his, against the Gentiles is recounted famous, and taken for the best, and most pro­fitable: Tatianus though an hereticke yet wrote [...]e a learned book agaynst the Gentiles. where mention is made of the former times, with a bold protestation, that Moses and the Prophets among the Hebrevves, were farre more auncient, thē the famous men among the Gen­tiles, and thus stoode these thinges then.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of Bardesanes a syrian, and his bookes.

VNder the raygne of the same Emperour, when heresies increased, a certaine man in Me­sapotamia by name Bardesanes, being very eloquent and skilfull in logicke: published in Bardesanes a Syrian. wryting in the Syrian tongue, Dialogues together with other bookes, against Marcion, and other graundeheretickes. the which certaine learned men (whereof he had then a great numbre to his disciples, his gift of vtterance did so passe) translated from the Syrian into the Greeke tongue, of which bookes, that dialogue intitled of Desteny, and dedicated vnto Antoninus the Emperour, is of greate force. The report goeth that he wrote many other bookes, by occasion of the persecution raysed in those times. This man was first schooled by Valentinus, but afterwards reprehendinge and condemning his fabulous dreames: transformed and altered himselfe of his owne accord embracing the sounder sentence, and yet scarcely so, washed he altogether away the spotts of the former heresie. About this time Soter byshop of Rome departed this life. Anno. 179.

The ende of the fourth booke.

THE FIFTE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

The proëme.

Howe that Eleutherius succeded Soter in the seae of Rome. the difference betwene the ecclesiasticall and prophane history. he purposeth to write of martyrs.

SOter whē he had bene byshop of Rome eight yeares finished his mortall race, whome Eleutherius the twelfth from the Apostles succeded. And then was it the seuenteneth yeare of the raygne of Antoninus Ʋerus the Emperour. In which Eleutherius▪ b. of Rome. Anno Do­mini. 179. time sedition being raysed throughout the Cities, and vehement persecution in all partes of the world encreased against vs: we may easily coniecture, howe many mil­llions of martyrs suffred throughout the worlde, by such as happened vnto one na­tion, which for moste true and, euerlastinge memory, hathe bene thought wor­thy the wrytinge, & is printed for the posteritie. And although we haue here­heretofore compiled a booke of martyrs in moste ample wise, reciting the catalogue of them, and yet not onely the hystoricall narration, but also enterlacing matters of doctrine: neuerthelesse we minde not presently to omitt any thinge that may seeme pertinent vnto this our history which we haue nowe in hand. Other historiographers haue carefully considered, onely to commit to letters warlicke victories and no­ble triumphes against the enemies, valiant enterprises of captaines, notable corage of armed soldiers, bespotted with bloud and innumerable slaughters of tender sucklings, committed for countrey and sub­stance sake: But this our history containeth a pollicy gratefull vnto God, most peaceable warres for the quietnes of the soule, for the trueth of conscience rather thē triall for our country, for godly fauor, rather thē worldly frendshipp. It contayneth the valiant constancy of champions, buckling and wrastling for the trueth, the most victorious fortitude & triumphes agaynst firy fiendes of hell, the vpper hand of our vn­uisible aduersaries, to be short it pronounceth for all these, crownes of euerlasting memory.

CAP. I.

Of the martyrdome of Sainctes, and cruell persecution in France, vnder Antoninus Verus the Emperour.

IT was the countrey of Fraunce, wherein the theatre of this wrastlinge (before mentioned) laye. whose chief cities and most frequented in respect of the rest in the same region are Lions and Vienna. Through bothe which Cities the riuer Rhodanus doth runne compassinge that whole countrey. The holy Churches there, sent this letter toutching their martyrs, vnto the Churches throughout Asia and Phrygia, making relation of their affaires after this manner.

The seruaunts of Christ inhabiting Ʋienna and Lions Cities of Fraunce, vnto The epistle of the french mē vnto the Churches of Asia, & Phry­gia. the brethren throughout Asia, and Phrygia, obtayning with vs the same fayth and hope of redemption: peace and grace and glory from God the father, and Christ Iesus our Lorde be multiplied.

When they had premised certaine thinges by waye of preamble, they followe after in these wordes: The greatnes of this our tribulatiō, the furious rage of the Gentiles against the Saincts, and vvhat thinges the blessed martyrs haue suffred: vve are able exactly, neyther to expresse by vvorde, nor comprehende in vvryting. The aduersarie vvith all might possible, applied himselfe shevving tokens of his preparatiues & disposed entrance to persecution, & passing throughout [Page 76] all places acquainted and instructed, his lymmes, to striue against the seruants of God: so that onely vve vvere not banished our hovvses, bathes, and common market places: but altogether, euery one of vs straightly charged not to shevve his face▪ yet the grace of God vvithstoode him, deliuering the vveakelinges, vphoulding certaine others of the contrary, as sure and im­moueable pillers vvhich through their sufferance vvere able not onely to repell the violence of the despitefull aduersarie, but also to prouoke him, paciently abiding all kinde of sclaunder, and punishment. To be shorte vveyinge greate tormentes for smale trifles: they hastened vnto Christ, declaring as trueth is: that the passions of these presente times, are not vvorthie of the Rom. [...]. glorie, vvhich shalbe reuealed vnto vs. And first of all, they bare manfully all such vexations as the clustered multitude laied vpon them: exclamations, scurginges, draggings, spoyling, stoninge, fettring, and the like vvhatsoeuer the heady and sauadge multitude accustometh to practise against their professed enemies. next being ledd vnto the open market place, and ex­amination had: they vvere comdempned in presence of the people by the Tribune, and the other chiefe potentates of the citie, and cast into prison, vntill the presidentes comminge. Af­ter that, vvhen they vvere brought before the president vvhich had exercised all kinde of ex­treame cruelty against vs: Vegetius Epagathus one of the brethren hauing fullnesse of loue to­vvardes Vegetius E­pagathus martyred. Luke. 1. God, and man, vvhose conuersation vvas so perfecte, Although a yongeman, yet thought comparable vvith Zacharie the Prieste, for he vvalked vnblameable in all the com­maundementes and ordinaunces of the Lorde, and very seruiceable tovvardes his neighbours, hauinge greate zeale and feruencie of the spirite of God: allovved not of the sentence vniuste­ly pronounced agaynst vs, but vvith vehement motion required, that audience myghte be giuen him to pleade for the brethren, that vve had committed no impiety. vvhich beinge de­nyed him (for he vvas a noble man) of such as compassed the tribunall seate, and of the pre­sident reiecting this iuste petition, and onely demaundinge vvhether he vvas a Christian: con­fessed it vvith a lovvde voice, and so he vvas receiued into the fellovvshipe of the Martyrs and called the aduocate of the Christians. for he hauinge the spirite vvhich is the comforter, in grea­ter aboundance then Zacharie, declared the fullnesse of loue that vvas in him, in that he spa­red not his life, in the defence of the brethren. he vvas and is the true disciple of Christe, follovvinge the lambe vvhither soeuer he goeth. the other foremartyres stirred vp by this example hasten them selues vnto Martyrdome, and are become liuelyer, and readyer, ac­complishinge Tenne fell in persecution. the confession of Martyrdome vvith all cherefullnesse of minde. there vvere certayne others founde vnready, lesse exercised, and as yet vveake, not of abylitie to beare the burthen of so vveightie a combate▪ (in numbre tenne): vvhich fell through the frailtye of the fleshe, to our greate heuinesse and sorovvefull lamentation, quaylinge the cherefullnes of others, vvhich vvere not as yet apprehended, but accompanied the Martyres, vvhat torments soeuer befell them, and seuered not them selues from them. Then trembled vve all for feare, and that greatlye because of the vncertainety of confessions: not terrified vvith any tor­mentes, but carefull for the ende, least that any shrinked and fell from the faithe. daylye there vvere apprehended such as vvere vvorthye to fulfill the numbre of the fallen vveake­linges: so that out of bothe these Churches as many as ruled and bare the greatest svvaye vvere taken, and executed, and vvithall certayne of the Ethnickes beinge our seruantes vvere taken, (for the president had commaunded publiquely, a generall inquisition to be made for vs) vvho being ouercome by the subtle sleyghtes of Satan, and terrified vvith the sighte of the tormentes vvhich the sainctes suffred, throughe the persvvasion of the soldiers eg­ginge Sclaunders raised against the Christiās. them forevvardes: fayned agaynste vs and reported: that vve vsed the feastinges of Thiestes and the incest of Oedipus, vvith diuerse other crimes vvhich may neyther godlye be­thoughte vpon, neyther vvith modestie be vttered, neyther vvithout impietie be beleued. These thinges novve being bruted abroade, euery body vvas moued and incensed against vs, in so much that they vvhich for familiaritie sake vsed moderation before, novve vvere excea­dingly moued and madd vvith vs. then vvas that saying of our Sauiour fulfilled, to vvete: the tyme vvill come, vvhen as euerye one that sleyeth you, shall thinke that therein he dothe Iohn. 16. God good seruice. then suffered the holy Martyres suche tormentes as tongue can not ex­presse. Sanctus a Deacon. Maturus a late conuert. And Satan prouoked them vvith all might possible, to vtter some blasphemy, greatly vvas the vvhole rage bothe of people, and presidente, and soldiers sett against Sanctus, Dea­con of the Churche of Vienna: and agaynst Maturus, lately baptized, yet a noble vvarrier: and [Page 77]against Attalus a Pergamenian, vvho vvas alvvayes a piller and fortresse of our fayth: Blandina a woman. 1. Corinth. 1. and agaynst Blandina a vvoman, by vvhome Christ shevved that those thinges vvhiche in the sighte of men appeare vile, base, and contemptible, deserue greate glory vvith God, for the true loue they bare tovvardes him in deede, vvithout boasting in shevve. vvhen as vve all qua­ked for feare, yea and her carnall mystres (vvhich also vvas one of the persecuted Martyres) ve­ry carefull leaste that peraduenture at the tyme of her aunsvvere, by reason of the frailetye of the fleshe, she shoulde not perseuere constant: Blandina vvas so replenished vvith grace Blandina sheweth great paciēce in her tor­mentes. Blandina cō ­fesseth her selfe to be a Christian. Sanctus she­weth greate pacience. from aboue, that the executioners vvhich tormēted her by turnes, from morning to night, fayn­ted for vverynesse, and ceassed confessing them selues ouercome: and that they vvere no longer able to plague her, vvith any more punishments: marueling, that as yet she drevve breath ha­uing her vvhole body rent in peces, and the vvoundes open: they confessing vvithall, that one of these torments vvas of force sufficient, to costher her life, much the more, so many, and so great. but this blessed vvoman, like a noble vvrastler, vvas renevved at her confession, for as ofte as she pronounced: I am a Christian, nether haue vve committed anye euell: she vvas re­created, refreshed, and felt no payne of her punishment. Sanctus also bare noblye, and va­liantly, yea aboue the strengthe of man all suche vexations, as man coulde deuise. vvhen as the vvicked in compasse, by reason of his greate passion, and tormentes, hade vvell ho­ped to haue harde some vndecent, and vncomelye speache, out of his mouthe: his con­stancie vvas so greate, that he vttered neyther his ovvne name, neyther his kyndred, neyther the countrey vvhence he vvas, nor vvhether he vvere bonde or free, but vnto euery question he ansvvered in the Romayne tounge: I am a Christian. thus confessed he often in stede of all Sanctus con­fesseth him selfe a Chri­stian. other thinges: of his name, and Citie, and kindred, neyther coulde the Gentyles gett a­ny other language of him. VVherefore the president and the tormentors vvere fearcely sett against him. And vvhen as novve there remained no punishment vnpractised, at length they applied vnto the tenderest partes of his body, plates of brasse glovving hott, vvhich fryed, seared, and scorched his body, yet he Remayned vnmoueable, nothinge amazed, and con­stante in his confession, being strengthened and moystened vvith the devve vvhich fell from the celestiall fountayne of the vvater of life, gushinge out of the vvombe of Christ. his body A notable saynge of Sanctus. bare vvittnesse of the burning▪ for ouer all his body his fleshe vvas vvounded, his membres be­scarred, his sinevves shrinked, so that the naturall shape and outvvarde hevve vvas quite chan­ged, in vvhome Christ suffering, obtained inspeakeable glory, conqueringe Satan and lea­uinge an example for the instruction of others: that no tormente is terrible vvhere the father is beloued, no lamentation lothsome vvhere Christ is gloryfied. vvhen as the vvicked tormentors a fevve dayes after, had brought him to the place of tormente, and vvell hoped, that if they punished him novve (hauing his vvhole body pufte vp vvith svvelling and festred vvoundes, so sore, that it might not be toutched, no not vvith the leaste finger) they shoulde ouercome him, and preuaile: or if that he died in tormente, they shoulde terrifie the reast, and so vvarne them to take heede: none of all these hapened vnto him, but beyonde all mans expectation, in the later tormentes his body vvas released of the payne, recouered the former­shape, and the membres vvere restored to their former vse, so that the seconde plague through the grace of Christ, vvas no greuous malady, but a present medicine. Againe Sa­tan goinge about blasphemously to sclaunder vs, procured Biblis a vvoman (one of Biblis a wo­mā pitiously tormented. them vvhich had faynted before) to be brought forthe, supposing her fraile and fearefull mind, novve to be quite altered from the Christian oppinion, and consequently through her blas­phemous deniall, to be in daunger of dampnation: she then at the very houre of torment, re­turned vnto her selfe, and vvakinge as it vvere out of a dead slepe, by meanes of these pu­nishmentes temperall, considered of the paines eternall in hell fyre: and vnlooked for, cryed out vnto the tormentors and sayde: hovve coulde they deuore infantes, vvhich vvere not suf­fred to sucke the blood of brute beastes. For that she confessed her selfe a Christian, she vvas appointed to take her chaunce amonge the Martyrs. vvhen that these tyrannicall tormentes vvere taken avvay of Christ, through the pacience of the blessed saynctes: the deuell inuented other mischiefs, to vvete: the imprisoning of the saynctes in depe and darke dongeons, fettring of them in the stocks, stretching their feete vnto the fift bored chinke, vvith other punishments vvhich furious ministers full of deuelis he rage, are vvonte to putt in vre, & practise, vpon poore prisoners. so that many vvere stisled & strangled in pryson, vvhome the Lord vvould haue so to [Page 78] end this life, and to shevve his glory. The sainctes being thus sore vvounded vvhich seemed not Many of the Martyrs died in pryson. possibly to liue, (if all mans helpe and medicine vvere applied, thereunto,) remayned shutt vp in close prison, destitute of all mans ayde, onely comforted of the Lorde, and confirmed in body and minde, so that they stirred vp and cherished the rest. the yonger sort that vvere nevv­ly apprehended, vvhose bodies had not before tasted of the lashe of the vvhippe, lothed the closenesse of the pryson, and vvere choked vp vvith stinche. blessed Pothinus to vvhome the Pothinus. b. of lyons after great tor­ments is cast into pryson where after 2. dayes he departeh this life. charge of the by shopes seae of Lyons vvas committed being aboue foure score and tenne yeare olde, vveake of body, scarce able to dravve breath: because of the imbecilitie of nature, cre­ping on apace and being strengthened vvith cherefulnesse of the spirite, for the conceaued ioye of martyrdome vvhich he desired: vvas brought forthe before the tribunall seate, faynt in bo­dy, for that he vvas olde and sickly, his lyfe being for this ende reserued, that Christ by the mea­nes of it might triumphe. he vvas caried of the souldiers & layed before the tribunall seate, ac­companied vvith the potentates of the cytie, and the vvhole multitude, diuersly shoutinge, as if he had bene Christ, he hathe geuen a good testimony: and beinge demaunded of the presi­dent vvho is the God of the Christians, ansvvered: if thou become vvorthie, thou shalte vnder­stande. after this ansvvere he vvas cruelly handled, and suffred many stripes, for such as vvere nerest vnto him pricked at him vvith the hand, and spurned him vvith the foote, reuerencinge his yeares nothing at all: and such as stoode a farre of, looke vvhat eche one hade in his hande, that vvas throvven at his heade, and such as ceased from pouringe out their poysened malice, thought them selues to haue greeuosly offended, supposinge by this meanes, to reuenge the ruyne of their rotten Gods. but he almoste breathlesse is throvven into pryson, vvhere after tvvo dayes, he departed this life. here vvas shevved the greate prouidence of almightye God, and the infinite mercy of Iesus Christ, though very seldome outvvardly appearing vnto the A compari­son or diffe­rence be­twene such as faynted & such as con­tinwed faythfull in persecution. brethren, yet neuer destitute of the povver of Christ. and as many as faynted in the first persecu­tion, vvere all a like imprysoned and partakers of the affliction, nether did they preuaile or the deniall profitt them, it vvas thoughte a sufficient faulte that they confessed to haue bene suche: but these, as murtherers, and haynous trespassers, vvere tvvise more greeuously plagued. the ioy of martyrdome, the hoped promisses, the loue tovvardes Christ, and the fatherly spirite com­forted the one company: the other, vexed in conscience, so that theire outvvarde countenance bevvrayed there invvard apostasie: they vvent chearfull, vvith a greate maiesty and grace, their fetters becominge them as the skirtes of the nevve maried spouses, garnished vvith sundry co­lors, and layed ouer vvith golde, and vvith all yelding a Christian fragrant smell, so that many supposed theyr bodies to haue bene outvvardly perfumed: but the other all sadd and sorovvful, as vile, and abiect caytifs, misshapen creatures, full of all deformity, derided of the Gentiles thē selues, deseruing death, as degenerating covvardes, destitute of the moste precious, & glorious, and liuely name of Christiantie, vvith the sight hereof many vvere confirmed, so that soden­ly being apprehended vvithout stay protested theyr fayth, not hindred vvith one thought of de­uelishe persvvasion. A litle after in the sayde Epistle thus it followeth: After these thinges the formes of martydome are framed, and deuided into diuerse sortes, for of manye faire colo­red and svvete smelling flovvers, they offred vnto God the father, one vvell tvvisted, and com­pacted crovvne or garland. it behoued noble champions, hauing borne the brunte of so varia­ble a combatt, and gotten a magnificall victory, to triumphe vvith an incorruptible crovvne of immortalitie. Maturus then, and Sanctus, and Blandina, and Attalus, vvere ledd vnto the brute beastes, in the popular and publique spectacle of the Heathenish inhumanitie, euen at the day appointed of sett purpose by our men for so beastly a buckling. vvhere againe, Maturus, and Sanctus vvere diuerslye tormented, vvith all kinde of punishmentes, as if they had suffred nothinge before, yea rather (as it vvere vvith many nevve meanes) repellinge the aduersarye, they beare the victorious garlande, suffringe againe all the vvonted reuilinges, all the cruelty of the sauadge beastes, and vvhatsoeuer the outragious multitude craued and commaunded in compasse, and aboue all, they paciently suffred the iron chair, vvhere in theyr bodies boyled as in a frienge panne, filling such as vvere present vvith there lothsome sauore of that fulsome froth neyther vvere they thus contented but practised further to ouercome the pacient sufferaunce of the saynctes. neyther coulde they gett any other sentence of Sanctus, saue that confession Maturus and Sanctus be­headed. vvhiche he cried at the firste. At lengthe vvhen that these saynctes hade endured this greate and greeuous tryall, they vvere slayne, after that all that, daye longe they hade [Page 79] bene made a spectacle vnto this vvorlde, in that variable combatt, as commonly it falleth Blandina hanged in gib­bets so lowe, that the wild beasts might reache her. out in equall matches. but Blandina vvas hanged in chaynes, an obiecte for the vvilde bea­stes, to exercise their sauadge violence vppon, no doubt so done by the ordinance of God, that she hanging in the forme of a crosse, might by her incessant prayer, procure chearefulnesse of minde, vnto the Sainctes that suffred: vvhereas they in that agony behoulding vvith outvvarde eye in their sister, him that vvas crucified for them, might persvvade the faythfull, that all such as suffer for Christes sake, shall haue fellovvship vvith the liuing God. after that she had honge a Blandina is cast into pri­son. longe vvhile, and no beaste toutched her, she is taken dovvne, cast into pryson, and reserued for further torment, that being conquerour of many combatts, she might prouide for the crooked serpent, inexcusable condemnation, and animate the brethren vnto chearefulnesse, putting on as a smale, a vveake, and contemptible person, the greate, the strong, and inuincible champion Christ Iesus, obtayning through her diuerous, & manifolde pacience, the incorruptible crovvne of glory. Attalus also a famous man vvas greatly desired of the people vnto punishment, vvho Attalus brought forth & clapt in prison. being ready, and of a cleare conscience, came forth, for he vvas notably exercised in the Christi­an profession, alvvaies a fauorer, and furtherer of the trueth. therefore vvhen he vvas led in com­passe of the Theatre, vvith a scrole before him, vvherein vvas vvritten in the Romayne tongue: This is Attalus the Christian: and the people had raged against him, the President knovving that he vvas a Romayne, commaunded him to be imprisoned, and closely kept vvith the other prisoners, concerning vvhom he had vvritten vnto Caesar, and expected an ansvvere. The meane tyme passing betvvene, vvas neither vayne, nor frutelesse, for the infinite mercy of Christ Iesus our Sauiour, shined in the vvorlde, through their pacience. the deade by the liuing vvere reui­ued: the martyrs profited such as vvere no martyrs: the pure virgine, and mother the Churche, vvas greatly comforted, and cherished, vvhen as she recouered and receaued for liuing, such as Many that fell repented them againe. Ezech. 16. before she had loste as vntimely birthes, and dead frute. for many vvhich before had faynted, by their meanes vvere novv moulded, borne againe, stirred vp a fresh, learned to protest their faith, and novv being quickened, and strengthened, hauing tasted of him vvhich vvill not the deathe of a sinner, but is mercifull vnto the penitent: they come forth before the tribunall seate, ready to ansvvere vnto the interrogatories of the president. And because that Caesar had commaunded by vvriting that such as confessed them selues Christians, shoulde be executed, and such as re­nounced, shoulde departe the frequented solemnitie (vvhich by reason of the concourse of the Gentyles from euery contrey, vvas about the beginning very populous) he brought forth from prison the blessed confessors into the open spectacle and presence of the people, to be scornful­ly gased vpon, and vvhen he had agayne made inquisition of them, as many as he founde to be priuiledged persons of Rome, those he beheadded, the rest he threvv to be rēt a sunder, & torne in peeces of vvilde beastes. Christ vvas greatly glorified in them vvhich at the first denyed, and at last, beyond all the expectation of the heathen, boldely confessed their fayth. They seuerally vvere examined, to be set at liberty, but after confession they vvere coopled to the number of the martyrs. They taried vvithout vvhich neuer had grayne of fayth, no feeling of the vvedding garment, no sparckle of the feare of God, but rather through their vvicked conuersation bla­sphemed the vvay of God, as sonnes of perdition. All the other vvere coopled to the Christian congregation. & at the tyme of examination, Alexander a Phrygian borne, professing phisicke, Alexander a Phisician cō ­forteth the martyrs. hauing dvvelled in Fraunce many yeares, a man vvell knovvne for his great zeale Godvvardes, and boldenes of speach (he vvas not vvithout the gracious and Apostolicke gift) stoode harde by the tribunall seate, and nigh the examined persons, exhorting them to bouldnesse of confes­sion, by signes and tokens, so that by his sorovving, and sighing, by his hopping, and skipping to and froe, he vvas discryed of the standers by, and vvhen the people in compasse had ta­ken in ill parte, that they vvhich before had recanted, againe did confesse: vvith one con­sent they cry out agaynste Alexander, as author thereof. VVhen the President had vrged him, and demaunded of him vvhat he vvas, he ansvvered: I am a Christian. for vvhich ansvvere the President allotted him vnto the beastes, of them I say to be rent in peeces and deuoured. The seconde day after, together vvith Attalus, he is brought forthe, for the President to gratifie the Alexander torne in pee­ces of wilde beastes. people deliuered him vnto the beastes to be bayted the seconde time. And vvhen these had ta­sted of all the torments prouided for them in compasse of the scaffolde, and suffred great paine, in the ende they vvere put to death. of vvhich number Alexander not once sighed, neyther vtte­red any kinde of speache, but invvardly from the heart talked vvith God. Attalus burning in the [Page 80] scaulding yron chayre, glovving hott, so that the sauour of his broyled body filled their no­strells: Attalus fryed to death. spake vnto the multitude in the Romayne tongue: behould this is to deuoure men, for vve neither deuoure men, neyther commit any other haynous offence. And being demaunded vvhat name God had, aunsvvered: God is not called after the manner of men. after all these thinges, vppon the last day of the spectacles, Blandina, together vvith Ponticus, (a yonge man of fifteene yeares of age) vvas brought forth (vvhich thing vvas dayly vsed, to the ende they might behoulde the torments of the rest) vvhome they compelled to svveare, by their Idols names. but they constantly perseuering in their sentence, and contemning their Idols, sett the multitude in such a rage against them, that they tendered, neither pitied, the yeares of the yonge man, nether spared the vvoman kinde, but plagued them vvith all punishment possible, & that in compasse, compelling them novv and then to svveare, vvhich vvhen they coulde not bringe to passe: Pon­ticus Ponticus of the yeares of 15. martyred. being succored of the sister in presence of the Paganes, vvho then behelde hovve that she exhorted and confirmed the yonge man: after that he had suffered all kinde of bitter torment, yelded vp the ghoste. last of all blessed Blandina, like a noble mother, hauing exhorted her chil­dren and sent them before, as Conquerours vnto the Kinge, pondering vvith her selfe all the punishments of her children: hastened after them ioying and triumphing at her ende, as if she had bene inuited and laued to a vvedding dinner, and not to be cast among vvilde beastes. af­ter scurging, after buckling vvith vvilde beastes, after the broyling of her bodye as it vvere in a frying panne, at lengthe she vvas vvrapped in a nette, and tumbled before a vvilde bull, vvhich tossed her vvith his hornes to and froe, yet had she no feeling of all these, Blandina be­headed. her minde being fixed, and vvholy sett vppon the conference vvhich she had vvith Christ, in the ende she vvas beheaded: the Pagans them selues pronouncing▪ that neuer any vvo­man vvas hearde of amonge them, to haue suffred so many and so greate torments. nether so did they cease from their crueltie and rage tovvardes the Christians, for the sauage and bar­barous Gentyles being prouoked by a furious and beastly [...]iende, coulde not quiet them selues, but that their furious rage, practised an other kinde of malicious spyte vpon the dead carkases. neither vvere they pleased in that they vvere ouercome, and voyde of natural feeling and sense, but proceeded further, like brute beastes, both President and people vvere furiously prouoked, Apocalyp. 22. prosecuting vs vvith like hatred, that the Scripture might be fulfilled, vvhich saith▪ he that is vvic­ked, let him be vvicked still, and he that is iust, let him vvorke righteousnes still. for as many as vvere choked vp vvith the noysome stinche of the prison, vvere throvvne to be deuoured of Deade carkases throwne vnto dogges dogges, charging a continual vvatch, day and night, that none of them shoulde be buried of vs and they gathering together the reliques of the Martyrs bodies, some vndeuoured of beastes, some vnburned by fire, partly torne, and partly burned, vvith the heades and stumpes of others vncouered vvith earthe, committed them for the space of many dayes, vnto the custody of soul­diers. others fretted and [...]umed, snarling at them, vvith the gnashing of their teeth, seeking fur­ther reuengement of them. others derided and skoffed them, magnifying their Idolls as causers of this our calamitie. And such as vvere of a milder nature and somevvhat sorovved at our suffe­ring, vehemently reuiled, and sayd: vvhere is their God? and vvhat profited them this religion, vvhich they preferred before their liues? and such vvas the variable and deuelish disposition of the infidells, to our great sorovve, because that it vvas not lavvfully permitted for vs, to bury the deade bodies of the Martyrs. neither stoode the night vnto vs in any steade for that purpose, ne­ther vvoulde the keepers bovve for money, neither bende at our prayer, but kept the brused car­kases of the Sainctes, as if some great commoditie grevve vnto them, by keeping them vnbury­ed. Againe after a fewe lynes, thus they write: To be short, after that the bodyes of the blessed Sainctes had bene euery kinde of vvay spitefully, and scornfully entreated, lying vvhole six dayes along vnburied, at length they vvere burned to ashes, the ashes also they gathered & scat­tered The ashes of the bur­ned bodyes were throwē into the riuer Rhodanus to take away the hope of the resurre­ction. in the riuer Rhodanus vvhich passed by, so that no iote, or relique thereof shoulde longer remaine vppon earthe. this they did to the ende they might ouercome God, and hinder the re­uiuing of the Sainctes. lest that (as they sayd) there shoulde be any further hope of the resurre­ction, vvhereof (say they) the Christians being fully persvvaded, bring amongst vs straunge, & nevve religion, they contemne punishment, & hasten them selues chearefully vnto death. Novv let vs see vvhether they can rise, and vvhether their God can helpe, and deliuer them from our handes.

CAP. II.

How the blessed Martyrs of God, rec [...]ed after rep [...]ance, such as fell in [...]

SUch were the calamities which happened vnto the Churches of Christ, vnder the sayd Em­perour, whereby me may [...] by all likely hoode, what befell vnto other prouinces. neither shal it be amisse, if out of the same epistle we alleadge farther testimony, concerning The French men write thus of their martyrs. Philip. 2. the mercy and mekenesse of the foresayd Martyrs, written in this manner: They vvere such fol­lovvers of Christ (vvho vvhen he vvas in the forme of God, thought no robbery to be equall vvith God) that being sett in such a glory, they suffered torments, neither once, nor tvvyse, but often, and againe being reskued from the beastes, hauing the prynt of hott irons, and skarres, and vvoundes in their bodies, neither called they them selues Martyrs, neither permitted others so to terme them. but if any of vs so named them in our epistles, they sharply rebuked vs, they The suffring of Christ is rather to be termed [...] redemption. 1. Pet. 1. then [...] martyrdome. Who be martyrs and who confessors. attributed the name of martyrdome vvith full minde vnto Christ, vvho vvas the faythfull and true Martyr, the first frutes of the deade, the guyde vnto life. they called to minde their misera­ble torments, vvhich ended the race and course of this life vvith blessed martyrdome, and saide: They novv are Martyrs, vvhome Christe voutchsafed to receaue vnto him by confession, and through the passage of this persecuted life, to seale their martyrdome among the number of the blessed Sainctes: but vve are meane, and base, and humble confessours. they beseached the bre­thren vvith vvatrish eyes, and vvett cheekes to pray incessantly for their happy endes. they ex­pressed liuely the povver of martyrdome, vvhile they resisted the Heathens vvith libertye and boldenesse, shevving their noble corage through pacience, their constancy vvithout feare, or trembling, and being called Martyrs of the brethren, refused it vvith the fulnesse of the feare of God. And a litle after, thus they writ [...]: they humbled them selues vnder the mighty hande of 1. Pet. 5. God, by the vvhich they are novv highly exalted: they rendred vnto all men an accompt in the defence of their fayth: they accused none, loosed all, and bounde no man: they prayed for their persecutors after the example of Stephan, that perfect Martyr, vvhich sayde: Lorde lay not this Act. 7. sinne to their charge, if he prayed for them that stoned him, hovv much more for the brethren? Againe, a litle after they say: the greatest combatt they had vvith him (meaning the serpent) vvas for the syncerity of loue. so that the roring lyon being foyled before, novv quickened and sturred vp such as he thought to haue had deuoured. they shevved no insolent atrogancye to­vvards They re­ceaue after repentāce such as fell in per­secution. them that fell, but ministred vnto such as vvanted of their aboundance, being affectio­ned vvith motherly pity and compassion tovvards them: and sheading many teares vnto God the father for their sakes, they craued life, and he graunted it them, vvhich life they communica­ted to their neighboures: and so they passing as Conquerours in all thinges, embracing peace, and shevvinge the same vnto vs, departed this life vvith peace, and posted vnto the heauen­ly & celestiall paradise: leauing no griefe behinde them vnto the mother, no sedition or vvarre vnto the brethren: but ioye, and peace, and concorde, and loue. I suppose these thinges not to be vnprofitably spoken of vs, toutching the loue of the blessed Martyrs towardes the brethren that fell, whereby we may note the vnnaturall, and mercylesse mindes of such as after these ex­amples greeuously afflicte the members of Christ.

CAP. III.

Of the vision that appeared vnto Attalus the Martyr in his sleepe.

THe same epistle of the foresayd brethren, contayneth an history worthy of memory, which without let of the enuious, may be layd downe to the knowledge of the Reader, and it is thus: There vvas among them one Alcibiades, vvho liued beastly and miserly, feeding on­ly The French­men in their foresayd epistle writ thu [...] also of Alci­biades. on breade and vvater. VVhen he had so determined vvith him selfe to liue in prison, it vvas re­uealed vnto Attalus after his torment on the Theatre: that Alcibiades behaued not him selfe a­right, in that he vsed not the lavvfull creatures of God, and thereby also gaue an occasion of falling vnto others, hereof vvhen Alcibiades vvas persvvaded, he vsed all indifferently, and pray­sed God. for they vvere not destitute of the grace of God, but had the holy Ghost for their di­recter. Montanus Theodotus and Alcibia­des (not the former) false prophets. of these thinges thus much. When as Montanus, and Alcibiades, and Theodotus, then fresh, and first of all, of many throughout Phrygia, were thought to be endued with the gyfte of prophe­cye, [Page 82] (for many other miraculous operations, wrought by the diuine power of God in many places, perswaded them that these had also the gifte of prophecye) and because of them, sediti­on was raysed: agayne, the brethren inhabiting Fraunce, layde downe in writing, their godly and Catholicke censure of them, and withall, alleadged sundry epistles of the holy Martyrs that suffered among them, which (being in close prison) they had written vnto the brethren throughout Asia, and Phrygia, in the which also they called and prouoked Eleutherius then▪ Bi­shop of Rome, to the defence of the Ecclesiasticall peace.

CAP. IIII.

The Martyrs in Fraunce commende Irenaus Bishop of Lions, by their epistle vnto Eleutherius Bishop of Rome,

THe same Martyrs highly commended Irenaeus, minister of the Church of Lions▪ vnto the foresayd Bishop of Rome, as their owne wordes declare in this manner: Father▪ Eleuthe­rius The Martyrs in Fraunce to Eleutheriꝰ b. of Rome in the com­mendation of Irenaeus b. of Lions. vve vvishe you health in all thinges, and alvvaies in God. VVe haue requested: Irenae­us our brother & fellovv laborer, to deliuer you these letters, vvhome, vve pray you to accept of▪ as a zelous follovver of the vvill of Christ. for if vve vnderstoode that any mans degree yelded forth, and deliuered righteousnes vnto the graduate, namely as being minister of the Church▪ vvhich this man is, vve vvoulde haue chiefly commended this in him. To what ende shoulde I now out of the same epistle, rehearse the catalogue of Martyrs, I meane of them which were be­headed, and of them which were deuoured of wilde beastes, and of them which dyed in prison, and the number of those confessors, who then as yet liued? for if any man be disposed at large to reade thereof, let him take in hande my booke of Martyrs, where the collection thereof is im­prynted. Eusebius wrote a boke of Martyrs, which is not extant. these thinges were after this manner in the tyme of Antoninus the Emperour.

CAP. V.

How that God in great necessity sent rayne at the faithfull Christian souldiers prayers, vnto the hoaste of Marcus Aurelius a Heathenish Emperour.

THe historyes doe recorde, that when his brother Marcus Aurelius the Emperour, warred Marcus Au­relius the brother of An­toninus. against the Germans and Sarmatians, his hoast in manner perished with thirste, so that he wist not what to do: and that the souldiers of the legion called Melitana, moued againe & a­gaine with faithfulnes towards their Prince, bowed downe vppon their bare knees (as our accu­stomed manner of praying is) in the middest of the army, turning them to the enemyes, and made supplication vnto God. When as this sight seemed straung vnto the enemies, there was shewed a The Christi­an souldiers doe pray for rayne, imme­diatly it ligh­tened & ray­ned. farre more straung spectacle, to wit: lightening, which put the enemies to flight & ouerthrowe, & withall a showre of rayne to refreshe the armye, which welnigh perishing with thirst, powred out their prayers before the high throne of the maiestie of God. This history is reported by such as fauored not the Christian fayth, yet were careful to set forth the things which concerned the fore­said persons. it is also written by our men. but of the heathen Historiographers them selues, the miracle is mentioned, not expressly to proceede by the meanes of our men, yet our writers as friendes, and fauorers of the true doctrine, haue deliuered simply, and plainly the deede, as it was done. wherof Apollinarius, is a witnes of creditt, who reporteth that this legion (by whose praiers this miracle came to passe) was from y time forth called by y e Emperour in the Romayne tongue after a peculier name, the Lightening legion. Tertullian also a man worthy of good creditt, dedi­cating The lighte­ning legion. an Apology in y Latine tongue, vnto y Romayne Senate, in the defence of our faith (wher­of we mentioned before) hath confirmed this history w t a mightier & more manifest proofe, for he writeth y the most prudent epistles of Marcus, are yet extant, where he testifieth him selfe, y war­ring w t the Germanes, through the scarsitie of water, his army welnigh perished, but yet was sa­ued through y e prayers of y e Christians. he saith y t this Emperour threatned them w t death, which went about to accuse them. vnto the aforesaid thinges he addeth: vvhat maner of lavves are these Tertullian in Apolog [...]. against vs? impious, vniust, cruell, vvhich neither Vespasian obserued, although conquerour of the Ievves: vvhich Traian partly frustrated, commaunding the inquisition, for the Christians, to cease: vvhich neither Adrianus, although busying him selfe vvith euery matter, nether he vvhich vvas called Pius confirmed. but weye of this euery man as pleaseth him, we will prosecute that Irenaeus who in his youth was the auditor of Polycarpꝰ succeedeth Pothinus in the Bishoprik of Lyons in Fraunce. [Page 83] which followeth in order of historye. When Pothinus of the age of foure score and tenne yeares, had ended this life, together with the other Martyrs in Fraunce: Irenaeus succeeded him in the Bishoprike of Lions. whome we haue learned in his youthe to haue bene the auditor of Polycar­pus. this same Irenaeus in his thirde booke against the heresies, annecteth the succession of the Ro­maine Bishops, vnto Eleutherius, whose tymes presently we prosecute, and reciteth the cataloge of them, as if it were his speciall drift, writing in this manner:

CAP. VI.

The cataloge of the Romayne Bishops out of Irenaeus.

THe blessed Apostles planting, and buylding the Church, committed vnto Linus the go­uernment Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 3. 2. Timoth. 4. Paul. Peter. Linus. Anacletus. Clemens. Euarestus. Alexander. Xystus. Telesphorus Hyginus. Pius. Anicetus. Soter. Eleutherius. of the ministery▪ This Linus, Paul remembred in his epistle vnto Timothe▪ him succeeded Anacletus, after him Clemens, the thirde from the Apostles: vvhich both savve them, had his conuersation vvith them, and had both the preaching and tradition of the blessed Apostles, graffed in his minde, and paynted before his eyes. neither vvas he yet alone, for there liued at that time, a great many vvhich vvere ordayned by the Apostles. In the time of this Cle­mens there vvas raysed no small sedition among the brethren at Corinthe, vvherfore the church of Rome vvrote vnto the Corinthians a vvorthy epistle, reconciling them vnto peace, and re­nevving their faith, and tradition, lately receaued of the Apostles. A litle after he sayth: After this Clemens, succeeded Euarestus: after Euarestus, Alexander: after Alexander, Xystus: he vvas the sixt from the Apostles. aftervvards Telesphorus, vvhich vvas gloriously crovvned vvith mar­tyrdome. him follovved Hyginus. then Pius. after him Anicetus, vvhome Soter succeeded. Novv Eleutherius vvas the tvvelfe Bishop from the Apostles. after the same order, the same doctrine, & tradition of the Apostles, truely taught in the Church, at this day continevved vnto our time.

CAP. VII.

How vnto that tyme, miracles were wrought by the faythfull.

THese thinges Irenaeus agreeable vnto the historyes mentioned before, hath layde downe in those fiue bookes, which he wrote to the subuersion and confutation of the falsely named science. agayne in the seconde booke of the same argument, he signifyeth how that vnto his tyme, signes and examples of the straunge, and wonderfull power of God, were seene florishing in certayne Churches, saying: they are farre from raysing of the deade, Irenaeus lib. 2 cap. 57. as the Lorde and his Apostles did, through prayer, and as many of the brethren many times, the vvhole Churche of some certayne place, by reason of some vrgent cause, vvith fasting, and chaste prayer, hath brought to passe, that the spirite of the deade returned to the body. and man vvas by the earnest prayers of the Sainctes, restored to lyfe agayne. A litle after he sayth: But if they say the Lorde vvrought these thinges phantastically, vve vvill leade Irenaeus lib. 2 cap. 58. them vnto the practised examples of the Prophetes, and proue out of them, that they all prophecied of him after this manner, and that these thinges vvere done in deede, and that he vvas the onely sonne of God. VVherefore in his name they that be his true Disciples, receauing grace of him, bende their vvhole might to this ende, that euery one, after the quantitie of the talent receaued, doe benefitt the other brethren. some soundely and truely expell deuills, so that they being deliuered of their euill spirites, embraced the fayth, and vvere receaued into the Church: others haue the foreknovvledge of thinges to come, they see diuine dreames, & pro­pheticall visions: others cure the deseased and sickly, restore them to their health, by their lay­ing on of handes. Novv according to our former saying, the deade vvere raysed to life, and li­ued together vvith vs many yeares. for the gracious giftes of the holy Ghost are innumerable, vvhich the Church, dispersed throughout the vvhole vvorlde, hauing receaued, disposeth day­ly in the name of Iesus Christ crucified, vnder Pontius Pilate, to the benefitt of the Gentyles: se­ducing none, neither selling to any at any pryce, as she hath receaued them freely, so freely she bestovveth them. Againe, in an other place Irenaeus writeth: as vve haue hearde of many Irenaeus lib. [...] brethren in the Churche vvhich had the gift of prophecying: vvhich vvere able through the ho­ly Ghost to speake vvith sundry tongues: vvhich coulde reueale the secretes of men vvhere it so behoued, and expounde the darke mysteries of God. thus much of the diuersity of giftes, which florished among the worthy men vnto that time.

CAP. VIII.

VVhat Irenaus wrote of, and concerning the holye Scriptures canonicall, and the septuagints translation,

FOr as much as in the beginning of this our treatise, we haue promised in their seuerall pla­ces, to alleage the testimonies of the auncient ecclesiasticall elders, and writers, which they haue written to our knowledge, & deliuered to the posteritie toutchinge the canonicall scri­ptures of bothe the olde and newe testament: nowe we will endeuour to performe the same. And beginninge with Irenaeus, firste of all let vs see, what he hath written of the newe testament, his Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 1. Matthewe. Marcke. Luke. Iohn. wordes are these: Matthewe deliuered vnto the Hebrues the historie of the Gospell, vvritten in theire ovvne tongue. VVhen Peter and Paul preached at Rome, and planted the churche, after their departure Marke the disciple and interpreter of Peter also, deliuered vs in vvritinge suche thinges as he had hearde Peter preache. and Luke accompanyenge Paul, comprised in one vo­lume the Gospell preached of him. After these, Iohn the disciple of our Lorde, vvhich also lea­ned on his breaste, published a Gospell vnto the posteritie remaining at Ephesus. This hath he written in his thirde booke. And in the fifte of the same argument he reasoneth of the reuelation Irenaeus lib. 5 of Sainct Iohn, and the calculation of Antichristes name: These thinges beinge thus, vvhen as in all true and auncient copies, this numbre is layde dovvne: and they also testifie the same vvhiche savve Iohn vvith their eyes, and the vvorde it selfe teacheth vs, that the number of the beastes name, according vnto the numbring of the Gentiles, is declared by the letters, ex­pressed in the vvord it selfe. (A litle beneath of the same thus he sayth,) VVe doubte nothing of the name of Antichrist, of the vvhich vve affirme sure & certenly. for if his name at this present VVhen the reuelation of Sainct Iohn was first sene vvere openly to be published, no doubt it had bene done by him vvhich pronounced the reue­lation▪ neither vvas the reuelation seene long agoe, but vvelnighe in this our age, vnder the end of Domitians raigne. thus muche he sayed of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn. He hath made mention of the firste Epistle of Iohn citing thence many testimonies. also of the former of Peter. and he, not onely knewe, but allowed of the booke of Hermes intituled Pastor, sayeng: That vvritinge hath Irenaeus allea geth pastor lib. 2. mādat. 1. very vvell pronounced vvhich saithe: before all thinges beleue there is one God, vvhich hath created and made perfect all thinges, &c. Hee hath vsed also certaine sentences selected out of the booke of VVisdome of Solomon, where he sayeth: The sight of God bringeth incorru­ption, incorruption dravveth a man vnto God. He cyteth the woorkes of some one Apostolicke elder, whose name he passeth ouer with silence, yet pronounceth his interpretation of holy scrip­ture. Moreouer he remembred Iustinus Martyr and Ignatius, alleaging their writinges for testi­monies. he hath promised to confute Marcion in a seuerall volume. but of the translation of the Marcion. Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 23. 24. Esay 7. Theodotiō. Aqnila. Irenaeus lib. 3 cap. 25. olde testament by the septuagintes heare what he writeth in these wordes: God then vvas made man & the Lord himselfe hath saued vs geuing vs a Virgine for a signe, not as some saie vvhich presume to interprete the Scriptures: beholde a damsell shall conceaue and bring forth a sonne as Theodotion the Ephesine, and Aquila of Pontus translated, vvhich vvere both Ievvish prose­lytes, vvhom the Ebionites folovving, haue taught that Christ vvas borne of Ioseph and Marie. After a fewe lynes he addeth sayinge: Before the Romaine empire grevve to be of suche force vvhen as yet the Macedonians helde Asia, Ptolomaeus the sonne of Lagus fullie minded to erect a librarie at Alexandria, and to replenishe the same vvith all such good bookes as vvere extant: requested of the Ievves inhabiting Ierusalem, that they vvould sende him their bookes, transla­ted into the Greeke tongue. they (forasmuche as they vvere as yet subiect vnto the Macedoni­ans) The septua­gints. sent vnto Ptolomaeus, seuentie elders, from among them, very skilfull in their bookes, and both the tongues. God no doubt disposinge this thinge after his pleasure. Ptolomaeus for tryals sake, fearing, if they conferred together they vvould conceale the truth reuealed in their bokes: commaunded them seuerally euery man by himselfe to vvrite his translation, and this in euery booke throughout the olde testament. VVhen as they all came together in presence of Ptolo­maeus, and conferred the translations one vvith an other, God vvas glorified, and the Scriptures diuine in deede, vvere knovven. for all they from the beginninge to the endinge, had expressed the selfe same thing, vvith the selfe same vvordes, and the selfe same sentences. so that the Gen­tils then present, pronounced those scriptures to haue bene translated, by the instincte and mo­tion of the spirite of God. neither may it seme maruailous vnto any man that God brought this to passe, for vvhen as in the captiuitie of his people vnder Nabuchodonosor, the scriptures vvere [Page 85] perished (the Ievves returning into their ovvne region, after seuenty yeares, in the tyme of Ar­taxerxes King of Persia) he inspyred Esdras the priest of the tribe of Le [...], that he restored a­gayne all the sayinges of the former Prophetes, and delyuered vnto the people the lavve geuen by Moses. thus farre Irenaeus.

CAP. IX.

Of Iulianus Bishop of Alexandria, and Pantaenus there professor of diuinitie.

WHen Antoninus had raigned ninetene yeares, Comodus succeeded Antoninus, Anno Domi 1826. Agrippinꝰ b. of Alexan­dria. Iulianus b. of Alex. Pantaenꝰ mo derated the schole of A­lex. Euangelistes. Comodus tooke the rule of the imperi­all scepter: in the first yeare of whose raigne Iulianus was chosen Bishop ouer the Churches of Alexandria, after that Agrippinus had gouerned there twelue yeares. There moderated there, at that tyme, the schole of the faythfull, a famous learned man, called Pantaenus. for that of olde, exercise and disputation in holy Scripture florished among them, insti­tuted (as we are giuen to vnderstande) by such men as excelled in eloquence, and studye of holy Scripture. it is written that amonge them which then liued, this Pantaenus was in great estima­tion, brought vp among the secte of Philosophers, called Stoickes. he is sayd to haue shewed such promptnes of a willing minde, towards the publishing of the doctrine of Christ, that he became a preacher of the Gospell, vnto the Easterne Gentiles, and was sent as farre as India. there were, (I say) there were then, many Euangelistes prepared for this purpose, to promote, & to plant the heauenly word with godly zeale, after the guyse of the Apostles. Cap. 10. af­ter the greke. The Gospell of Matthewe in Hebrew at India. Bartholo­mew prea­ched in India Cap. 11. after the Greeke. of these Pantaenus being one, is sayd to haue come into India, where he founde the Gospell of Matthewe, written in the Hebrewe tongue, kept of such as knewe Christ, preached there before his comming by Bartholomewe, one of the Apostles, and as they reporte, reserued there vnto this daye. This Pantaenus then after he had done many notable thinges, gouerned the Church of Alexandria, where by rote, and by wri­ting, he published much precious doctrine.

CAP. X.

Of Clemens Alexandrinus.

TOgether also at that time was Clemens founde at Alexandria, well exercised in holy Scripture, of the same name with him which of old was byshop of Rome, and disciple of the Apostles, and namely in his bookes intitled Hypotyposeon he maketh mention of Pantaenus by the name of his master. I suppose him to haue meante the same, in his first booke in­titled Stromatôn when he recited, the moste renowmed, and famous men, of the Apostolicke suc­cession, Clemens. Alexandrinꝰ lib. 1. Stro­matôn. whome he embraced saying: If it be best to confesse the trueth, this present taicte of mine is not made for any ostentation, but for a monumente graffed in minde: or rather a medi­cene, to expell the forgetfulnes of mine olde age, that it may be vnto me a simple resemblance, or a sleyght kinde of portracture, of those notable and liuely men, vvhome sometimes I harde vvith mine eares, of vvhich both sayinges, and sainctes, on vvas of Grece an Ionicke, an other of great Grece, one of Caelosyria, an other of Aegypte: some from the east, vvhereof one vvas an Assyrian: an other of Palaestina of the Hebrevve bloode. he vvhich is last in order of name, vvas the first in renovvned vertue. I remained in Aegyptshiftinge out such thinges as lay in secrett, vvhē I founde him. these haue obserued the right tradition of true doctrine, vvhich before they had receaued of Peter, Iames, Iohn, Paul, holy Apostles, as a sonne of the father, yet very fevve like theyr fathers. God no doubt disposing that those fatherly & Apostolicke seedes should by them be layed vp and reserued for vs.

CAP. XI. Cap. 12. after the greeke.

Of the byshopes of Ierusalem.

AT this time was Narcissus byshop of Ierusalem, a man very famous, the fifteeneth in suc­cession Narcissus. b. of Ierusalem Marcus. Cassianus. Publius. Maximus. Iulianus. Caius. Symachus. Caius. Iulianus. Capito. Valens. Dolichianus Narcissus. Cap. 13. after the Greeke. from the ouerthrowe of the Ievves, vnder Adrian. from which time we haue signi­fied before the Churche after the Ievves, to haue bene gouerned by the Gentiles, and the first byshop of them to haue bene Marcus, next him was Cassianus, after him Publius, after Publius [Page 86] Maximus. after Maximus, Iulianus. after Iulianus, Caius. after Caius, Symachus. after Symachus an other Caius. after him, an other Iulianus. him succeeded Capito. after him Valens. after Valens, Doli­chianus. after all Narcissus, the thirtieth in succession from the Apostles.

CAP. XII.

Of Rhodon, and the repugnancy which he founde in the heresie of Marcion.

ABout the same time florished one Rhodon, an Asian, sometime at Rome, by his owne report the disciple of Tatianus, who wrote many bookes, and together with others impugned the heresie of Marcion. he paynteth this heresie in his time to haue bene seuered, into sundry sectes. the Authors of which schisme, and their false positions, seuerally inuented, he hath sharply and in fewe wordes reprehended. heare him if you please, writing thus: VVherefore they varied Rhodon an Asian. Apelles. Philumaena. Marcion. Pontinus. Basilicus. Lycus. among themselues, coursing an vnconstant sentence. of that crue vvas Apelles, pretending a po­liticall kinde of conuersation, and sadde grauitie: confessing one beginning, and saying, that prophecyes are of a contrary spirite: fully crediting the sentences and deuelishe doctrine of a mayde called Philumaena. others some (as the rouer Marcion) haue layde dovvne tvvo begin­ninges, of vvhich opinion are Pontinus, and Basilicus. these follovving Lycus of Pontus, not per­ceauing the right distinction of thinges, (no more did he) runne headelong out of the vvay, and published barely, and nakedly vvithout shevv, or proofe of reason, tvvo principall beginnings▪ againe others some, falling farre vvorse, haue dreamed, not onely of tvvo, but of three natures, vvhose author and ringeleader is Synerus, by the report of them vvhich fauour his doctrine. The Synerus. Rhodon re­porteth of the disputati on betwene him and A­pelles. same Rhodon writeth, that he had conference with Apelles, saying: by reasoninge vvith this olde Apelles, I tooke him vvith many falsehoodes, vvhereupon he sayd: that no man vvas to be exa­mined of his doctrine, but euery man to continevve quietly, as he beleued. he pronounced sal­uation for such as beleued in Christ crucified, so that they vvere founde exercised in good vvor­kes. his doctrine of the God of all thinges, vvas maruelous darke, and obscure. he confessed on beginning agreeable vvith our doctrine. after he had layde downe his whole opinion, he sayth: VVhen I demaunded of him hovv prouest thou this? hovve canst thou affirme that there is one beginning? tell vs. he made ansvvere that he misliked vvith the prophecies them selues, for that they vttered no trueth, but varied among them selues that they vvere false, and contrary to them selues. hovv that there vvas one beginning, he sayd: He knevve not, but yet he vvas so persvva­ded. aftervvards I charged him to tell me the trueth. he svvare he sayd the trueth, neither knevve he hovv there vvas one God vnbegotten, yet beleued he the same. I truly condemned him vvith laughter, for that he called him self a doctor, and coulde not confirme his doctrine. In the same booke Rhodon speaking to Calliston, confesseth him self at Rome to haue bene the disciple of Tati­anus. he reporteth that Tatianus wrote a booke of Problemes. Wherefore when as Tatianus pro­mised to sifte out, the darke speaches and hidd mysteries of holy Scripture: Rhodon promised al­so Rhodon in Hexameron. Apelles the Hereticke wrote infinit bookes. in a peculiar volume, to publish the resolutions of his Problemes. his commentaries vpon the six dayes vvorkes, are at this day extant. but Apelles wrote infinite tractes, impiously agaynst the lawe of Moses, reus [...]ing in most of them, the holy Scriptures, very paynfull and earnest in the re­prehension, and (as he thought) in the ouerthrowe of them. of these thinges thus farre.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 14. after the greeke.

Of the false prophets in Phrygia, and foule schisme raysed at Rome by Florinus and Blastus.

THat sworne enemy of the Church of God, hater of all honesty, embracer of all spite & ma­lice, omitting no opportunitie or subtle shift to snare men in, stirred vp againe straunge he­resies, to molest the Church, and of those Heretickes some crept into Asia, and Phrygia, af­ter Montanus. Priscilla. Maximilla. the manner of venemous serpents. whereof the Montanists bragge and boaste of Montanus as a comforter and of his women Priscilla and Maximilla as Prophetisses of Montanus. others some preuayled at Rome, whose captayne was Florinus, a Priest excommunicated out of the Churche. Cap. 15. af­ter the greke Florinus. Blastus. cap. 16. after the greeke and together with him one Blastus, subiect to the same daunger of soule. both these haue subtly circumuented many, and perswaded them to their purpose, euery one seuerally establishing newe doctrine, yet all contrary to the trueth.

CAP. XIIII.

The censure of the olde writers toutching Montanus, and his false prophetes.

THe victorious and inuincible power of the trueth alwayes preuailing, hath raysed vp A­pollinarius of Hierapolis (of whome we spake before) as a stiffe and strong defence, to­gether with many other discreate persons of those tymes, to the confutation of the fore­sayd Phrygian heresie. whiche haue left behinde them matter sufficient, and very copious, for this our historye. Wherefore one of them taking penne in hande, to paynte out these heretickes, signi­fieth at the entrance how he rebuked them with vnwritten elenches, he beginneth thus: It is novv Apollinarius b. of Hiera­polis tout­ching Mon­tanus & his originall. a great vvhile agoe (vvelbeloued Auircus Marcellus) since thou diddest enioyne me this taske▪ that I should publish some booke against the follovvers of the hereticke Miltiades, vvherupon I doubted vnto this day, vvhat vvas best to be done. not but that I vvas able to confute their false­hoode, and geue testimony vnto the trueth: but that I feared greatly, lest by vvriting, I shoulde adde something vnto the perfect vvordes of the nevv testament. vvhereto nothing may be ad­ded, and vvherefro nothing may be taken avvay, by him, that vvill leade a life agreeable to the Gospell. I being of late at Ancyra in Galatia, founde the Churche throughout Pontus, filled, not vvith Prophets, (as they call them) but rather, as it shall be proued, vvith false Prophets: vvhere through the Lorde, as much as in me laye, I disputed in the Churche, the space of many Apollinarius disputed and cōfuted Mō ­tanꝰ figmēts at Ancyra in Galatia. Zoticus O­trenus. dayes, against them, and their seuerall obiections. so that the Churche reioysed, and vvas there­by confirmed in the trueth. but the contrary parte yet repyned, and the gaynesayers vvere very sorovvefull. and vvhen the Elders of that place required of me, in the presence of our fellovve minister Zoticus Otrenus, that I vvould leaue them in vvriting, some commentary of such things as vvere vttered against the aduersaries of the trueth: At that time I did not, but promised, that I vvoulde shortly, through the helpe of the Lorde, vvrite somevvhat therof vnto them. these and the like thinges layd downe in the proeme, in processe of his booke he writeth thus: VVherefore the originall of them, and their nevve founde opinion against the Churche of God, vvas af­ter this sorte: there is a certaine village in Mysia, (a region of Phrygia) called Ardabau, vvhere Ardabau. Montanus. histories recorde, that first of all, one Montanus, a late conuerte, in the time of Gratus, Proconsul of Asia, pufte vp vvith an immoderate desire of primacy, opened a gappe for the aduersary to enter into him. and being madde and sodainly estraunged, and berefte of his vvitts, vvaxed furious, and published straunge doctrine, contrary to the tradition, and custome, and auncient succession (novv receaued) vnder the name of prophecy. they vvhich then vvere auditors of this vnlavvfull preaching, some chasticed & checked him, for a lunaticke, & one that vvas possessed of the spirite of error, & forbad him to preach, being mindful of the forevvarning, & threatning of our Sauiour, tending to this ende: that vve shoulde take diligent heede of false prophets: o­thers Matth. 24. some vvaxed insolent, boasted & bragged of him not a litle, as if he vvere endued vvith the holy Ghost, & the gift of prophecye: being forgtefull of the forevvarning of God, they cal­led vpon the dissembling, the flattering and seducing spirite of the people, (by the vvhich they vvere snared, & deceaued) that through silēce he should no more be hindred. the deuil through a certain arte, or rather the like subtle methode, vvorking the destruction of disobedient persons being more honored thē his merit did require: stirred vp & kindled their mindes, svvarued alrea­dy from the faith, & slumbring in sinne, so that he raised tvvo vvomen, possessed of a foule spirit 2. womē the prophetisses of Montanꝰ. vvhich spake fonde, foolish, & fanaticall thinges (euen as he had before) they reioyced, & glori­ed in the spirite vvhich pronounced them happy, and puffed them vp, vvith infinite faire promi­ses. yet sometimes by signes and tokens he rebuked them to their faces, so that he seemed a cha­sticing spirite. there vvere fevve of the Phrygians seduced, notvvithstanding, that boulde and blinde spirite, instructed them to blaspheme, and reuile generally, euery Church vnder heauen, because they neyther did homage, neyther curteously receaued amonge them, that false spi­rite The Chur­ches, the sy­nodes & faith full of Asia▪ condemned Montanus. Apollinarius of the endes of the false prophets of prophecye. the faithfull throughout Asia, for this cause men often and in many places, examined the nevve founde doctrine: pronounced it for prophane▪ they excommunicated, reiected, and banished this hereticall opinion, out of their churches. When he had written these thinges, in the beginning, and throughout his first booke reprehended their error: in his seconde booke he writeth thus of their endes: because they charge vs with the deathe of the Prophets, for that vve receaue not their disordered fantasies (these saye they are the Prophets vvhiche the Lorde promysed to sende his people) let them aunsvvere me, I charge them in the [Page 88] name of the liuing God, ôye good people: is there any one of the secte of Montanus, and these vvomen, vvhich hath bene persecuted by the Ievves, or put to deathe by any tyrant? not one of them bearing this name, vvas eyther apprehended, or crucyfied. neyther vvas there any vvoman of them in the Synagogues of the Ievves, eyther scurged, or stoned at all. but Mon­tanus, and Maximilla, are sayde to dye an other kinde of deathe. many doe vvrite that Montanus & Maximilla hanged them selues. both these, throughe the motion of their madde spirit, not together at one tyme, but at se­uerall tymes, hanged them selues, and so ended their lyues, after the manner of Indas the traytour. euen as the common reporte goeth of Theodotus, that iolly fellovve, the first foun­der Theodotus the hereticke flying vp, broke his necke. of their prophecye, vvho being frenticke, persvvaded him selfe on a certayne tyme through the spirit of error, to take his flight vp into the heauens, and so being caste into the ayre, tom­bled dovvne and dyed miserably. thus it is reported to haue come to passe. yet in so muche vve savve it not vvith our eyes, vve can not (Ovvorthy Syr) alleadge it for certayne, vvhether Montanus, Theodotus, and the vvoman dyed thus, orno. Agayne he writeth in the same booke, howe that the holy Bishops, going about to rebuke the spirite, which spake in Ma­ximilla were hindered by others, that wrought with the same spirite, sayinge as followeth: let not the spirite of Maximilla saye as it is in the Epistle to Asterius Ʋrbanus: I am cha­ced as a vvolfe from the sheepe. I am no vvolfe. I am the vvorde, the spirite, and povver: but let him manifestly expresse that povver, by the spirite, and preuayle. let him compell such men as then vvere present to trye, and conferre vvith that talkatyue spirite. namely these vvorthy men and Bishops: Zoticus of Comanum, and Iulian of Apamia: to confesse the same. vvhose mouthes vvhen the companions of Themison had stopped, they suffered not the lying spirite, and seducer of the people to be rebuked. In the same booke after he had layde downe other thinges to the confutation of Maximilla his false prophecyes, he declareth with all, the tyme when he wrote, and their prophecyes foreshewing warres and sedicions, whose fonde fantasies he confuteth in this sorte: And hovv can it othervvise fall out but that this be Apollinarius of the salse prophecies of the Mon­tanists. founde a manifest vntrueth and open falsehoode. For novve it is more then thirtene yeares agoe since this vvoman dyed, and yet in all this space, hath there happened in this vvorlde neither ci­uill, neither generall vvarres, but especially the Christians, through the mercy of God haue had continuall peace. Thus much out of the seconde booke. out of the thirde booke we will alleadge a fewe lynes, agaynst them which gloried that many of them were crowned with martyrdome, for thus he writeth: VVhen as they are in the premisses blanked, confuted, and voyde of argu­ments, Apollinarius lib. 3. they flye for shift and refuge vnto martyrs, reporting them selues to haue many, affirming that to be a sure and a certayne proofe of the propheticall spirite raygning among them. nei­ther is this a most euident proofe as it appeareth, for diuers other hereticall sectes haue many Martyrs, vnto vvhome for all that, vve neither condescende, neither confesse that they haue the Not the death but the cause of it proueth a Martyr. trueth among them. And first for all the Mareionites affirme they haue many Martyrs, vvhen as for all that their doctrine is not of Christ him self according vnto the trueth. a litle after he sayth: these that are called to their tryall, and to testifie the true fayth by suffring of Martyrdome, are of the Churche: they communicate not vvith any of the Phrygian hereticall Martyrs, but are seuered from them, consenting no not in one iote vvith the fonde spirite of Montanus, and his vvoman, and that this vvhich I saye is moste true, it shall euidently appeare by the examples of Caius, and Alexander, Martyrs of Eumenia, vvho suffered in our tyme at Apamia, situ­ated vppon the ryuer Maeander.

CAP. XV. Cap. 17. after the greeke.

Of Miltiades and his workes.

IN the afore sayd booke, this Apollinarius remembred the Commentaries of Miltiades, who likewise wrote a booke against the foresayd heresie. the wordes by him cyted were in this sort: these things haue I briefly alleadged, and found vvritten in some one of their commentaries, Apollinari­us out of Miltiades works alleadgeth this. vvhich confute the booke of Alcibiades, vvhere he declareth that it is not the property of a Pro­phet, to prophecye in a traunce. a litle after he rehearseth the Prophets of the newe Testa­ment, among whome he numbreth one Ammias, and Quadratus, saying as followeth: A false Prophet in a traunce, vvhere licence, and impunitie doe concurre, beginneth vvith rashe igno­raunce, & endeth vvith furious rage and frensie of mind, as it is sayd before. of this sort, & in such [Page 89] traunce of spirite they shalbe able to shevve vs non of the prophetes, ether of the olde, or of the nevve testament, neyther shall they be able to glory of Agabus, of Iudas, of the daughters of Agabus. Iude. The daug­hters of Philip. Aminias. Quadratus. Philip, of Ammias the Philadelphian, of Quadratus, neither of any other, vvhich may any thing auaile them: Againe he wryteth: If that as they say, after Quadratus, and Ammias the Philadelphian, these vvomen of Montanus, succeeded in the gift of prophecy: lett them shevve vvho aftervvardes succeeded Montanus, and his vvomen. for the Apostle thinketh good, that the gift of prophecie should raigne in euery Church, euen vnto the ende, but novve for the space of these fouretene yeares, since Maximilla dyed, they are able to shevve vs not one. so farre he. this Militiades whome he remembreth, leaft vnto vs in wryting other monu­mentes Miltiades bookes. of his laboure, and industrie, in the holy Scriptures: aswell in the bookes he wrote agaynst the Gentiles as also in the books agaynst the Ievves. satisfieng & confuting in two books their seuerall argumentes, and opinions. afterwardes he wrote an Apologie of the Christian philosophie, which he embraced vnto the potentates and princes of this world.

CAP. XVI.

Apollonius his iudgement of the same heresie. Cap. 18. after the greeke.

TO be briefe this Phrygian heresie was confuted by Apollonius an ecclesiasticall writer who then (I saye at that time) florished in Phrygia: he published a seuerall booke against it, he refuted their prophecyes, accompting them for vayne lyes: he plainely opened and re­uealed the conuersation of such as were principall and chief patrons of this heresie of Monta­nus, he wrote in this manner: But vvhat kinde of nevve Doctor this is, his vvorkes and do­ctrine Apollonius against the Montanistes. doe declare. This is he vvhich taught the breakinge of vvedlocke: this is he vvhich prescribed lavves of fastinge: this is he vvhich called Pepuza and Timium (peltinge pari­shes of Phrygia) Ierusalem, to the ende he might entice all men from euery vvhere to frequent thither. this is he vvhich ordayned tolegatherers & taxers of money▪ this is he vvhich vnder pre­tense and colour of oblations, hath conningely inuented the arte of bribinge: this is he vvhich giueth greate hyre vnto the preachers of his doctrine, that by feedinge of the panche his pro­phecies may preuaile. Thus much of Montanus, and immediatly of his Prophetisses he wry­teth: VVe haue shevved before, these first prophetisses, from the time they vvere filled vvith theyr false spirite, to haue forsaken theyr husbandes, hovve shamefully then do they lye calling Priscilla a virgin? He addeth sayinge: Doth not the-vvhole Scripture forbydde, that a pro­phete The prophe­tisses of Mon tanus re­ceaue gifts. Themison a montanist with money deliuered himself from pryson. shoulde receaue revvardes, and money? VVhen I see a prophetisse receaue golde and siluer, and precious garmentes, hovve can I chuse but detest her? Agayne of an other he sayth: And besides these, Themison also inflammed vvith the burninge thurst of couetousnesse, tasted not of the tarte conyzance of confession, before the tyrant, but shifted himself out of fetteres, vvith much money. And vvhen as therefore he shoulde haue humbled himselfe, yet he all in braggery, as if he vvere a martyr after the example of the Apostle vvrote a catholicke epistle, very presumptuously, to enstructe them vvhich beleued better then he did, and to exhort them to striue for the nevve doctrine together vvith him, and to reuile the Lorde, and his Apo­stles, and his holy Churche. Againe speakinge of one of theyr highlye esteemed Martyrs he wryteth in this sorte: And that vve trouble not our selues vvith many, lett the prophetisse tell vs toutchinge Alexander, vvho called himselfe a Martyre: vvith vvhome she hathe banque­ted: Alexander a thief yet a martyr of Montanus secte. Math, 10. Luk. 9. vvhome also many doe adore: vvhose theftes and other haynous crimes vvhich he suf­fred for, I vvill not presently rehearse, for they are publickely knovven and registered, vvhose sinnes hathe he pardoned? vvhether doth a prophete yeld thefte vnto a Martyre, or a mar­tyr an immoderate desire of plenteousnesse and gathering vnto a prophete? vvhen as Christ cō ­maunded you shall not possesse gold, neither siluer, neither tvvo coates, these of the contrarye, seke after the possession of vnlavvfull substance. vve haue declared, that they, vvhome they call prophetes, and martyrs, haue extorted money, not onely of the riche, but of the poore, the fatherlesse, and the vvidovves. but if they pleade innocency, let them staye and ioyne vvith vs in ishvve, in the same matter, vpon this condition that if they be ouerthrovven at leaste vvise from hence forthe, they vvill cease to committe the like sinne agayne. VVe haue to proue the vvorkes of Prophetes. The tree is to be knovven by his fruyte. And that Math. 7. the case of Alexander maye be knovven, of suche as desire it [...] he vvas condemned at [Page 90] Ephesus by Aemilius frontinus, liuetenant, not for his pofession, but for presumpteous and Stibium is a white stone founde in sil­uer mines by rubbinge the skinne it maketh it looke very faire. Thraseas a martyr. boulde enterprised theft, being a levvd person, and vnder false pretense of Christian profes­sion, vvherevvith he cloked the mater, seducinge the faythfull of that place: he vvas pardo­doned and sett at liberty. the congregation vvhereof he vvas pastor, because he vvas a thiefe, vvoulde not admitt him. They that vvill knovve further of his offences, I referre them vnto publicke recordes▪ for by confutinge him, vvhome the prophete hathe not knovven by dvvellinge together many yeares, vve declare vnto the vvorlde by him the stedfastnesse of the prophete. VVe are able to shevve at large the conformity of bothe partes. But if they haue any confident perseuerance, lett them beare the reprehension. Agayne in an other place of the same booke, he wryteth of theyr Prophetes thus: If they deny theyre Prophetes to haue bene bribers, lett them affirme it condicionally that if it be proued: they be no lon­ger Prophetes. hereof vve are able to alleadge many particular proufes. all the vvorkes of a Prophete are necessarily to be proued. tell me (I beseche you) is it seemely for a Prophete to paynte himselfe in coloures? is it seemly for a Prophete to smothe himselfe vvith the vvhite glisteringe stibium? is it seemly for a Prophete neatly to pyncke and gingerly to sett forthe himselfe? is it seemely for a Prophete to dise and to carde? is it seemely for a Prophete to be an vsurer? let them ansvvere me vvhether these be lavvefull, or vnlavvefull. I vvill proue these to be theyre practises. This Apollonius in the same booke sheweth the time of his wryttinge, to be the fortyeth yeare since Montanus inuented this false, and forged prophecy. Agayne he declareth howe that Zoticus (mentioned before by the former Author) went about at Pepuza, to reprehende, and confute the fayned prophecy of Maximilla, and the spirite which wrought in her: but yet was forbidd by such as fauored her folly. he remembreth one Thraseas a martyr of that time. This tradi­tion first is to be suspected for that christ ( Matth. 28. Marc. 16.) commaūded the Apostles to passe throughout the worlde & to preache the Gospell. secondly for that he char­ged them ( Luc. 24. Act. 1.) to tary in Ie­rusalem but vntill they were endued with power from an high which was fifty dayes after the a­scention. Cap. 19. after the Greeke. he declareth as receaued by tradition, that the Lorde commaunded his Apo­stles not to departe from Ierusalem vntill the twelfe yeares ende. he alleageth testimonyes out of the Reuelation, and reporteth howe that Sainct Iohn raysed at Ephesus, by the deuine power of God, one that was deade to life againe. other thinges he wryteth by the which he hath fully confuted, and ouerthrowen the subtle sleighte of the foresayed heresie, these thinges of Apollonius.

CAP. XVII.

The censure of Serapion byshop of Antioche toutching the Phrygian heresie.

THis Serapion remembred the workes of Apollinarius, where he confuted the sayed he­resie, who then is sayd to haue succeeded Maximinus in the byshopricke of Antioche. he maketh mention of him in a peculier Epistle vnto Caricus Ponticus where also the sayed Serapion byshop of Antioch Epist. ad Cari cum ponticū heresie is confuted thus: I vvoulde haue you to vnderstande this also, hovve that the opera­tion of this deceatefull purpose called the nevve prophecy, is impugned, and counted for de­testable, and cursed doctrine of all the Churches throughout Christendome. I haue sent vnto you the learned vvrytinges of Claudius Apollinarius that holy byshope of Hierapolis in Asia. In this Epistle of Serapion there are subscriptions of many byshops, one subscribeth thus: I Au­relius Cyrenius martyr vvishe you health. An other thus: Aelius Publius Iulius byshop of De­beltum a citie of Thracia, as sure as the Lorde liueth in heauen, vvhen as holy Zotas of An­chia vvoulde haue cast out the deuell vvhich spake in Priscilla, the dissemblinge hypocrites vvoulde not permitt it. And many other byshops gaue the same censure, and subscribed with theyr owne handes to the sayed Epistle. the affayres then went after this forte.

CAP. XVIII.

The Industry of Irenaeus in refutinge the heresies blased at Rome by Blastus and florinus.

I Renaeus wrote diuers Epistles to the confutation of suche as corrupted at Rome the sincere rites of the Churche. he wrote one to Blastus of schisme, an other to Florinus of Monarchie or the rule of one. or she winge that God is not the author of euell. which opinion Florinus [Page 91] seemed to be of, but afterwardes he being seduced with the error of Ʋalentinus: Irenaeus, wrote against him that booke intitled: ogdoas by interpretation the number of eightie, where he si­gnifieth himselfe Immediatly to haue succeeded the Apostles. the ende of which booke hathe this notable protestation necessarily to be graffed in this our history for it is read as followeth: Cap. 20. after the Greke. Irenaeus lib. de Ogdoade which is not extant. I charge thee in the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ, and his glorious comminge, at vvhat time he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead, vvho so euer thou be that copiest this booke: that thou peruse this copie, and diligently correcte it after the example of my ovvne hande vvrytinge, and that thou putt to likevvise this charge and sett it dovvne after the vvrytten co­pye. This was profitably spoken and faithfully remembred of vs, that we may behoulde the aunciente and right holy men, as a moste exquisite and right paterne of earnest care and dili­gence. Againe Irenaeus in his epistle to Florinus, reporteth, that he had conuersation with Po­lycarpus Irenaeus vn­to Florinus the schisma­ticke. Florinus a courtier then a schismatick last an here­ticke. sayinge: This doctrine (O Florinus) if I may boldly pronounce the trueth, sauoreth not for sounde: this doctrine disagreeth from the Churche, and bringeth such as geue care vn­to it into extreme impietie: this doctrine no, not the heretickes vvhich vvere out of the Church, euer durste to publishe: this doctrine such as vvere elders before vs, and disciples of the Apostles, neuer deliuered vnto thee. I savve thee vvhen I vvas yet a boye vvith Polycarpus in the lovver Asia, liuinge gorgeously in the Emperoures palace, and busienge thy selfe vvith all might, to be in fauoure and creditt vvith him. For I remember better the thinges of oulde then the affayres of late. For the thinges vve sucke of a childe, sincke farther in our mindes, and grovve together vvith vs. So that I remember the place vvhere Polycarpus sate, vvhen he taughte: his goinge out, and his comminge in: his trade of life, the figure and pro­portion of his body: the sermon he made vnto the multitude: the reporte he made of his conuersation vvith Iohn and others, vvhich savve the Lorde: hovve he remembred their sa­ynges, and vvhat he hearde out of theyr mouthes toutching the Lord, of his povver, and do­ctrine: recitinge preceptes, and all thinges consonante to holy Scripture, out of theyr mou­thes I say vvho themselues had seene vvith their eyes the vvorde of life in the flesh. these thinges at that time, through the mercy of God vvhich vvrought in me, I diligently marked, and paynted it not in papyr, but printed it in my harte, vvhich continually throughe the grace of God I ponder, and meditate. And I am able to testifie before God, that if that holy and A­postolicke elder, had hearde any such thinge, he vvoulde haue straight reclaimed, and stop­ped Polycarpus vsed oft to re peate this saying. his eares, and after his maner pronounced: good God into vvvhat times hast thou reser­ued me, that I shoulde suffer such thinges, yea and vvoulde haue straight shunned the place vvhere he sitting or standing had hearde such speaches. to bee shorte this may be reported for true out of the epistles vvhich he vvrote to the confirmation of the borderinge Churches, or out of the Epistles vvhich he vvrote to certaine brethrē for admonition and exhortation sake. thus farre Irenaeus.

CAP. XIX.

The Church enioyeth peace vnder Commodus: the Martyrdome of Cap. 21. after the Greeke. Apollonius a Christian Philosopher.

THe same yeare vnder Comodus the Emperoure, the rage of the Gentiles was mitigated towardes vs, so that peace was graunted through the grace of God, vnto the vniuer­sall Churche through out the worlde. When as the heauenly doctrine leade the mindes of all mortall men to the embracinge of the true Religion of the onely and vniuersall God: so that many of the nobles of Rome brewe neare, to their soules health and saluation, together with their whole houses and families: It was a thinge altogether intollerable for the deuell, whose nature is altogether enuious, and spitefull, therefore he taketh vs in hande againe, and inuenteth diuerse snares to entrape vs in. he procureth at Rome, Apollonius, a man amonge The accuser of Apollo­nius with the breaking of his legges died misera­bly. the faythfull of that time, for learninge and philosophie very famous, to be brought forth be­fore the tribunall seate, raising his accuser among them, that were fitt ministers for so mali­cious a purpose. But the vnhappie man came out of season to receaue the sentence of iudge­ment. because it was decreed by the Emperoure, that the accusers of the Christians shoulde dye the death: Perennius the Iudge forthwyth gaue sentence agaynste him, that his [Page 92] legges shoulde be broken. Then the beloued Martyre when the iudge had earnestly, and with many wordes entreated him to render an accompte of his fayth before the noble senate: he Apollonius a Christian philosopher exhibited an Apollogie vnto the se­nate of Rome, and afterwards is beheaded. A cruell law. Cap. 22. after the Greeke. Anno Dom. 192. all these bishops flo­rished at one tyme. Victor. b. of Rome. Demetrius. Serapion. Theophilus. Narcissus. Banchillus. Polycrates. exhibited in the presence of them all a notable Apollogie of his fayth in the whiche he suffred martyrdome. Yet neuerthelesse by decree of the senate he was beheaded and so ended this life. For the auncient decre was of force and preuayled amonge theym, that the Christians whiche were once presented before the tribunall seate and not reuoked their opinions shoulde no more be sette at libertie. Wherefore the wordes of Apollonius whiche he answered to Perenius, stan­dyng at the barre and his whole Apollogie offered to the senate who lysteth to knowe: lette him reade our booke of Martyrs.

CAP. XX.

Of the succession of Byshopes in the moste famous churches.

IN the tenthe yeare of the raygne of Comodus, when Eleutherius had gouerned the bishop­ricke of Rome thertene yeares: Victor succeded him. at what tyme also Iulianus after he had continewed tenne yeares, in the bishopes seae of Alexandria, dyed, and Demetrius came in place. at what tyme likewise Serapion, (mentioned a little before) was knowen to be the eyght Bishope of Antioche after the Apostles. Then was Theophilus bishope of Caesarea in Palesti­na, and Narcissus (before remembred) bishope of Ierusalem, and Banchillus bishope of Co­rinthe in Hellada, Polycrates bishope of Ephesus, and an infinite number more (as it is verye likelie) besydes these, excelled at that tyme. but we rehearse theim by name and that, iustlye by whose meanes and writinges the catholicke fayth hath bene continewed vnto our tyme.

CAP. XXI.

Of the controuersie about the kepinge of Easter daye. Cap. 23. after the greeke. Anno Dom. 199. Exod. 12.

AT the same time there rose no small contention because that all the churches throughoute Asia, of an aunciente tradition, thought good to obserue the highe feaste of Easter in the foreteenthe moone. on whiche daye the Ievves were commaunded to offer their Pascall Lambe. as muche to saye as vpon what daye soeuer in the weeke, that moone fell, the fastinge Easter & the fasting dayes going before layde downe by decree. Theophilus & Narcissus were chiefe in Palaestina: Victor at Ro. Palmas a [...] Pōtus: Irenae us in Fraūce: The bishops of Ostroëna in their pro­uinces: Ban­chillus at Corinth & not the bishope of Rome o­uer all. dayes finished, and ended. when as the other churches throughout the worlde, accustomed not to celebrate Easter after this manner, but obserued the Apostolicke tradition and custome, as yet retayned, to wete: the fastinge dayes on no other daye to be broken vp, afore the daye wherein our Sauiour rose from death to lyfe. Wherefore synodes and meetinges of Byshopes were summoned, where all with one accorde ordained an ecclestasticall decree whiche they pu­blished by their epistles vnto all churches: That vpon no other then the sondaye the mysterie of our sauiours resurrection shoulde be celebrated. And that one that daye, and no other, the fasting vsed before Easter shoulde haue an ende. Theire epistle is at this daye extant, who at that tyme for this cause assembled together in Palaestina, whereof Theophilus bishope of Caesarea, and Narcissus bishope of Ierusalem were chiefe. At Rome likewise there was a synode gathered to­gether for the same cause, the whiche Ʋictor their bishope published. Agayne there was an o­ther of bishopes at Pontus, where Palmas, as the moste auncient, did gouerne. An other of bi­shops throughout Fraunce whiche Irenaeus did ouersee. to be shorte an other of the bishopes throughout Ostroëna, and the cities therein contained, and speciallye of Banchillus bishope of Corinth with many others, al which with one and the same sentence, and iudgement, ordained the same decree, and their vniforme assent, was thus made manifest vnto the worlde.

CAP. XXII.

By the reporte of Polycrates the churches in Asia celebrated Easter the fouretenthe moone. cap. 24. after the greeke

POlycrates moderated the bishops throughout Asia, whiche affirmed that their aunciente custome deliuered them of olde was to be retayned. This Polycrates in his epistle vn­to the churche of Rome, sheweth the custome of Asia, obserued vnto his tyme in these wordes: VVe celebrate the vnuiolated daye of Easter, neither addinge anye thinge thereto, [Page 93] neither takinge oughte therefro. for notable pillers of Christian religion, haue rested in Polycrates byshope of Ephesus wri­teth to Vi­ctor and the churche of Rome. Iohn the A­postle being a priest wore the priestly attyre. Asia, vvhiche shall rise at the laste daie, vvhen the Lorde shall come from heauen vvith glorie, and restore all the sainctes to ioye: Philip one of the tvvelue Apostles, novve lienge at Hierapolis, & his tvvo daughters vvho kept them selues virgins, all the dayes of their liues, the third also after the ende of hir holie conuersation rested at Ephesus. Againe Iohn vvho laye on the Lordes breast, being a Priest, vvore the priestlie attire, both a Martyr, and a Doctor, slept at Ephesus. Moreouer Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, and a Martyr. Thraseas an Eumenian, both a Bishop & a Martyr, slept at Smyrna. VVhat shal I speake of Sagaris both a Bishope & a Martyr, lyenge at Laodicea. And of blessed Papyrius, and Melito an eunuche, vvho vvas ledde and guided in all thinges that he did by the holie ghoste, and novve resteth at Sardis, vvaytinge the message from heauen, vvhen he shall rise from the dead. Cap. 25. af­ter the greke All these celebrated the feaste of Easter according vnto the Gospell, in the fouretenth daye of the moneth, svvaruing no vvhere, but obseruinge the rule of faith. to be shorte and I Polycrates the meanest of you all, do retaine the tradition of my forefathers, of vvhich some I haue imitated, for there vvere seuen Bishopes before me, and novve I the eighth, vvhich alvvaies haue celebrated the feaste of Easter on that daye, in the vvhich the people remoued the leauen from among them. I therfore (my brethren) vvhich novve haue liued threescore and fiue yeares in the Lorde, haue conferred vvith the bre­thren throughout the vvorld, haue reade, & ouerreade the holy scriptures, yet vvill not be mo­ued at al vvith these things, vvhich are made to terrifie vs. for my auncetors & elders haue saied that vve ought rather to obey God then men. Afterwardes he speaketh of the bishops that con­sented, and subscribed to his epistle, after this maner: I could repeate the bishops vvhich vvere Act. 4. present vvhome you requested me to assemble, vvhome also I haue assembled together, vvhose names if I should vvrite vvould grovve to a greate number: they haue visited me a simple soule, and a man of small accompt, and haue consented vnto this epistle. they also knovve that I beare not this gray heare in vaine, but alvvaies haue had my conuersation in Christ Iesu.

CAP. XXIII.

The censure of certaine byshops toutching this controuersie.

IMmediately vpon this, Victor Bishope of Rome, goeth aboute to seuer from the vnitie in the communion, all the churches of Asia together with the adioyning congregations, as sauoring not aright, and iuueyeth againste them in his epistles, & pronounceth flattly, all the brethren there for excōmunicated persons. but this pleased not al the bishops, for they exhorted him to seke after those thinges which concerned peace, and vnitie, and loue betwene brethren. Ca. 26. after the Greeke. where then was the say­ing that the bishope of Rome muste iudge all and be iudged of none? Irenaeus bi­shop of Liōs. Victor bi­shop of Rome. Their words are at this daye extant that sharpely reprehended Ʋictor, of which number, Irenaeus, in the name of all the brethren in Fraunce that were vnder his charge, wrote and allowed the same sentence, to wete: The mysterie of the resurrection of our Sauiour to be celebrated on the sondaye onely. Yet as it was very meete he put him in remembrance at large of his dutie that he shoulde not e­straynge or cut of all the churches of God, whiche retayned the tradition of olde custome. his wordes are these: Nether is this controuersie onely of the daye, but also of the kinde or maner of fasting. Some thinke they ought to faste one daye, some tvvo, some more, some fortie, and tel­ling the houres throughout day and nyght they counte a daye. nether beganne this varietie of fa­stinge in our tyme, but longe before, through them vvho then bare rule, and as it is very likelye, through their double negligence, they despised and altered the simple and common custome retayned of olde. yet for all this vvere they at vnitie one vvith an other, and as yet vve retayne it, for this varietie of fastinge commendeth the vnitie of fayth. After this he adioyneth a certeine hi­storie, whiche I will alleage as peculierly incident to this place▪ They (sayeth he) that vvere bi­shops before Soter, of that sea vvhich novve thou gouernest, I meane▪ Anicetus, Pius, Hyginus, Telesphorus and Xystus, nether did they so obserue it them selues, nether did they publishe anye suche president vnto the posteritie, & for all that, they (though not obseruing the same custome) vvere at vnitie neuerthelesse vvith them, vvhich resorted vnto them from other churches, and did not obserue the same, although their obseruation vvas contrary to the mindes of suche as obser­ued it not. nether vvas the like euer heard of, that any man, for suche kind of fasting vvas excō ­municated. yea the bishopes them selues vvhich vvere thy predecessours, haue sent the Eucharist vnto the brethren of other churches, that obserued a contrary custome. And Polycarpus beinge [Page 94] at Rome, in the tyme of Anicetus, they both varied among them selues about trifling matters, yet vvere they soone recōciled, & not a vvord of this matter. Neither vvas Anicetus able to persvvade Polycarpus that he should not retaine that, vvhich he had alvvaies obserued, vvith Iohn the disci­ple of our Lord, & the rest of the Apostles, vvith vvhome he had bene cōuersant: neither did Po­lycarpus persvvade Anicetus, to obserue it, but told him, that he ought to obserue the aunciēt cu­stome of the elders, vvhome he succeeded. These thinges being at this poynt, they cōmunicated one vvith an other. & in the churche Ruffinus trāslatīg these wordes vn­derstandeth that Anice­tus graunted the ministra­tiō of the cō ­munion vnto Polycarpus, which is very like to be true. Irenaeus signifieth a peace maker. Anicetus graunted the Eucharist vnto Polycarpus, for reue­rēce he ovved vnto him. in the end they parted, one from an other in peace. and al such as retay­ned cōtrary obseruations throughout the vvhole vniuersal churche, held faste the bonde of loue & vnitie. Thus Irenaeus not degenerating from the etymologie of his name, passing all other in y e gyft of reconciling the brethren practised for the ecclesiasticall peace. he wrote not only to Victor, but also to sundrye gouernours of diuers other churches, in seuerall epistles, concerninge the sayde controuersie.

CAP. XXIIII.

The censure of the Bishops in Palaestina toutching the saide controuersie of Easter, the repetition of the bookes of certaine ecclesiasticall writers.

THe bishops of Palaestina (mentioned a little before) Narcissus, Theophilus & with thē Cassius Cap. 27. after the greeke. bishope of Tyrus, and Clarus bishop of Ptolomais, together with other bishops in their cō ­pany, when they had reasoned at large toutching the celebration of Easter, & the tradition deliuered vnto thē by succession from y e Apostles, in the end of their epistle they write thus: Sende The prouin­ciall councel held at Pale­stina write thus vnto the prouince throughout. Certaine workes of Irenaeus. Comodus was emperor 13. yeares. Pertinax 6. moneths. Seuerus created emperor anno Dom. 195. vnder this Seuerus the 5. greate persecution was raysed. out vvith speede the copies of our epistle throughout the parishes that vve be not charged vvith their errour, vvhich easily are brought to snare euē their ovvne soules. vve signifie vnto you that at Alexādria, they celebrate the feast of Easter vpon the selfe same day vvith vs. their epistles are brought vnto vs & ours vnto thē that vve may vniformely & together solemnize this holy feast. Besides these alleaged, & trāslated letters, & epistles of Irenaeus, there is extāt an other boke of his very learned and necessary against the gentiles, intituled of Science or knovvledge. an other vnto Marcianus his brother intituled A declaration of the Apostles preaching. & an other booke of di­uers tracts▪ where he maketh mētion of the epistle vnto y Hebrevves, & the booke of VVisdome, called Solomons: whence he alleageth testimonies. these are the workes of Irenaeus which came to our knowledge. whē Comodus had bene Emperour. xiii. yeares, & Pertinax after him not fully the space of six moneths: Seuerus succeeded him in the empire. there are reserued at this day in many places many notable workes of diuers ecclesiasticall persons, whereof these came to our handes. the cōmentaries of Heraclitus vpō Paul. Maximus of y common question in hereticks mouthes: vvhence euill proceedeth: and that this substance vvas made. Candidus of the creation of vvorke of the sixe dayes. Appion of the same argument. Sixtus of the resurrection, and a certein tracte of Arabianus, with a thousande mo. all whiche writers, time doth not permitte, neither is it possible to publishe them in this our history because they minister no occasion to make mention of them.

CAP. XXV.

Of suche as from the beginning impugned the heresie of Artemon, the behauiour of Cap. 28. after the Greeke. the hereticke and his presumption in reiecting and corrupting the scriptures.

AMong these bookes there is found a volume written against the heresie of Artemon▪ which Paulus Samosatenus in our daies endeuored to reuiue: wherin is cōtained ah history worthy to be published, among these our histories, diuersly & from euery where collected▪ whē this The opinion of Artemon the hereticke▪ boke had cōfuted y said presūptuous heresy, which affirmed Christ to be a b [...]e & naked mā, & that the authors therof had gloried of it, as an auncient opiniō after many lynes, & leaues, to the cōfu­ [...]acion of this blasphemous vntrueth, he writeth thus: They affirme that all our aun [...]ours▪ yea and the Apostles them selues vvere of that opinion, and taughte the same vvith them, and that An auncient writer (as I suppose Maximus) in the confuta­tion of the sect of Arte­mon. this their true doctrine (for so they call it) vvas preached & embraced vnto the time of Victor the thirtenth bishop of Rome, after Peter, & corrupted by his successour Zephyrinus. this peraduen­ture might seeme to haue some likelyhoode of trueth, vnlesse firste of all, the holy scriptures re­clamed, next the bokes of sūdry mē, lōg before the time of Victor, vvhich they published against the gentiles, in the defence of the trueth, & in the confutation of the hereticall opinions of their time. I meane Iustinus, Meltiades, Tatianus, and Clemens, vvith many others in all vvhich Christ is preached and published to be God. VVho knovveth not that the vvoorkes of Irenaus, [Page 95] Melito and all other Christians do confesse Christ to be both God and man? to be shorte hovve many psalmes and hymnes, and Canticles, vvere vvritten from the beginninge, by the faythfull Christians, vvhich [...]ounde and singe Christ the vvorde of God, for no other then God in deede? hovv then is it possible accordinge vnto their report, that our auncetors vnto the time of Victor, should haue preached so? vvhen as the ecclesiasticall censure, for so many yeares is pronounced for certeine, and knovven vnto all the vvorlde. and hovve can they chuse but be ashamed, thus Theodotus a tanner and an hereticke. vntruely to reporte of Victor, vvhen as they knovve for suretie that Victor excommunicated The­odotus a tanner, the father and founder of this Apostasie, vvhich denyed the diuinitie of Christ? because that he firste affirmed Christ to be but onely man. if Ʋictor (as they reporte) had bene of their blasphemous opinion, hovv then could he haue excōmunicated Theodotus, the author of that heresie. but Victor was thus affectionated. when he had gouerned y ecclesiasticall function Zephyrinus b. of Rome. Anno Dom. 203. A worthy historie of Natalius an hereticall bi­shope repen­ting him selfe the space of tenne yeares Zephyrinus succeeded him, about the tenth yere of the raigne of Seuerus. The same author which wrote the aforesaid booke against the founder of this heresie, declareth a certeine historie that was done in the time of Zepherinus after this maner. Therfore to the ende I may aduertise diuerse of the brethren, I vvil rehearse a certaine historie of our time, vvhiche as I suppose if it had bene in Sodome, they vvold haue fallen to repentāce. There vvas one Natalius, vvho not lōg before, but euē in our time becam a cōfessor. this Natalius vvas on a tyme seduced by Asclepiodotus, & an other Theodotus an exchaūger, they both vvere disciples of Theodotus the tāner, vvho thē being author of this blasphemous opiniō (as I sayd before) vvas excōmunicated by Victor bishop of Rome. for Natalius vvas persvvaded by thē for a certeine hire, & revvarde, to be called a bishop of this heretical opiniō, to vvete: a hūdreth & fifty pēce, monethly to be payd him. Novv he being thus linked vnto thē, the Lord vvarned him oft by visions. for God and our Lord Iesus Christ full of mercy & compassion, vvold not that the vvitnesse of his passiōs, should perishe vvithout the churche. & for that he vvas altogether carelesse, & negligēt in marking the visions frō aboue being novv as it vvere hooked vvith the svveete baites of primacie, & honour, & filthy lucre, vvherby thousands do perishe: at lēgth he vvas scurged by an Angel of the Lord. God sendeth his Angell to scourge by night. & for the space of a vvhole nyght chasticed not a little, so that vvhen he rose earely in the mor­ning couered in sackcloth, & sprinckled in ashes, vvith much vvoe, & many teares, he fel dovvn flatte before the feete of Zephyrinus bishope of Rome, not after the manner of a cleargie man, but of the laye people, beseaching the churche (prone alvvayes to compassion) vvith vvatrishe eyes, and vvette cheekes, for the mercie of Christ, to tender and pitie his miserable case, so that vsinge many petitions, and shevvinge in his bodie the printe of the plaguye stripes, after muche adoe he vvas receaued vnto the communion. We thinke best to adde vnto these other relations of the same author, for thus he writeth. They corrupted the holye & sacred scriptures, vvithout The practises of the hereti­call secte of Artemon. any reuerence: they reiected the canon of the auncient faith: they haue bene ignorant of Christ: not searching vvhat the holie scriptures affirmed, but exercisinge them selues therein, & siftinge it to this ende: that some figure or forme of a syllogisme myght be founde to impugne the di­uinitie of Christ: and if any reasoned vvith them out of holie scripture, forthvvith they demaund vvhether it be a coniuncte, or a simple kinde of syllogisme. layenge asyde holye scripture, they practise Geometrie, as beynge of the earth they speake earthlye and knovve not him vvhiche came frome aboue. Euclides amonge a greate many of them measureth the earth busielie. Ari­stotle Euclides. Aristotle. Theophrast▪ Galen. Heretickes presume to correct, alter & trāslate holy scripture. and Theophrastus are hyghlye esteemed. Galen is of diuerse vvorshipped. but vvhat shall I saye of these, vvho (beynge farre from the fayth) abuse the arte of infidels to the establyshinge of theyr hereticall opinion, and corrupt the simplicitie of holy scripture, through the subtle craft of sinfull persons? for to this purpose they put their prophane handes to holie scripture, sayinge: they vvolde correcte them. and that I reporte not this vntruely of them, or parciallie agaynste them, if any man please he may easily knovve it. for if any vvill peruse their copies, and conferre one vvith an other, he shall finde in them great contrariety. The bookes of Asclepiades agree not vvith them of Theodotus. there is found betvvene them great difference, for their disciples vvrote obscurely such things as their masters had ambiciously corrected. againe vvith these the copies Hermophilus do not consent. neither are the copies of Apollonius at concord among thē selues. if their alligatiōs be cōferred vvith their trāslatiōs, & alteratiōs, there shalbe found great diuersity. A notable dilemma. belike they are altogether ignorāt vvhat presumptiō is practised in this levvd fact of theirs. ether they persvvade them selues, that the holie scriptures vvere not endited by the instinct of the holy ghost, & so are they infidels: or else they thinke thē selues vviser thē the holy ghost, & vvhat other [Page 96] thing do they in that, then shevv thē selues possessed of a deuill? they cā not deny this their bold enterprise, for they haue vvrittē these things vvith their ovvne hands. they can not shevv vs vvho instructed them, vvho deliuered them such scriptures, & vvhence they trāslated their copie [...] di­uerse of them voutchsafe not to corrupt the scriptures, but flattly they denie the lavve, and the prophetes, vnder pretense of their detestable, and impious doctrine of fayned grace, they fall into the bottomlesse gulfe of perdition. but of them thus muche shall suffice.

The ende of the fyft booke.

THE SIXT BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

Of the persecution vnder the Emperour Seuerus.

WHen as Seuerus persecuted the churche of God, there were noble martyrdomes of Anno Dom. 204. suche as suffered for the profession of the true faith▪ but speciallye at Alexandria, whither chosen champions out of Aegypt, and all Thebais, as vnto a moste notable Theatre of God, were brought, and after a moste pacient sufferance of simdry tor­mentes, and diuerse kindes of deathe, were crowned of God with garlandes of im­mortalltie. Of this number was Leonides called the father of Origen, and there beheaded, who left Leonides the father of O­rigen behea­ded. his sonne very yonge, and of tender yeares. howe also he was disposed, and affected towardes Christian religion from that tyme forth, it shall not be at this tyme vnseasonably written. Speci­ally for that he is famous and renowned throughout the whole worlde. Some man will saye it is no small peece of worke to printe in paper the lyfe of this man, and that it will require a whole Seuerus wēt on the tenth yeare of his raigne, when the greate persecution was raysed. Laetus ruled Alexandria and Aegypt. volume to it selfe: but at this present cutting of many things, vsing as muche breuitie as may be, we will runne ouer certaine thinges which concerne him, selected out of their epistles and histo­ries, which were his familiars, whereof some lyued in our tyme, and reported certaine things of him. To be short we will declare suche things as shall seeme worthye of memorie, and that were done from his cradell vnto this tyme. Seuerus then had ended tenne yeares, Laetus then gouerned Alexandria, and the rest of Aegypte▪ Demetrius lately after Iulianus had taken vpon him the ouer­sight of the congregations there.

CAP. II.

Origen desirous of Martyrdome was in greate daunger, and beyng delyuered, he professed diuinitie at Alexandria with earnest studie, and led a maruaylous honest lyfe.

THe heate of persecution was very vehemēt, & an infinite number of persons were crowned with Martyrdome: when as Origen yet verye yonge, bare in his minde a feruent desire of Martirdome, so that he hazarded himselfe, skipped, and brake forth, and coueted volunta­rily to be doyng in that daungerous combatt. Cap. 3. after the Greeke. Yea narrowsie did he escape, for it had coste him his life, had not the diuine and celestiall prouidence of God stayed him, by the meanes of his mo­ther, to the further commoditie and profite of many. She at the firste entreated him with manye Origen by the meanes of his mother auoydeth greate perill. Origen be­inge a childe, exhorteth his father to mar tyrdome. Origen of a childe brought vp in holy Scri­ture. wordes to tender hir motherly affection: but perceauing him to be more vehemently incensed and kindled▪ knowing his father to be kept in close prison, and wholly minded to suffer Martyrdome, she constrayned him to remaine at home, hydinge from him all his apparrell. He then being able to do no other thinge, more prompte in minde than rype in yeares, could not reste, wrote vnto his father a letter, in the whiche he exhorteth him thus: O father, faynt not, neither imagin [...] amisse [Page 97] bicause of vs. Let this be the firste token of the industrie and syncere minde of Origen in his child­hood towards christian religiō set forth in this our history▪ for he beyng of a child trained vp & ex­ercised in holy scripture, shewed then no small signes of the doctrine of faith. his father furthered him not a little to the knowledge of them, when as besides the studie of liberall artes, he instru­cted him in these, not as the lesser parte. For first of all before the exercise of prophane literature, he instructed him in holy Scripture, and demaunded of him daily a certaine taske, of that he lear­ned and rehearsed. And this trade was not vnprofitable for him being a child, but he grewe therby vnto such facility and promptnes, that he contented not him selfe with the bare and casual reading of the words, but sought farther, searching the perfect and profound vnderstanding therof, so that diuers times he would set his father demaunding of him what was meant by this & that place of holy Scripture. But his father checked him to his face in outward sight, admonishing him not to search ought aboue the capacity of his yeares, & more then plaine letter gaue to vnderstand. Yet to him selfe he reioyced greatly, yelding vnto God the author of all goodnes harty thankes, for that he had made him the father of such a sonne. The report goeth that the father often vncouered the breast of his sonne in his sleepe, and solemnly kissed it as if the holy ghost had taken there the inner parte for his priuy closset, and thought him selfe happy of such an ofspringe. These and the like thinges they remember to haue happened vnto Origen, being yet a childe. When his father dyed a Martyr, he was left an orphane of the yeares of seuenteene with his mother, and other children his brethren, to the number of six, his father [...] substance was confiscated to y Emperours treasorie, y want of necessaries pinched him together with his mother & brethren, he casteth his A certaine Matrone of Alexandria receaueth Origen with▪ his mother & brethren. care vpon the diuine prouidence of God, he is receaued and refreshed of a certain matrone which was very ritch & also religious, which harbored in her house a certaine man of Antioche, an er­rant heretike of the sect then fresh at Alexandria, one that was accepted of her, for her sonne and deare friende. Origen then of necessitie vsing his company, shewed forth manifest proofes of his cleaning fast vnto y right and true faith. For when as an infinite multitude not only of heretikes, but also of the true faith frequented vnto Paulus (so was he called) for he was counted a profounde and a wise man: he could not be perswaded to be present with him at prayers, but obserued the ca­non of the Church from a childe, and detested▪ (as he witnesseth him selfe in a certaine place) the Origen ta­keth heede of Heretikes. Tis. 3. Origen stu­dieth rheto­ricke. doctrine of heretikes. he was of his father absolutely instructed in the profane learning of y Gen­tils, but after his fathers death, he applied a litle more diligently the study of rhetoricke, and ha­uing before meanely applied humanity, now after the death of his father he so addicteth him vnto it, that in short space he got sufficiency to serue his turne, both tollerable for the time, & correspon­dent to his yeares. for he being idle at schole (as he him selfe in a certaine place reporteth) when as none occupied the rowme of Catechizing at Alexandria, because that euery one was fayne to flye away by reason of the threatning thunderbolts of persecution, diuers of the Gentils came to him, to heare the preaching of the word of God. whereof he sayth the first to haue bene Plutarch, Plutarch a martyr. Heraclas af­ter Demetri­us b. of Alexandria. Origen a ca­techizer be­ing 18. yeare olde. Origen corn forteth the martyrs. who besides that he liued well, was crowned with martyrdome. The seconde was Heraclas y bro­ther of Plutarch, who after he had profited very much, and sucked at his lippes, the iuyce of chri­stian religion and heauenly philosophy: succeeded Demetrius in the bishopricke of Alexandria. Origen went nowe on y eyghtenth yeare when he catechized in the schoole of Alexandria, at what time he happely prospered whilest that vnder Aquila Lieuetenant of Alexandria, in the heate of persecution he purchased vnto him selfe a famous opinion among all y faithful, in that he cheare­fully embraced all the martyrs, not only of his acquaintance, but such as were vnto him vnknow­en. he visited not only such as were fettered in deepe dungeons, & close imprisonmēt: neither only such as looked for the last sentence of execution, but after iudgment geuen & sentence pronounced he was present with the martyrs, boldly accompanying them to y place of execution, putting him selfe in great peril, oftentimes boldly embracing, kissing & saluting them, so that once the furious rage of the fonde multitude of the Gentiles, had stoned him to deathe if the diuine power of God, had not maruelously deliuered him. y same diuine & celestial grace of God at other times againe & againe, so oft as can not be told, defended him, being assaulted of the aduersaryes, because of his noble hardines & prompt mind to publish the doctrine of Christ. so extremely was he dealt with­all of the Infidels, that souldiers were commaunded to watch his house in compasse, for the ba­nishing of the multitude that came to be instructed of him, in the Christian faythe. The persecu­tion daily preuailed and was so vehemently bent against him, that he could no where passe safely throughout Alexandria, but often chaūging lodging [...], he was from euery where pursued, bicause [Page 98] of the multitude which frequented vnto him for instructions sake. for his workes expressed moste Origē as he taught he li­ued & as he hued he taught. notable rules of the most true & christian philosophie. they say, as he taught so he liued, and as he liued so he taught. Wherfore the diuine power of God specially preuayling with him [...] infinite number were sturred vp by his zeale. when he perceaued many Disciples to frequent [...] to him, & that the charge of the schoole was now by Demetrius the Bishop, committed vnto him alone, he supposed the reading of humanitie to be out of season, and transformeth the schoole as altogether vnprofitable by reason of profane literature & humanitie opposite vnto sacred letters, to the exer­cise of godly discipline. againe after good aduise taken for necessary prouision he soulde the pro­fane writers which he had diligently perused, & lay by him, enioyning the buyer, to pay him daily Origē sould his philoso­phy bookes. foure halfepence of the set price, wherwith he contented him selfe. & this philosophicall trade con­tinewed he y space of many yeares, cutting of from him self all occasion of youthly concupiscence▪ for throughout the whole day he tooke no small labor in this godly exercise, & the greater part of the night also he spent in meditating of holy Scripture, and in his philosophicall life, as much as lay in him, he vsed fasting, taking his reste at certayne temperate tymes of the yeare, not on his bedde, but very warely on y bare ground. specially aboue al other places, he supposed y sayings of our Sauiour in the Gospell to be obserued, which exhorted vs not to weare two coates, neyther shoes, neither to care for the time to come with a greedy, or couetous desire. for he endured colde and nakednesse more chearefully then became his yeares, & suffered such extreame neede & neces­sitie, which greatly amazed his familier friends, & offended many that willingly woulde haue sup­plied his want and necessity, for the paynfulnes they sawe him take, in setting forth the heauenly doctrine of Christ Iesus our Sauiour. but he being geuen to pacient sufferance, passed many yea­res without the wearing of shoes, ioyning naked foote to bare grounde. and he is sayde moreouer for the space of many yeares, to haue abstained from wine, & other such like (necessary sustenance onely excepted) so that he ranne in great danger, lest that through weakenes of lymmes, & faynt­nesse of body, he shoulde destroy & cast away him selfe. this philosophicall trade of life being won­dred Origen had many followers. at of others, stirred vp a great many Disciples, to imitate the like trade and study. so that of the faythfull & vnfaithfull, of the learned and wise, & the same not of the meaner sort, a great num­ber became zelous and earnest followers after his doctrine. in so much that the heauenly worde of God taking deepe roote in their faythfull mindes, florished and continewed stedfastly during the persecution of that time, so that some of them were apprehended and suffered martyrdome.

CAP. III.

Of the martyrs that suffered out of the schoole of Origen. Cap. 4. after the Greeke. Plutarchus a Martyr.

THe first of them was Plutarchus remembred a litle before. whome Origen accompanied to the place of execution, not without great danger of his life, when as his owne citizens went about to practise violence towards him, as being author of Plutarchus death. yet the wise­dome of God deliuered him then. The next of the disciples of Origen after Plutarchus, was Sere­nus, who is sayd to be the seconde Martyr which gaue triall and proofe of the faith he receaued, & Serenus bur­ned. Heraclides beheaded. Heron beheaded. Serenus be­headed. Rhais a wo­man burned. Cap. 5. after the greeke. that by fire. The third Martyr out of the same schoole was Heraclides, the fourth after him Heron. of the which two latter, the first was a Catechumenist, the second lately baptized, but both behea­ded▪ as yet out of the same schoole came forth the fift champion, a seconde Serenus, who after paci­ence in great torments and greeuous payne, was beheaded. and of the women also, Rhais, as yet a Catechumenist, baptized (as Origen him selfe reporteth) in fire, departed this life.

CAP. IIII.

The martyrdome of Potamiaena a virgine, Marcella her mother, and Basilides a souldier.

BAsilides shalbe numbred the seuenth among the former Martyrs, which led forth the renow­med virgine Potamiaena to execution, of whome vnto this day a great fame is blased abroade among the inhabitants of that prouince, how that for the chastitie of her body and puritie of minde, she stroue very stoutly with her louers. she was endued with ripenes of mind, and goodly bewty of body. when she had suffered infinitely for the faythe of Christ, last of all after great and Potamiaena burned. Marcella burned. greeuous, and dreadfull, and terrible torments to be tould of, together with her mother Marcella, [Page 99] she is burned with fire and consumed to ashes▪ the report goeth that Aquila the iudge commaun­ded her whole body to be scurged ouer, and that very sore, and threatned her, he woulde deliuer her body shamefully to be abused of Fencers and ruffians: and after she had muzed a while with her selfe, and they demaunding an answere, to haue sayd such thinges as pleased not the Gentiles, and therefore immediatly after sentence pronounced, to haue bene taken and ledd of Basilides (a souldier of authority among the hoast) to execution. When the multitude molested her sore, spite­fully handling her with opprobrious termes: Basilides repressed and rebuked their rayling spea­ches, pytying her very much, and practising great curtesie towardes her. she of the other side ap­proued and acknowledged his curteous dealing towards her, and bad him be of good cheere, say­ing: that after her departure she woulde entreate her Lorde for him, and shortly requite the cur­tesie shewed vnto her. When she had ended this communication, pitche scalding hott was powred by a litle and a litle ouer all her body, from the crowne of her heade to the soule of her foote, the which she manfully endured in the Lorde, and such was the sore combatt which this worthy vir­gine sustayned. but not long after, Basilides being required of his fellowe souldiers to sweare for Basilides be­fore a Pagan now a Chri­stian, before a murtherer, now a martyr some occasion or other, affirmed plainely it was not lawfull for him to sweare, for he sayd he was a Christian, and that he woulde in very deede protest the same. at the first he was thought to daly, but when he constantly auoutched it, he is brought before the iudge, and there hauing confessed the same, is clapt in prison. but when the brethren had visited him, & demaunded of him the cause of his sodaine and maruelous alteration, the report goeth he declared them how that Potamiaena three daies after her martirdome, appeared vnto him by night, & couered his head with a crowne and sayd: she had entreated the Lorde for him, and obtayned her purpose, and that not long after Basilides ba­ptised in pri­son, after­wards beheaded. he shoulde ende this life. after these sayinges, and the seale of the Lorde receaued by the brethren he was beheaded, and so suffered martyrdome. they write that many others in Alexandria, embra­ced plentifully the doctrine of Christ, for that Potamiaena appeared vnto them in sleepe, & called them to the fayth. of these thinges thus much.

The translator vnto the reader, for the remouing of suspicion rising of two thinges which Eusebius layd downe in the chapiter going before.

THere are two things in this former chapiter of Eusebius with good aduisement to be considered. The first whether Potamiaena after her martyrdome prayed for Basilides. the second whether after her martirdome she appeared vnto him, & to others, as Eusebius (by heare say) laieth downe. Toutching the first if we may credit Augustine: The soules of the departed are in such a place vvhere they see not August. lib. de cur. pro mort. agend. cap. 13. Pet. Martyr. in 8. cap. ad Rom. those thinges vvhich are done, & vvhich happen vnto men in this life, he sayth further that they haue a care ouer vs, as we haue ouer them, although vve are altogether ignorant vvhat they doe. Peter Martyrs opinion, is this: although I could easily graunt, that the Sainctes in heauen do vvish vvith most feruent desires the saluation of the elect, yet for all that, I dare not affirme that they pray for vs, in so much that the Scripture hath no vvhere layde that dovvne. Potamiaena this holy virgine and martyr, seeing the kindnes this souldier shewed vnto her, was greatly pleased with him, and in the feruency of her christian loue towards him sayde: that she woulde entreate the Lorde for him af­ter her departure. In the like sorte also I reade that Cyprian Bishop of Carthage moued Cornelius Bi­shop Cyprian lib. 1. epist. 1. of Rome, that whether of them both shoulde first departe this life, the same without intermission shoulde pray vnto God for the other. suche was the feruencye of loue betwene them. In the like sense men commonly say: God haue mercy on his soule. which saying the learned and zelous doe not so well like of for though the good motion (as they say) & disposition of the minde be expressed therby yet doth it the dead no good at all: when as his soule being already in the hands of God, needeth not our prayer. God no doubt was as redy to graūt Basilides the light of his spirit, as Potamiaena was to pray for him. Toutch­ing the seconde, whether she appeared vnto him after her deathe the godly can iudge. Sainct Augustine sayth: If the soules of the deade departed, vvere present at the affayres of the liuinge, then August. li. decur. pro mor. agend. cap. 13 vvoulde they speake vnto vs, vvhen vve see them in our sleepe, and to omitte others, mine ovvne tender mother, vvoulde forsake me neuer a nighte, vvhich follovved by sea and by lande, to the ende she might liue together vvith me. God forbid that she shoulde become cruell in the happier lyfe, so that (if ought at any tyme greeue my harte) she comforte not her sorovvfull sonne, vvhome she loued entyrely, vvhome she vvoulde neuer see, sadd. but in [Page 100] good soothe that vvhich the sacred Psalme soundeth out, is true: my father and my mother haue Psal. 27. forsaken me, but the Lorde tooke me vp. If our fathers haue forsaken vs, hovve are they pre­sent at our cares and busines? If our parentes be not present, vvhat other of the departed be [...]say 63. 4. Reg. 22. there vvhiche knovve vvhat vve doe, or vvhat vve suffer? The Prophet Esay sayth: Abraham hath bene ignorant of vs, and Israell hath not knovvne vs. God of his greate goodnes promised King Iosias, that he shoulde dye, and be gathered vnto his people, leste that he shoulde see the pla­gues which he threatned shoulde happen to that place and people. Chrysostom sayth: the soule that Chrysost. in 8. cap. Matth. is seuered from the bodye, can not vvander in these regions: Agayne he sayth: It may not be that the soule departed from the bodye, can be conuersant here vvith vs: a litle after he sayth: It may be proued by many testimonies of holye Scripture, that the soules of iuste men, vvan­der not here after their deathe. and leste any thinke that the wicked doe wander, thus he writeth. that neyther the soules of the vvicked also can linger here, harken vvhat the ritche man sayth, vveye vvhat he requesteth, and obtayneth not. for in case that the soules of men coulde be Luke 16. conuersant here, then had he come according vnto his desire, and certified his friendes of the torments of hell. by vvhiche place of Scripture it playnely appeareth, that the soules after their departure out of the body are brought into some certayne place, from vvhence at their vvill they can not returne, but vvayte for that dreadefull day of iudgement. Theophilact also the Theophilact in 8. cap. Mat Origen lib 7 contra Celsū Chrysst in 8. cap. Matth. 1. Reg. 28. Augustinus Lib. 2. de mi­rab. sacrae Scrip. cap. 11 Cyprian de Idol. vanitate Summarist of Chrysostome, hath the same wordes. Origen writing agaynste Celsus, is of the same o­pinion: affirming that the soules wander not, but suche as wander to be deuills. Chrysostome wry­teth that the deuill vseth to saye vnto the liuing, anima talis ego sum. I am such a mans soule▪ to the ende he may deceaue him. Samuell whome the wytch raysed, was not Samuell, but the deuill in his forme, as Augustine writeth. Cyprian sayth: the vvicked spirites doe hide them selues in pictures and images consecrated: these inspyre the mindes of the Prophets: they bolden the harte stringes and entralls: they gouerne the flying of birdes: they sorte lotts: they fifte out oracles: they mingle alvvayes falsehoode and trueth together. for they deceaue and are decea­ued: they trouble the life: they disquiet the sleepe: and creeping into the bodyes, they fraye the secretes of the minde: they bring the lymmes out of fashion: they distemper the health: they vexe vvith diseases, that they may compell the poore seely vvretches to the vvorshipping of thē: that being filled vvith the sauore from the altars and burnt bovvels of beastes, loosing the thin­ges vvhich they bounde, they may seeme to cure. for this is their curing and healing, vvhen they cease to hurte: Nowe seeinge this harmony of learned fathers, affirming the soules not to wander, and that they which wander be playne deuills, let vs examine what credi [...]t can be giuen to Eusebi­us, and how it may be vnderstoode that Potamiaena appeared not onely to Basilides in sleepe, but al­so to many others for their conuersion. Pharaos cuppbearer dreamed he sawe a vine hauing three Pharaos cup bearer. branches, but it was not so (according vnto the letter) Ioseph telleth him that the three branches are three dayes. Pharao dreamed he sawe seuen leane kyne, it was not so: Ioseph telleth him they are 7. Pharao. yeares of famyne. Mardochaeus dreamed he sawe two dragons ready to wage battaile with the iuste, Mardochaeus it was no so: but Haman and the Kinge wholy bent to destroye the Iewes. Polycarpus dreamed he Polycarpus. sawe the pillowe set all on fire vnder his heade, it was not so: but a signe or token of his martyrdome. Sophocles hauing robbed the temple of Hercules, dreamed that Hercules accused him of theft, it Sophocles. was not so: but his conscience pricked him that he coulde finde no reste▪ euen so Basilides, with diuers Basilides. others, hauing freshe in memorye the martyrdome of Potamiaena, and the villanye they practised a­gaynst her, dreamed of her, their conscience pricked them, and bearing them wittnes of the facte, to their repentance and conuersion. so that she appeared not (after the letter) but her martyrdome was a corize vnto their conscience, crowning them with garlands of heauenly glory, if happely they woulde repente.

CAP. V. Cap. 6. after the greeke.

Of Clemens Alexandrinus Origens maister, and of his bookes stromatôn.

CLemens succeeded Pantaenus, and vnto that tyme he was a catechizer in the Churche of A­lexandria, Pantaenus, Clemens & Origen were catechizers in the schole of Alexādria so that Origen became one of his Disciples. This Clemens writing his bookes stromatôn, compriseth in the first volume a Cronicle, containing the times vnto y death of [Page 101] Comodus, so that it is euident, he finished his bookes vnder Seuerus, the history of whose time we doe presently prosecute:

CAP. VI. Cap. 7. after the greeke.

Of Iude an ecclesiasticall wryter and his bookes.

ABoute this time there florished one Iude, who published comentaries vpon the 70 weekes Iude. of Daniel, ending his Chronographie the tennth yeare of Seuerus raigne, he thought vere­ly that the coming of Antichrist was then at hande because the greate heate of persecu­tion raysed against vs at that time, vexed out of measure the mindes of many men, and turned vpside downe the quiete state of the Churche.

CAP. VII. Cap. 8. after the greeke.

Origen embracing chastitie, gelded him selfe. the censure of others toutching that facte of his.

AT that time Origen executing the office of a Catechizer at Alexandria practised a certaine Origen gel­deth himselfe. acte, which expressed the shewe of an vnperfecte sense, and youthly hardines, but a nota­ble example of faith and chastitie. he vnderstanding simply and childishly the sainge of the Lorde: There be some vvhich make themselues Eunuches for the Kindome of heauens sake: & Math, 19. with all purposing to fulfill the wordes of our Sauiour, for that he being yong in yeares prea­ched, and made manifest, not onely to men, but also to women the mysteries of God: sought mea­nes to cutt of, all occasion of wantonesse and the sclaunder of the infidels, practised vpō himselfe to performe the words of our Sauiour, carefully minding to conceale from his familiar frends this facte of his. but it was vnpossible to cloke and couer so great a matter, which thing when Deme­trius Demetrius byshop of Alexandria one while li­keth another while misli­keth through enuie with the gelding of Origen. The byshops of Caesarea and Ierusalē allowed of Origen and made him minister. byshop of that place had vnderstoode he wondred at his bolde enterprise, yet allowed of his purpose, and the sinceritie of his faithfull minde, he bidds him be of good cheere and continewe the office of a Catechizer. Though Demetrius was then of that minde, yet not long after, seeing Origen luckely to prosper, to be highely estemed, reuerenced, renowmed and famous amonge all men: he was pricked with some humane passion, so that he painted and published abroad, vnto all the byshops throughout the worlde the geldinge of Origen as a moste foule and absurde facte. yet the best accepted and worthiest byshops throughout Palaestina, to wete of Caesarea & Ierusalem, because they had found him worthie of dignitie and great honor, made him minister through the laying on of hands. then after that he came to great estimation, and was well accepted of all men, and gotten no small commendation for his vertue & wisedome: Demetrius hauing no other thinge to charge him withall, accused him of the olde facte done of a child, & for company wrapped with accusations such as aduaunced him vnto the order of the ministerie, which were putt in practise within a while after. from that time forth Origen without lett or hinderance fulfilled the worke he had in hand, preached at Alexandria day and night the word of God vnto such as frequented vnto him, appliyng his whole minde vnto holy Stripture and the profit of his disciples. when Seuerus had held the emperiall sceptre the space of eightene yeares, his sonne* Antoninus succeeded him. Antoninus was created Emperour anno Domi­ni. 213. And of them which manfully perseuered in the persecution of that time, and after confession and sundry torments & conflicts, by the prouidence of God were deliuered: on was Alexander whome a litle before we signified to haue bene byshop of Ierusalem. He because he perseuered constante in the confession of the name of Christ, was there chosen byshop, Narcissus his predecessor being yet a liue.

CAP. VIII.

Of Narcissus byshop of Ierusalem, his miracle and aproued Cap. 9. after the Greeke. innocencye.

THe Citizens of that seae remember many miracles wrought by Narcissus, which they re­ceaued If thou thin­kest (gentle Reader) this miracle to be a tale, take it, as cheape as thou findest [...] it be true maruell not at all thereat, for God bringeth straun­ger thinges then this to passe. ceaued by traditiō deliuered from one to an other, among which, such a miracle is reported to haue bene done. when on a certaine time the solempne vigills of Easter were celebra­ted, the ministers wanted oyle, the whole multitude being therewith much greued: Narcissus cō ­maunded [Page 102] such as had charge of the lightes speedely to bringe vnto him water drawen vp out of the next well, that being done, he prayed ouer it and bad them poure it into the lamps with feruēt faith towards God, which whē they had fulfilled, y nature of the water beyond all reason & expectation, by the wonderfull power of God was chaūged into the qualitie of oyle. & they report farther that a smale quantitie thereof for miracles sake was reserued of many of the brethrē a long while after, euen vnto this our time. many other notable things worthy of memory they reporte of this mans life, whereof this is one: certaine lewde varletts seeing the constancie & vprightnesse of his life, could not brook nether away with it, fearing that if through his meanes they were attainted there was no other way but execution: therefore they in conscience being priuey to infinite lewde practises, preuēt the same and charge him with a greuous accusation. afterwards to perswade the hearers y sooner, they confirme their accusatiōs with othes. y first swore: if I lye let me be burned to ashes. the seconde: if I reporte not the trueth let my whole body be tormented and wasted away with some cruell disease. The third: if I beare false wittnesse let me be s [...]itten with blindnesse. but for all their swering and staring, not one of the faithfull beleued them, the chastitie and vpright conuersation of Narcissus so preuailed among all men. He tooke greuously theyr despitefull dea­ling, and because that of olde he had bene of the Philosophicall secte, he fledd and forsooke his Churche, hidd himselfe priuely in the deserte and obscure places, for the space of many yeares. yet the great and watchfull eye that iustely auengeth, woulde not permitt such as had malicious­ly practised this lewdnes to haue perfect rest: but speedely and swiftely compassed them in theire owne crafte, and wrapped them in the same curses (if they lyed) they had craued vnto them­selues. The iustice of God a­gainst pe [...]iu­ted persons. The first therefore without any circumstance at all in plaine dealinge, had a smale spar­cle of fire fallen in the night time vpon the house where he dwelt, whereby he, his house, and his whole family by fire were consumed to ashes. The seconde was taken with the same disease from toppe to toe which he had wished vnto himselfe before. The thirde seeing the terrible ende of the two former, and fearinge the ineuitable vengeance of God that iustely plagueth periured persons, confesseth vnto all men theyre compacted deceate, and pretended mischiefe agaynst that holy man, and wasteth awaye with sorowefull mourninge, punisheth his body and pineth wyth teares so long, till bothe his eyes ranne out of his heade. and such were the punishmentes of false wittnesses and periured persons.

CAP. IX. Cap. 10. after the greeke.

Of the succession of byshops in the Church of Ierusalem

AFter the departure of Narcissus when it was not knowen where he remained, the bishops of the borderinge and adioyninge Churches ordayned there an other byshop whose name was Dios, whome (after he had continewed but a smale space) Germanion succeeded, and Dios. Germanion. Gordius. Narcissus & Alexāder his helper. after Germanion, Gordius. In whose time Narcissus shewed himselfe againe as if he had risen from death to life, and is entreated of the brethren to enioye his byshopricke againe, beinge much marueiled at, for his departure, for his philosophicall trade of life, and especially for the ven­geance and plagues God powred vpon his accusers. and because that for his olde yeares and he­uie age he was not able to supplie the rowne, the deuine prouidence of God through a vision by night reuealed vnto him prouided Alexander byshop of an other prouince to be Narcissus his felowe helper, in discharging the function due vnto the place.

CAP. X. Cap. 11. after the greeke.

Of Alexander byshop of Ierusalem and Asclepiades byshop of Antioche.

FOr this cause therefore (as warned by a vision from aboue) Alexander who afore was by­shop of Cappadocia tooke his iorney to Ierusalem for prayer sake, and visitinge of the pla­ces there: whome they of Ierusalem receaue bountifully, and suffer not to returne whome againe, and that did they accordinge vnto the vision which appeared vnto them in the night, and plainely pronounced vnto the chief of them: charging them to hasten out of the gates of their ci­ty and receaue the byshop ordained of God for them. this they did through thaduise of the borde­ring byshops, constraining him of necessitie to remayne among them. Alexander himselfe in his [Page 103] epistles (at this day extant) against the Antinoites, maketh mention of this byshopricke, in com­men betwene him and Narcissus, wryting thus about the later end of an epistle: Narcissus greeteth Alexander. b of Ierusalem Epist contra Atinoitas. Ascleprades. you, vvho gouerned this byshopricke before me, and novve being of the age of a hundreth and sixtene yeares prayeth vvith me and that very carefully for the state of the church, & beseacheth you to be of one mind vvith me. These thinges went then after this sorte. when Serapion had de­parted this life, Asclepiades was stalled bishop of Antioch and constantly endured the time of per­secution. Alexander remembreth his election writing to the church of Antioch after this maner: Alexander. b of Ierusalem vnto the church of Antioch. Alexander the seruant of the Lord, and the prisoner of Iesus Christ vnto the holy church of An­tioch sendeth greeting in the Lorde. The Lord eased & lightened my fetters and imprisonment vvhen that I hearde Asclepiades, a man vvell practised in holy Scripture, by the prouidence of God, for the vvorthines of his faith to haue bene placed bishop of your church. This epistle he signifieth in the end to haue bene sent by Clemens. This epistle I haue sent vnto you my Maysters and brethren by Clemens a godly minister, a man both vertuous & vvell knovven, vvhome you haue seene, and shall knovve, vvho also being here present vvith me by the prouidence of God hath confirmed & furthered the church of Christ.

CAP. XI. Cap. 12. after the greeke.

Of the workes of Serapion byshop of Antioch.

IT is very like that sundry epistles of Serapion are reserued amonge others, vnto our knowe­ledge onely such came as he wrote vnto one Domnus which renounced the fayth of Christ in Domnus. Pontius. Caricus. the time of persecution and fell to Iewish Apostasie: and vnto one Pontius and Caricus ecclesi­asticall persons. againe epistles vnto other men. and also a certaine booke of the Gospell which they call after Peter wrytten to this end that he might confute the falsehoode specified in the same for that diuerse of the churche of Rosse, went astray after false doctrine vnder coloure of the fore­sayd Scripture. it shall seeme very expedient if we alleage a fewe lines out of it, whereby his cē ­sure of that booke may appeare. thus he wryteth: VVe (my brethren) receaue Peter & the other Serapion bi­shop of An­tioch vnto the Churche of Rosse tout­ching the Gospell after Peter. Marcianus an hereticke. Apostles as messengers of Christ himselfe, but their names being falsely forged vve plainely do reiect, knovving vve receaued none such. I truely remaining amongest you supposed you vvere all sounde and firme in the right fayth, and vvhen I had not perused the booke published in Pe­ters name entitled his Gospell, I sayd: if this be onely the cause of your grudginge and discora­ging let it be redd: but novve in so much I perceaue a certaine hereticall opinion to be thereby cloked and coloured by occasion of my vvordes I vvill hasten to come vnto you. vvherefore my brethren expecte shortely my comming. For vve knovve vvell inough the heresie of Marcianus vvho vvas founde contrary to himselfe, he vnderstoode not that vvhich he spake as you may ga­ther by the things vvhich vve vvrote vnto you. vve might peraduenture our selues, laye dovvne more skilfully the grounde of this opinion vnto his successors, vvhome vve call coniecturers. for by perusing the expositiōs of their doctrine vve haue foūd many things sauoring of the true do­ctrine of our Sauiour, and certaine other things borovved and interlaced vvhich vve haue noted vnto you. Thus farre Serapion.

CAP. XII. Cap. 13. in the greeke

Of the workes of Clemens byshop of Alexandria.

THe bookes of Clemens entitled Stromatôn are in all eight, and extant at this daye, bea­ring [...] this inscription: The diuerous compacted bookes of Titus Flauius Clemens, of the science of true Philosophie. There are also of the same number bookes of his intitled: Dispositions or Informatiōs, where he namely remembreth his maister Pantaenus, expounding his [...] interpretations & traditions. there is extant an other booke of his for exhortatiō vnto the gentils, and three bookes intitled the schoolemaister, & other thus: vvhat ritch mā can be saued? againe a booke of Easter and disputations of fasting, and of sclaunder. an exhortation to nevvenes of life for the late conuerts. The canon of the church, or against the Ievves dedicated vnto Alexander the bishop aboue named. In the bookes Stromatôn he explicated not onely the deuine but also the heathenish doctrine, and he repeating their profitable sentences, maketh manifest the opi­nions both of Grecians and barbarians, the which diuerse men highely doe esteeme. and to be shorte he confuteth the false opinions of Graunde heretickes, dilatinge manye Historyes and [Page 104] ministringe vnto vs muche matter of sundry kindes of doctrine. With theese he mingleth the opinions of philosophers, fittlye entitling it for the matter therein contained a booke of di­uerous doctrine. He alleageth in the sayde booke testimonies out of wryters not allowed and out of the booke called the vvisedome of Solomon, Iesus Sirach, the Epistle to the Hebrvves, Barnabas, Clemens, Iude. He remembreth the booke of Tatianus against the Gentils, and of Cas­sianus as if he had wrytten a Chronographie. Moreouer he remembreth Philo, Aristobulus Iose­phus, Demetrius, Eupolemus Iewish wryters, and howe that all they pronounced in their writings that Moses and the nation of the Hebrevves and Ievves were farre more auncient then the Gen­tils. The bookes of the aforesayd Clemens containe many other necessary and profitable tractes. In the first of his bookes he declareth that he succeded the Apostles, and there he promiseth to publish comentaries vpon Genesis. In his booke of Easter he confesseth himself to haue bene ouer treated of his friendes that he shoulde deliuer vnto the posteritie in wryting those traditions which he hearde of the elders of olde. he maketh mention of Melito and Irenaus and of certain others whose interpretations he alleageth. To conclude, in his bookes of Dispositions or In­formations: He reciteth all the bookes of y Canonicall Scripture neyther omitted he y rehear­sall of such as were impugned. Cap. 14. in the greke. I speake of the Epistle of Iude, the Catholicke epistls, the epistle of Barnabas, the Reuelation vnder the name of Peter.

CAP. XIII.

Clemens byshop of Alexandria of the Canonicall Scripture. Alexander byshop of Ierusalem, of Clemens and Pantaenus. Origen cometh to Rome in the time of Zephyrinus.

THe Epistle vnto the Hebrevves he affirmeth to be Pauls for vndoubted, and therefore writ­ten in the Hebrewe tongue for the Hebrews sakes, but faithfully translated by Luke and preached vnto the Gentils, and therefore we finde there the like phrase and maner of speache vsed in the Actes of the Apostles, it is not to be misliked at all, that: Paul an Apostle is not prefixed to this Epistle. For (saith he) vvryting vnto the Hebrevves because of the ill opi­nion they conceaued of him very vvisely he concealed his name, lest that at the first he shoulde dismay them. Againe he sayth: For euen as Macarius the elder sayd: for so much as the Lorde Clemens al­leageth this out of Ma­carius. himself vvas the messenger of the almighty & sent vnto the Hebrevvs; Paul for modesty his sake being the Apostle of the Gentils, vvrote not himselfe the Apostle of the Hebrevves, partly for the honor due vnto Christ, and partly also for that he frely & boldly being the Apostle of the Gentils vvrote vnto the Ievves. Afterwardes of the order of the Euangelists according vnto the Clemens of the order of the Gospells. Matthewe. Luke. Marke. tradition of the elders he writeth thus: The gospels vvhich containe the genealogies are placed and counted the first. The Gospell after Marke, vvas vvritten vpon this occasion. VVhen Peter preached openly at Rome and published the Gospell by rote, many of the auditors intreated Marke being the hearer and follover of the Apostle a long vvhile, & one that vvell remembred his vvords: to deliuer them in vvryting such things as he had heard Peter preach before, vvhich thing vvhen he had signified to Peter he nether forbad him neither commaunded him to do it▪ Iohn last of all seing in the other Euangelists the humanitie of Christ set forth at large, being en­treated Iohn. of his friends and moued by the holy Ghost vvrote chiefly of his diuinitie. Thus farre Clemens byshop of Alexandria. Againe the aforesayd Alexander in a certaine epistle vnto Origen, Alexander byshop of Ierusalem vnto Origen. writeth howe that Clemens & Pantaenus were become familiar friends after this manner: This as you knovve very vvell vvas the vvill of God that our frendship should continevve and remaine immoueable, begonne euen from our progenitors & become yea more feruent & stedfast. vve tak [...] [...]em for our progenitors vvho going before, haue taught vs they vvaye to follovve after, vvith vvhome after a vvhile vve shalbe coopled, I meane blessed Pantaenus my Mayster, & holy Clemens my maister also, vvhich did me much good and if there be any other such, by vvhose meanes I haue knovven you throughly for my maister and brother. So farre Alexander. but A­damantius (so was Origen called) writeth in a certaine place that he was at Rome when Zephyri­nus Origen came to Rome about Ann. Domini. 210. was bishop there, for he was very destrous to see the most auncient churche of the Romains, where after he had continewed a litle while, he returned to Alexandria executing most diligētly y accustomed office of Catechizing, when as Demetrius also bishop of Alexandria vsed all meanes possible together with him to thende he might profitt and further the brethren.

CAP. XIIII. Cap. 15. after the Greeke.

Of Heraclas Origens campanion in catechizinge

WHen Origen sawe himselfe not sufficient neither able alone to searche out the profound mysteries of holie scripture neither the interpretation and right sense thereof, because that suche as frequented vnto his schoole graunted no leasure at all▪ for from morning Heraclas ca­techizer at Alexandria. to nyght in seuerall companies, one ouertakinge an other they flocked to his preachinge: he or­dained Heraclas of all the other his familiers, his fellowe helper, and Usher, a man experte in ho­ly scripture, discrete and wise, and a profounde philosopher, committing vnto him the instruction of the inferiour sort and lately come to the faith, reseruing vnto himselfe the hearinge of suche as were father and better entred.

CAP. XV.

Origen studyed the Hebrewe tongue, and conferred the translations Cap. 16. in the Greeke. of holie scripture.

ORigen had so greate a desire of searching out the deepe mysteries of holy scripture that he studied the Hebrevve tongue and bought the copies vsed among the Ievves, whiche were written in Hebrevve letters. he searched and conferred the septuagints translation of ho­ly scripture with others at that time extant.

CAP. XVI. Cap. 17. in the Greeke.

Origen compiled and sette forth the translations of holy scripture, terming the one edition Tetrapla, that is fourefolde the other Hexapla, that is sixfolde.

ORigen founde certeine other translations besides the common and vulgare, variyng among Many Greke translations of the olde testament. The septua­gints. Aquila. Symachus. Theodorion 5. 6. 7. Hexapla. Tetrapla. Symachus an Ebionite. The heresie of the Ebio­onites. them selues, to wete: the translation of Aquila, of Symachus, & of Theodotion▪ which I wote not where lying hidde of a long while he searched out and set forth vnto the worlde. of the which, by reason they were obscure, dusty & mothe eaten, he knewe not the authors, but this onely he signified that the one he founde at Nicopolis on the shore Acti [...]eke, the other in some other odd place. In the sixefolde edition of the psalmes after the foure famous translations he annexed not onely the fifte but the sixte and the seuenth, reportinge againe howe that he founde one of them at Hiericho in a tunne in the time of Antoninus the sonne of Seuerus. These being compacted toge­ther in one volume and the pages deuided into pillers or columnes, euery copie sette righte ouer against the other, together with the Hebrevve, he published the same and entituled it Hexapla: ioyning withall seuerally the translations of Aquila, of Symachus, of Theodotion, and of the Septu­agints entituling them Tetrapla. yet haue we to vnderstande that of these interpreters, Symachus was an Ebionite. The Ebionites opinion was recounted an heresie for that they taught Christ to be borne of Ioseph and Marie, and that Christ vvas but a bareman. They taught that the lavve vvas to be obserued after the Ievvishe manner, as we haue learned by histories heretofore. The commentaries of Symachus are at this daye extant, wherein he inueyeth against the Gospell after Mathewe, endeuoring to establishe & vphold the foresaide [...] opinion. These works of Sy­machus together with other trāslations of holy scripture, Origen t [...]porteth him selfe to haue found with a certaine woman called Iuliana, which sayde that Symachus deliuered hir them to keepe.

CAP. XVII.

Origen reuoketh Ambrose from the heresie of Valentinus, he professeth Cap. 18. in the Greeke. diuinitie and philosophie with greate admiration.

AT that tyme Ambrose addicted vnto the Valentinian heresie and [...] by Origen, was lyghtened with the trueth whiche shyned as the sonne beames, and embraced the sounde doctrine of the churche, together with manie other learned men, whiche resorted vnto him. When the rumor was nowe euerie where bruted abrode of the fame of Origen, they came to trye the trueth of his doctrine, and to haue experience of his vtteraunt [...] in prea­chinge. Heretickes also very many and philosophers specially of the moste famous▪ whereof not a fewe gaue diligent eare and attentiue heede, and were instructed of him, not onely in deuine but also in prophane literature. as many as he perceaued towardly and sharpe wi [...]e [...] [...] them [Page 106] vnto philosophicall discipline, expoundinge vnto them Geometrie and Arithmeticke, with the o­ther Origen rea­deth the liberall artes ex­horting both the subtle & simple to studie them. liberall artes. againste the absurde opinions of philosophers he alleaged philosophers au­torities, and expounded them, consideringe seuerally of them as by waye of commentarie, so that he was renowmed, famous and recounted amonge the Gentiles for a greate philosopher. he per­swaded also vnto the studie of the liberall artes, many of them which were dull witted, affirminge they shoulde thence procure vnto them selues great commoditie, and helpe to the contemplation and increase of knowledge in holye scripture, for he was of this opinion that the exercise of pro­phane and philosophicall discipline was very necessary and profitable for him selfe.

CAP. XVIII.

VVhat diuers men thought of Origen. Cap. 19. after the Greeke.

THe heathenishe philosophers who then florished are witnesses approued of his good pur­pose and industrie in this behalfe, in whose commentaries we finde often mention made of this man, wherof some haue dedicated their bookes vnto him, other some haue deliuered vp their works vnto him as vnto the censure of their maister. But what shall I speake of them, when as Porphyrius himselfe, then in Sicilia, striuinge and strugglinge against vs with his bookes en­deuouring to confute holy scripture remembred the interpreters thereof? And beynge not able to charge, neither to impugne to any purpose our doctrine, any kinde of waye, now voyde of reason he fell to rayling speaches and sclaundering of the expositors. of which number namely he goeth about to accuse Origen, whome he reporteth to haue knowen of a child, yet through his vnaduised forgetfulnesse he commendeth the man, sometyme reporting truely when as he coulde not other­wise chuse: sometime vntruely thinking thereby to delude others, and whilest that nowe he accu­seth him for being a Christian, anone he paynteth forth, and wondereth at his singular gyfte and Porphyrius an Atheist (whose wor­des these are lib. 3. contra Christianos) wrote fiftene bookes a­gainste the Christians, whome Euse bius cōfuted in 30. bookes of the which 20. were extāt in the tyme of Ierom but at this daye not one. excellencie in philosophicall discipline. heare him therefore, for thus he writeth: Many beyng de­sirous to finde out, not the imperfection and impietie of Ievvishe scriptures but the resolu­tion, haue turned them selues vnto expositions not cohaerent, & interpretations of the scriptures inconuenient, and not onely allovvinge of forged scriptures, but also approuing and extollinge the commentators. for they alleaging the darke speaches vvhich are sayd to be manifest in Mo­ses, and publishing them as Oracles replenished vvith hydd & concealed mysteries: they frame a charmed iudgement through the arrogancie of their minde and shevv forth their expositions. Agayne after a fewe lynes he sayeth: This is the absurde manner and guyse of that man, vvith vvhome I beyng very yonge haue had conference, vvho then vvas very famous, and at this daye also by reason of the commentaries he lefte behinde him (I meane Origen) is muche spoken of, vvhose greate prayse is blased farre and nyghe among the maisters and fauourers of that do­ctrine. For vvhen he vvas the disciple of Ammonius, vvho in our tyme excelled for his fame in philosophie, he profited very muche vnder him beyng his maister, and obtayned greate knovv­ledge in the sciences: but as toutchinge the right institution of lyfe, he tooke in hande an other trade quite kame from his. for Ammonius beyng a Christian and brought vp of christian parents vvhen he had grovven into rypenesse of iudgement and the knovvledge of philosophie, forth­vvith he framed his trade of lyfe conformable vnto the lavves: but Origen beynge a Gentile and brought vp in the sciences of the Gentiles, degenerated and fell into that The blas­phemie of Porphyrius against Christianitie. barbarous temeritie, vvherevvith beynge taken he corrupted both him selfe and the perfection of those sciences, lea­ding a lyfe after the maner of the Christians, contrary vnto the lavves, according vnto their opi­nions of celestiall matters and of God, preferring straunge fables before the science of the gen­tiles. He continevvally perused Plato, he readde ouer the vvorkes of Numenius, Cronius, Apollo­phanes, Longinus, Moderatus, Nicomachus, and the reste of the Pythagoreans, counted vvise and Origen lear­ned of the Grecians to write allego­rically. profounde men. he vvas vvel seene in Chaeremon the Stoicke, and in the vvorkes of Cornutus, vvhence he borovvinge of the Grecians maner, the allegoricall interpretation of mysteries, ap­plyed it vnto the Ievvishe scriptures. These thinges hath Porphyrius written in his third-booke agaynst the Christians, truely reporting of this mans exercises, and sundry kindes of knowledge but vntruely in that he sayde, he should degenerate from the Gentiles. For how can he pronounce the trueth when as he practiseth to write againste the Christians? he sayeth that Ammonius from leading a good and a godly lyfe fell into heathenish idolatrie. for the doctrine of Christ the which Origen receaued of his forefathers the same he retayned as we haue largely declared before. And [Page 107] Ammonius also (contrary to his reporte) kept styll and retayned the sounde and vncorrup­ted Porphyrius sclaundered Origen and Ammonius. philosophie of God euen vnto his laste ende, as his commentaryes at this daye beare recorde whiche he lefte behinde him. namely that famous worke entituled: The agreement of Moses and Iesu, and other tractes whatsoeuer other men haue founde written. These thyngs are layde downe to the cōmendation of Origen, agaynst the sclaunderous mouthe of that despite­full man, and of the greate skyll of Origen in the Grecians discipline and doctrine. Toutchinge the whiche when he was reprehended of so [...]e for his studye therein, he defended him selfe in a certaine epistle writinge after this manner.

CAP. XIX. Cap. 20. in the Greeke.

Howe Origen defended him selfe againste such as reprehended him for studying Philosophie. Of his voyage into Arabia and Palaestina.

WHen that I studyed for the increase of knovvledge, and that a rumor or fame vvas Origen in a certaine epi­stle writeth thus of him selfe for his study in phi­losophie. spredde abrode of the perfection of my learninge and doctrine, heretickes, and speciallie such as vvere profounde in philosophie and in the doctrine of the Gen­tils, resorted vnto me: vvherefore I thought good to searche out the selfe opinions of here­tickes and vvhat soeuer myght be sayde out of philosophie for the confirmation of the trueth. This haue I done firste of all after the example of Pantaenus vvho profited a greate manye before my tyme, and had singular skyll and knovvledge therein. secondly after the exam­ple of Heraclas, novve a minister of the churche of Alexandria, vvhome I founde vvith a pro­fessor of philosophie vvhiche vvas his mayster, fyue yeares before I applyed my minde to the studie of theyr sciences. VVho also in tymes paste vsed the common and vsuall attyre, novve layinge that asyde he tooke the philosophers habite the vvhiche he retayneth as yet, and cea­seth not vnto this daye vvith earnest labour & industrie to reade ouer the philosophers bookes. These thinges hath he written to the clearinge of him selfe for his studie in prophane writers. When as at that tyme he continewed at Alexandria, there came a certayne souldier from the gouernour of Arabia, with letters vnto Demetrius Byshope of that seae, and vnto him who then was Liuetenante of Aegypte, requestinge them with all speede to sende Origen vnto him whiche myght communicate vnto him some parte of his doctrine. Origen then beynge sente of them taketh his voyage into Arabia. Not longe after when he had accomplished the cause of his iourney he returned into Alexandria. In the meane whyle there was raysed such a sedition in the cytie and the warres were so hotte that there was no beynge for him there, he lefte Alexan­dria, and foreseeynge that he coulde be safe no where in all Aegypt, he went into Palaestina and remayned at Caesarea, where he was intreated by the byshopes of that prouince, to dispute in the open churche and to expounde holie scripture, beynge as yet not called to the ministerie. Whiche thinge may euidently appeare by that whiche Alexander bishope of Ierusalem, and Theoctistus bishope of Caesarea wrote in defence of the facte vnto Demetrius concerninge him after this manner: (he layde this downe in his letters that there was neuer suche practise hearde Alexander. b. of Ierusalem & Theoctistꝰ b. of Caesarea write thus vnto Deme­trius b. of A­lexandria which found faulte that a laye man in presence of Bishops shoulde di­spute or in­terprete. of, that there coulde no where the like president be founde; that laye men in presence of bishops haue taught in the churche) VVe knovve not for vvhat cause he reporteth a manifest vntrueth, vvhē as there may be found such as in opē assemblies haue taught the people. yea vvhen as there vvere present learned men that coulde profite the people, and moreouer holie byshops at that tyme also exhortinge them to preache. For example sake: at Laranda Euelpis vvas requested of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus vvas requested by Cellus, at Synada Theodorus vvas requested by Atticus, vvho vvere godly brethren. It is like also that this vvas practised in other places though vnknovven to vs. Thus was Origen honored beynge a yonge man, not onely of his ac­quaintance, but of byshops that were straungers vnto him. Afterwardes when Demetrius had called him whome by his letters and diuers Deacons of the churche had earnestly solicited his returne, he taketh his voyage agayne into Alexandria, and there diligently applyeth his ac­customed maner of teachinge.

CAP. XX. Cap. 21. in the greeke

Of the famous writers in Origens tyme and how the Emperours mother sent for him.

THere florished at that tyme many other learned and profounde ecclesiasticall persons, whose epistles writing from one to an other are at this daye to be seene and found reserued in the librarie buylded at Jerusalem by Alexander, who was bishope there at that tyme. from whence we haue compiled together the substance of this our present historie. of this number Beryllus. Hippolytus. Beryllus (besides his epistles and commentaries [...]) hath lefte vnto the posteritie sundrye monu­mentes of his sounde fayth, for he was bishope of Bostra in Arabia. Likewise Hippolytus bishope of an other place. There came also into our handes the disputation of Gaius a notable learned Gaiꝰ agaynst Proclus. man had at Rome in the tyme of Zephyrinus agaynste Proclus a patrone of the Phrygian heres [...]e▪ in the which (to the confutation of the temeritie and bolde enterprise of the contrarye parte in al­leaginge of newe founde scriptures) he maketh mention of therteene epistles of Sainct Paul, not 14. epistles of Paul. naming the epistle vnto the Hebrevves in the number. For neither as yet of diuerse Romaines is that epistle thoughte to be Pauls. an. do. 220: Macrinꝰ suc­ceedeth An­toninus in the empire. Antoninus. 2 emperour: an. dom. 221. Calistu [...]. B. of Rome. Vrbanus. B. of Rome. Alexander Emperour an. dom. 224. Philetus. b. of Antioche. When Antoninus had bene Emperour seuen yeares and sixe moneths Macrinus succeeded him in the empire. And after that this Macrinus had departed this lyfe, in the firste yeare of his raygne, an other Antoninus tooke the imperiall scepter to rule ouer the Romaines, in the first yeare of whose coronation Zephyrinus bishop of Rome dyed: whē he had gouerned the ecclesiasticall seae the space of eyghteene yeares, whome Cal [...]stus succeeded. who continewing the space of fyue yeares lefte the churche to Vrbanus. Agayne after that Antoninus had bene Emperour foure yeares full, he dyed, in whose rowme Alexander immediately folow­ed: at what tyme Philetus succeeded Asclepiades in the churche of Antioche. Then Mam [...] the Emperours mother, a woman (if there was then any suche in the worlde) very godly and religi­ous (when the fame of Origen was spredde farre and nyghe enen vnto hir eares) thought hir selfe a happie woman if she myght see him, and [...]eare his wisedome in holye scripture whiche all men wondered at, Wherefore remayning at Antioche she sent of hir garde for him, who also came, and after that he had continewed there a while and published many thinges to the glorie of God and of the power of his doctrine he returned againe vnto his accustomed schoole.

CAP. XXI. Cap. 22. in the Greeke.

The catalogue of Hippolytus workes. Origen beginneth to comment.

AT that tyme Hippolytus amongest many other of his monumentes wrote a booke of Ea­ster, The workes of Hippolytꝰ where after supputation of tymes layde downe, he sette forth a certayne canon of Easter comprisinge the compasse of sixteene yeares, endinge the raygne of the Empe­rour Alexander in the firste yeare. Of his other workes these came to our knowledge▪ of the sixe dayes creation: of the thinges vvhiche folovve the sixe dayes vvorkes. Agaynste Marcion. vpon the Canticles of Solomon. vpon certeyne peeces of Ezechiell. of Easter. agaynste all here­sies, with manye others the whiche thou shalte finde extant amonge other men. About that time, Origen beganne to commente vpon holye scriptures, Ambrose diuerslye prouokinge him not onely with wordes and fayre speaches, but also [...]rginge him with large offers of necessarye ex­pences. Origens no­taries and scriueners. For Origen had at certayne tymes appoynted for him, mo in number then seuen swyf [...]e notaryes, euery one supplyinge the rowme by turne, and writinge that whiche he vttered vnto them: and as many more scriueners together with maydens well exercised and practised in pen­ninge. whose necessary expences and charges Ambrose exhibited yea and that abundantly. who Pontianus. b. of Rome. Zebinus. b. of Antioch. also together with him bestowed greate diligence in the exercise and studye of the sacred scrip­tures, whereby chiefely he prouoked him to write commentaries vpon holye scripture. When these thinges were thus adoynge, after Vrbanus had gouerned the churche eyghte yeares Pon­tianus succeeded him in the seae of Rome, and in the churche of Antioche Zebinus succeeded Phi­letus.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 23. in the Greeke.

Origen is made minister at Casarea.

AT that tyme when the necessitie of the ecclesiasticall affayres so constrayned, Origen beynge sent into Greece was made minister at Caesarea in Palaestina of the bishops there abidinge. But what sturre fell out toutchinge that matter in his behalfe, and what was decreed by byshops concerninge the controuersies about him, and what other thinges he suffred preachinge the worde of God: in so much they require a seuerall volume we wyll passe them o­uer, referringe the reader vnto the seconde Apollogie whiche we published in the defence of him, where we haue lyghtly runne them ouer.

CAP. XXIII. Cap. 24. in the Greeke.

Of certaine commentaries of Origen.

THese thinges are also to be annexed vnto the reste, howe that in the sixte booke of his anno­tations vpon Iohn, he declareth the fyue firste to haue bene written by him at Alexandria. But all the tracts that came to our knowledge vpon this Euangelist, mounted to the num­ber of tvventie and tvvo tomes. In his nynth tome vpon Genesis (whereof all are tvvelue) he si­gnifieth not onely the former eyght to haue bene written at Alexandria, but also his annotations vpon the firste fiue and tvventie psalmes. Againe he wrote vpon the lamentations, (of the which we haue seene fiue tomes) where he made mention of his bookes of the resurrection, in number tvvo. He wrote also of principall beginninges, afore his departure out of Alexandria. and the [...] bookes intituled Stromateis in number tenne: he wrote in the same citie in the tyme of the Em­perour Alexander, euen as all the titles prefixed to the tomes declare the same.

CAP. XXIIII. Cap. 25. in the Greeke.

The catalogue of the bookes of the olde and n [...]we Testament alleaged out of Origens workes.

IN his exposition vpon the firste psalme he reciteth the bookes of the olde testament writinge Origen in Psal. 1. Genesis. Exodus. Leuiticus. Numeri. Deuterono­mium. [...]osue. Iudges and Ruth. 1. & 2. of Sa­muel. 3. and 4. of Kinges. 1. & 2. of. Pa­ralip. 1. & 2. of Es­dr [...]. Psalmes. Prouerbe. Ecclesiast [...]s. Canticū Cā ­ [...]orum. Iere. la. epist. Daniel. Ezechiel. Iob Hister. Machabees. Origen hom. 1. in Math. Matthewe. thus: VVe may not be ignorant that there are tvvo and tvventie bookes of the olde testa­ment after the Hebrevves vvhich is the number of the letters amonge them. Agayne a little after he sayeth: The tvvo and tvventie bookes after the Hebrevves are these: The firste Ge­nesis, of vs so called, but of the Hebrevves Beresith, the title beynge taken of the beginninge of the booke, vvhiche is as muche to saye as: In the beginninge. Exodus in Hebrevve, Veellese­moth, that is: these are the names. Leuiticus in Hebrevve V [...]ikra, that is: and he called Numeri in Hebrevve Hamisparim or Pecudim. Deuteronomium, Elle haddebarim, that is: these are the vvor­des. Iesus the sonne of Nave, Iosue ben Nun, that is: Iosue the sonne of Nun. Iudges and Ruth vvith them one booke, in Hebrevve Sophetim, that is: Iudges. The firste and seconde of Kinges vvith them one booke, in Hebrevve Samuel that is: called of God. The thirde and fourthe of Kinges vvith them one booke, in Hebrevve Ʋ [...]hamelech Dauid, that is: and the raygne of Da­uid. The firste and seconde of Paralipomenon vvith them one booke in Hebrevve Dibre [...]a [...] ­mim, that is: the vvordes of dayes. The firste and seconde of Esdras vvith them one booke, in Hebrevve Ezra that is: a helper. The booke of Psalmes in Hebrevve Sepher tehillim▪ The Pro­uerbes of Solomon in Hebrevve Misloth. Ecclesiastes in Hebrevve Coheleth. The Canticle of Can ticles vve may not reade as some thinke the Canticles of Canticles, in Hebrevv Sir hasirim. Esai­as in Hebrevve Iesaia. Ieremias vvith the lamentations and the epistle, in one booke▪ in Hebrevv Ieremia. Daniel in Hebrevve Daniel. Iez [...]chiel in Hebrevve Ie [...]chiel. Iob in Hebrevve [...]o [...]. Hester in Hebrevv Hester. besides these there are bookes of the Machabees intituled in Hebrevv Sarbet Sarbaneel. These thinges hath Origen layde downe in the foresayde commentari [...] ▪ And in the firste tome vpon the Gospell after Mathewe, obser [...]ing the ecclesiasticall canon he testifyeth there be foure onely gospels writinge thus: As I haue learned by tradition of the foure Gospels (vvhich alone vvithout contradiction are receaued of all the churches vnder heauen) the firste is vvritten by Mathewe vvho vvas firste a publicane, then an Apostle of Iesus Christ. he pu­blished the same in vvritinge vnto the faithfull Ievves in Hebrevve letters. The seconde is after [Page 110] Marke vvho vvrot the same according vnto the preaching of Peter, vvho in his catholick epistle Marke. calleth him his sonne, saying: The church vvhich is in Babylōelected together vvith you saluteth you, & my vvelbeloued sonne Marke. The thirde is after Luke vvritten for their saks vvho of the Luke. Gentils turned to the sayth vvhich also vvas allovved of Paul. The fourth is after Iohn. Agayn in his fyfte come of annotations vpon Iohn, the same Origen toutchinge the epistles of the Apostles Iohn. sayeth thus: Paul habled a minister of the nevve Testament, not accordinge vnto the letter Origen hom. 5. in Iohan. Pauls epistles Peters. 2. epi­stles. but after the spirite, preached the Gospell abundantly euery vvhere from Ierusalem vnto Illy­ricum, vvrote not vnto all the churches vvhiche he instructed, but vnto vvhome he vvrote, he vvrote in fevve lynes: but Peter vpon vvhome the churche of Christ vvas buylded agaynste the vvhich the gates of hell shall not preuayle, lefte behinde him one epistle, vvhereof vve are cer­tayne. Be it that he lefte an other: but this is in controuersie. VVhat shall I saye of Iohn, vvho leaned on the breaste of our Lorde Iesu, vvho vvrote one Gospell and confessed vvithall, so many Gospells myght haue bene vvritten, that if they had bene vvritten the vvorlde coulde The Apoca­calyps. not haue contayned them. He vvrote also the reuelation beyng commaunded to conceale and not to vvrite the vvordes of the seuen thunders. He left behinde him an epistle comprising ve­ry fev ve verses. be it that the seconde and the thirde be annexed, though some take them not Ioh. 3. epi­stles. for his. In bothe vvhiche there are not an hundreth verses. Moreouer of the epistle vnto the He­brevves in his homelyes expoundinge the same he writeth thus: The character of the epistle vnto the Hebrevves setteth not forth the style of Paul, vvho confessed him selfe to be rude in Origen in e­pist. ad Rom. speache, for the phrase of that epistle sauoreth very muche of the Greeke tongue. VVhosoe­uer he be that hath any iudgement in discerninge of phrases vvyll confesse the same. Agayne that the doctrine of this epistle is sounde & not inferior to those epistles vvhiche vvithout con­tradiction are knovven to be the Apostles, vvho so euer vvyll vvith iudgement reade the Apo­stle, he vvyll also confesse the same to be most true. A little after he sayeth thus: I truely of myne ovvne parte, if I maye speake vvhat I thinke, do saye: that the doctrine of this epistle is the Apostles for vndoubted, but the phrase and style an other mans, vvhich noted the sayinges of the Apostle, and contriued such thinges as he had hearde of his maister, into certayne scholyes. VVherefore if any churche heretofore hath receaued the same as the epistle of Paul, [...]et her still embrace and receaue the same vnder this name. For the learned men of olde haue not vvithout greate consideration deliuered the same vnto vs for the epistle of Paul. But who wrote it God the onely trueth knoweth. yet histories haue declared vnto vs that some thought it to haue bene written by Clemens bishop of Rome, some by Luke who wrote both the Gospel and the Actes of the Apostles. but of these thinges thus muche in this sorte.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 26. in the Greeke.

Origen professeth diuinitie at Caesarea. Heraclas is chosen byshop of Alexandria.

IT was in the tenth yeare of the raygne of the aforesayde Emperour when Origen left Alexan­dria, an. Dom. 234 and gotte him to Caesarea, when also he committed the office of catechizinge there, vnto Heraclas. In a while after Demetrius the bishop of Alexandria dyeth when he had continewed in the same rowme the space of three and fortie yeares: him succeeded Heraclas. There florished also at that same tyme Firmilianus byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.

CAP. XXVI. Cap. 27. in the Greeke.

Of the byshops that were Origens familier friendes.

THis Firmilianus so highly esteemed of Origen that one whyle he sent for him vnto his owne Firmilianus. prouince to edifie his churches. an other while he tooke his voyage vnto Iudaea vnto him, where for a certayne space, he continewed with him for farther vnderstandinge of the holy Alexander. scriptures. Besides him Alexander byshop of Ierusalem, and Th [...]ctistus byshop of Caesarea, continewally were of his side and embraced him, permittinge vnto him alone, as maister, the in­terpretation Theoctistus. of holy scripture with the rest of the ecclesiasticall function.

CAP. XXVII. Cap. 28. in the Greeke.

Of the persecution which Maximinus the Emperour rays [...].

AFter that the Emperour Alexander had ended the raigne of therteene yeares, Maximinus Maximinus was created Emperour an. Dom. 237 vnder whom the sixte per­secution was raysed. Gordianus created Em­perour anno Dom. 240. Anterus. b. of Rome. [...]sar succeeded him. who beyng i [...]censed with the anger, spite▪ and grudge he, [...]are vnto the house of Alexander, whiche [...]arhored many of the faythfull▪ sty [...]red [...] the fyrye flame of p [...]rsecution, and gaue commaundement that [...]he gouernou [...]s [...]nely of the churches, as principal authors of the doctrine of our sauiour should be put to death▪ [...]t that [...]m [...] Origen wrote a booke of Martyrs the which he dedicated vnto Ambrose and Protoctaetus minister of Caesarea, for that both they suffered no small affliction in that troublesome tyme. When as also they had endured moste constantly examination and confession, Maximinus him selfe continewinge Em­perour no longer then three yeares. Origen noted the tyme of this persecution both in the two and twentieth tract of his commentaries vpon Iohn and in sundry of his epistles: When Gordia­nus had succeeded Maximinus in the empire of Rome: Anterus also folowed Pontianus after he had gouerned sixe yeares in the bishops seae of Rome.

CAP. XXVIII. Cap 29. in the Greeke.

Of the straunge election of Fabianus bishop of Rome. of the succession of byshops at Antioche and Alexandria▪

AFter that Anterus had enioyed the ecclesiasticall function the space of one moneth, Fa­bianus Fabianus. b. of Rome. succeeded him. who as reporte goeth came from the contrey after the death of An­terus, together with certaine others for to dwell at Rome: When such a thinge as neuer was seene before at the election of a bishop, happened then by the deuine and celestiall grace of God. For when all the brethren had gathered them selues together, for the election of a bishop▪ & many thought vpon diuers notable and famous men, Fabianus him selfe there present together with others, when as euery one thought least, nay nothinge at all of him, sodaynly from aboue there fell a Do [...]e and rested vpon his head, after the example of the holy ghost which in likenesse of a Doue descended vpon our sauiour [...] the whole multitude beynge moued thereat, with one and the same spirite of God cryed out cheerefully with one accorde that he was worthy of the bishop­ricke, Babylas. b. of Antioche. Dionysius. b. of Alexādria. and immediately (as they reporte) he was taken and stalled bishop. At that tyme when Zebinus bishop of Antioche had departed this lyfe, Babylas came in place. and at Alexandria, when Heraclas the successor of Demetrius had finished his mortall race: Dionysius (one of Origens disciples) supplyed the rowme.

CAP. XXIX. Cap. 30. in the Greeke.

Of Gregorius and Athynodorus disciples of Origen.

WHen Origen executed his accustomed maner of teachinge at Caesarea, many flocked Theodorus. Gregorius Na [...]anzenꝰ. Athynodorꝰ. vnto his lessons, not onely that contrey men but also infinite forayner [...], who forsaking their natiue foyle became his disciples. of whiche number as chiefe we haue knowen Theodorus, he was the same Gregorius the moste renowmed byshop amonge vs, and his brother Athynodorus. he beynge moste studious in the Greeke and Romaine discipline so perswaded them, that they embracinge the syncere loue of philosophie, altered their former studies vnto the exercise and study of holy scripture. And after that they had continewed with him the space of fiue yeares, they profited so much in holy scripture that both beinge as yet yonge men they were or­dayned byshops of certayne churches in Pontus.

CAP. XXX. Cap. 31. in the Greeke.

Of Aphricanus an ecclesiasticall writer and his bookes.

ABout that tyme also was Aphricanus renowmed and muche spoken of, the author of th [...]se The historie of Susanna doubted of. commentaries intituled of Cestes or vvedding g [...]rdels. there is extant also an epistle of his vnto Origen to this effect that he doubted whether the historie of Susanna commonly redde in Daniel was true or fayned: Whome Origen fully satisf [...]ed. There came also to our handes of the [Page 112] same Aphricanus doynge, fiue volumes of Cronicles curiously penned, where he reporteth himselfe to haue trauailed vnto Alexandria because of the greate fame of Heraclas, whome, ex­cellinge in philosophicall sciences and discipline of the Gentils, we haue shewed before to haue bene chosen byshop of Alexandria. There is also of the same author, an epistle vnto Aristides of the difference or disagreeinge in the Genealogie of Christ, written by Mathewe and Luke, where manifestly he proueth the consent and agreement of the Euangelistes, out of a certaine hi­storie which came to his handes. whereof in his proper place that is in the firste booke of this present historie we haue made mention before.

CAP. XXXI. Cap. 32. in the Greeke.

VVhen, and where Origen wrote vpon the Prophets.

ABout this tyme Origen published commentaries vpon Esaye, afterwardes vpon Ezechiel. of the whiche vpon the thirde parte of the Prophete Esaye vnto the vision of the fourefoo­ted beastes in the wyldernesse there came vnto our handes thirtye tomes. and vpon the Prophet Ezechiel in the whole fiue and tvventie, the whiche he wrote beyng at Athens. He be­ganne to comment vpon the Canticles, so that therevpon he finished fiue bookes, and afterwards returninge from Caesarea he made them out tenne bookes. What neede we presently to recite an exacte catalogue of his workes, for it requireth a seuerall volume? when as we haue runne them ouer in the lyfe of Pamphilus who suffered martyrdome in our tyme. where we (commen­dinge the lyfe of Pamphilus, his earnest and greate studie) haue made catalogues and indexes for the librarie whiche he buylded, gatheringe together both the workes of Origen and also of other ecclesiasticall writers. [...]here, if any man be so disposed, he shall readily finde all the perfect vo­lumes of Origen, as many as came to our knowledge. Nowe let vs proceede on further, to the dis­course of that whiche followeth in this present historie.

CAP. XXXII. Cap. 33. in the Greeke.

Origen reduceth Beryllus into the ryght waye, who aforetyme sauored not a ryght of the deuine nature in Christ.

BEryllus byshop of Bostra in Arabia, of whome we haue spoken a little before, went a­bout Beryllus de­nyed Christ to be the se­cond person in Trinitie before he was made man. to establyshe forrayne and straunge doctrine from the fayth, to the ouerthrowe of the ecclesiasticall canon. he was not afrayde to saye that our Lorde and sauiour, before his in­carnation, had no beynge accordinge vnto the circumscription of a proper and seuered substance, neither had a proper, but onely his fathers diuinitie, dwellinge in himselfe. When as by rea­son of this matter many byshops had dealt with him by conference and disputation, Origen also amongest others was sent for, who conferred with him at the fyrste to vnderstande the grounde of his opinion, whiche beynge vnderstoode and perceauinge him not to beleeue aryght, rebu­ked him, perswaded him with reasons, conuinced him with manifest proofe, restrayned him with true doctrine, and restored him agayne to his former sounde opinion. The actes of Beryllus, the synodes summoned for his sake, the questions moued by Origen vnto him, the disputations helde in his owne congregation, with all the other circumstances thereunto appertayninge, are at this daye extant, and many mo infinite things haue our elders remembred of Origen, all which I passe ouer as impertinent to this present purpose. Such thinges as concerne him and are necessarie to be knowē may be gathered out of the Apollogy the which we wrote in his behalfe together with Pamphilus Martyr (a man that florished in our tyme) against contentious quarellers.

CAP. XXXIII. Cap. 34. in the Greeke.

Of Philip a Christian Emperour and his humilitie.

WHen Gordianus had bene Emperour of Rome sixe yeares, Philip together with his Philip crow­ned Empe­rour Anno Dom. 246. sonne Philip, succeeded him. of this man it is reported that he beinge a Christian, and desirous, vpon the last day of the Easter vigils to be partaker and ioyned with the mul­titude in their ecclesiasticall prayers: coulde not be admitted before he had firste rendred an ac­compt of his faith & coupled him selfe with them which for their sinnes were examined and placed [Page 113] in the rowme of penitents, otherwise he shoulde not be addmitted, because that in many thinges he was fautye: which Emperour willingly obeyed and declared by his workes his syncere and religious minde towards God.

CAP. XXXIIII. Cap. 35. after the greeke.

Dionysius succeeded Heraclas at Alexandria.

IT was the thirde yeare of the raygne of Philip, and the sixteenth year [...] of Heraclas Bishop of Anno Domi 249. Alexandria, when Dionysius succeeded him in the Bishops seae.

CAP. XXXV. Cap. 36. after the Greeke.

VVhat time Origen sett his scriueners [...]m [...]rke, and when his other workes were written.

ABout that tyme, fayth (as it was very requisite) taking roote, and the Gospell freely prea­ched throughout the world: Origen as they reporte aboue threescore yeare old, being much worne and wasted by reason of his longe studie and painfull exercise: now at length firste permitted and not before, that those things which he had publiquely preached and disputed should by notaries be coppied out. Then wrote he agaynst the booke of Cellus the Epicure, intitled the vvorde of trueth, eyght bookes. after them, fiue and tvventy tracts vpon the Gospel after Mat­thewe. and others vppon the tvvelue Prophets, whereof we haue founde fiue and tvventy in the whole. there is extant an epistle of his vnto the Emperour Philip, and an other vnto his vvife, the Empresse Seuera, with sundry others vnto other men, of the which as many as we coulde finde being scattered here and there (which exceeded the number of a hundred) we haue collected and comprised in seuerall volumes, to the ende they should no more be dispersed. He wrote also to Fa­bianus Bishop of Rome, and to sundry other Bishops and gouernours of Churches of his sounde opinions and doctrine. the specialities thereof thou maist see in the sixt booke of our Apollogie written in his behalfe.

CAP. XXXVI. Cap. 37. after the Greeke.

Origen confuted the Arabians which taught that the soules were mortall.

THere rose certayne at that time in Arabia which were authors of pernicious doctrine they Of this opi­nion was Iohn the 22. b. of Rome. taught that in this present life the soules dyed and perished together with the bodye, and that in the generall resurrection, they rose together and were restored to life agayne. A great synode was summoned together for this cause, so that agayne Origen was sent for, who pub­likely so discoursed and disputed of this question that he purged & withdrewe their seduced minds from this foule error.

CAP. XXXVII. Cap. 38. in the Greeke.

Origen openeth and confuteth the heresie of the Helcesaits.

THen also sprange vp the poyson [...]d opinion, namely the heresie of the Helcesaitae, whiche was no sooner risen but it was rooted out. Origen made mention thereof, expounding in the open audience of the congregation the fourescore and seconde Psalme, where he sayth thus: In these our dayes stept forthe one vvhich faced out, that he vvas able to auoutche the Origen in 8 [...] Psal. most detestable opinion, called the heresie of the Helcesaitae, lately sovven in the Churche▪ vvhat cancred poyson is contayned in this opinion, I vvill tell you, lest that ye also be decea­ued. This heresie disalovveth of some of the holy Scripture vvholy, agayne allovveth of some other both in the olde and nevv testament. This heresie denieth Paul vvholy. This heresie coun­teth it an indifferent thing if thou deny or not deny vvith thy mouth in the time of persecution, so that thou persist faithfull in thine hearte. They vse a certayne booke vvhich as they say came dovvne from heauen, the vvhich vvhosoeuer heareth and beleueth (say they) shall obtayne an othergets remission of sinnes then that vvhich Christ purchased for vs. thus went the affa [...]res then.

CAP. XXXVIII. Cap. 39. after the greeke.

Of the persecution vnder Decius, the martyrdome of many Bishops, and how that Origen was persecuted.

AFter that Philip had bene Emperour seuen yeares, Decius succeeded him, who because of Decius crowned Empe­rour Anno Domi. 254. vnder whom as Orosius sayth the 7. persecution was raysed. Fabianus b. of Rome martyred. Cornelius b. of Rome. Alexander b. of Ierusalem died in prisō. Mazabanes b. of Ierusalē Babylas b. of Antioche died in prison. Fabius b. of Antioche. Origē is persecuted. Cap. 40. after the Greeke. his offence & grudg towardes Philip, raysed persecution agaynst the Church, in the which persecution, Fabianus Bishop of Rome was martyred, whome Cornelius did succeede. In Palaestina Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem, when he had the seconde time endured confession for Christ his sake (before the tribunall seate of the President of Caesarea) is cast into prison, where after a notable and famous testimony of his true fayth geuen before the iudgement seate of the Lieuetenant, he ended his mortall life. After whome Mazabanes was chosen Bishop of Ierusalē. And Babylas likewise Bishop of Antioch, (euen as Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem) after he had rendred an accompt of his fayth, died in prison, whome Fabius succeeded. but what thinges & how great they were which happened to Origen in that persecution: and how he dyed: the spiteful de­uill deadly pursuing him with his whole troope, striuing against him with all might, and euery kinde of sleight that possibly coulde be inuented: & specially against him aboue all the rest which then were persecuted to death: and what and how great thinges he sustayned for the doctrine of Christ: imprisonments and torments of body, scurging at yron stakes, stinch of close prison: and how that for the space of many dayes his feete lay stretched foure spaces a sunder in the stockes: and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire, and all that the enemy coulde terrifie him with: and how that he ended after that the iudge had wrought all meanes possible to saue his life: and what languages he gaue very profitable for such as neede consolation: sundry of his epistles truely, faithfully and curiously penned, doe declare.

CAP. XXXIX.

How Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria reporteth the perills him selfe stoode in.

TOutching Dionysius, I wil alleadge out of his owne epistle vnto Germanus, where he of him selfe, writeth thus: I take God to vvitnesse of that I speake, and he knovveth that I lye not. [...] fledde avvay not greatly regarding myne ovvne person, and yet not vvithout the vvill of God. Long before that the persecution vnder Decius preuailed, Sabinus sent the puruey­er of corne to seeke me, for vvhose comming I remayned at home three dayes. but the searching all places, high vvayes, and floodes and fieldes, vvhere he coniectured that either I hid my selfe in, or passed by, vvas I vvott not hovv blinded, so that he founde not my house. He litle thought that I continevved at home in that heate of persecution. at length vvith greate difficultye (God no doubt disposing my departure) the fourth daye I and my children, together vvith many o­ther brethren left the citie. and that our departure vvas caused by the diuine prouidence of God, the sequels declared, vvherein peraduenture I stoode vnto many in good steade. A litle after he reporteth the casualties which happened after his flight, in this sorte: About sunne set I vvas led by the souldiers together vvith my company, vnto Taposiris, but Timothe (as God vvould) vvas neither present, nor taken. At length vvhen he came he founde the house desolate, the seruantes keeping it, but he perceaued that vve vvere taken and gone. Agayne after a fewe lynes: And vvhat a vvonderfull chaunce vvas that? I vvill truely reporte it you: one mett Timothe by the vvay as he fledd and seeing him troubled and disquieted in minde demaunded of him the cause of his so quicke a speede, vvho forthvvith openeth vnto him the vvhole matter. the vvhich vvhen the passinger had learned, he passeth by and goeth still on his iorney, vvhich vvas to a banquet­thig [...]idehouse ( This cu­stome in di­uers places is now adayes in vie. the maner vvas at such meetinges to vvatch all night) & being come thither, he tould the gestes at table, all that he had hearde by the vvay. They altogether headely as if it had bene a made matche, rose vp and vvith all speede pursued vs, vvith a clamorous tumult, the souldiers vvhich garded vs fledd avvay, then they fall vpon vs as vve laye in our bedds. I (God knovveth) at the first tooke them for theeues, & thought their comming vvas to robbe & spoile, as I lay in my naked bedd, I vvrapped me in the sheete & reached them the rest of my beddings. but they commaunded me to rise and quickly to departe, then vnderstanding their drift, I cryed out praying and beseaching them that they vvoulde suffer vs to be gone. If they vvould benefitt [Page 115] me at all, I prayed them to preuent such as vvoulde bring me [...] & to beheade me them sel­ues. VVhen I had cryed thus as my companions and partakers doe very vvell knovve, they vio­lently brake out. I truely then caste my selfe prostrate vppon the pauement, they tooke me by hande and foote, they lugged me forth and caried me avvay. there follovved after such as can te­stifie all these thinges, namely: Gaius, Faustus, Peter and Paul vvhich ledde me out of my lod­ging and layde me vpon the bare backe of an asse. Thus Dionysius wrote of him selfe.

CAP. XL. Cap. 41. in the Greeke.

Dionysius bishop of Alexandria reporteth t [...]onstancy of such as were mar­tyred at Alexandria vnder Decius.

THe same Dionysius in his epistle vnto Fabius Bishop of Antioche, describeth theire sundry Dionysius vn to Fabius b. of Antioche. torments which suffered martyrdome at Alexandria vnder Decius, writing thus: This per­secution vvas not begonne by the Emperours edict, but one vvhole yeare before. for ther came vnto this city a certaine southsayer & inuenter of mischief, vvho moued and stirred vp the vvhole multitude of the heathēs against vs, & inflamed them to defend the superstition of their natiue soyle. by vvhome they being thus prouoked, and hauing purchaced on their side such as vvere of povver & authority, to perpetrate al impious acts: they persvvaded them selues that the onely vvorship of deuils & our slaughter vvas pietie it selfe. First then they apprehend a certaine minister vvhose name vvas Metras, & commaunde him to vtter blasphemy, vvho for disobedi­ence Metras after torments is stoned to death. Quinta sto­ned to death. therein is beaten vvith clubs, his face & eyes they pricked vvith sharpe quills, aftervvardes they led him forth into the suburbes & stoned him to dea [...]h. Againe they bring into the temple of Idols a faithful vvoman named Quinta, & constrained her to vvorship, vvho contrarying and abhorring their Idols, had her feete bound together, & by them trayled & lugged all along the streetes, vvhich vvere sravved vvith sharpe pimple stones, she vvas beaten against milstones, & sore scurged. last of all she vvas brought forth to the same place & executed. vvhich being done they all vvith one accord violently rush into the houses of the religious, & euery one of the vvic­ked leadeth the heady multitude vnto their neighbours houses, vvhom they knevve to be godly & vvell disposed. so that in the ende they destroy, they spoyle, they steale & beare avvay the pre­cious ievvels: but the vile, the base and the vvodden stuffe they throvve out into the streete and burne it to ashes. shevving forth thereby a resemblance or spectacle of a city taken & ransacked by the enemie. The brethren gaue backe & vvithdrevve them selues aside, taking in good parte & very cheerefully the losse of their goodes, much like vnto them of vvhome Paul hath testified. Neither do I remember any (one onely excepted) of them vvhich vvere apprehended, vnto this day that denyed the Lorde. furthermore they take holde vpon the elderly and reno vvined vir­gine Apollonia, they beate her cheekes, and knocke out all the teethe in her heade. ouer agaynst Apollonia is burned. the citie they prepare a pyle, and threaten to burne her quicke, vnlesse she vvould together vvith them vvtter blasphemye. but she lingering a litle vvhile, as though she vvoulde take further deli­beration, sodainly leapes into the fire and is consumed to ashes. To be shorte they laye holde vpon Serapion vvho continevved in his ovvne house, vvhome they vexe vvith sundry greeuous Serapion was throwne downe & his necke broke. & bitter torments, brusing all the members of his body, and throvving him dovvne headlonge from an vpper chamber. There vvas no vvay for vs to passe, no not the high & cōmon, no strayte cricke for passage, eyther by daye or by night, they cryed out all, and exclaymed euery vvhere, there vvas no other choyse but eyther to vtter blasphemie, or to be dravvne and bur­ned at the stake. And these thinges (the more is the p [...]tye) endured toe toe longe. but in the ende this sedition and ciuill vvarre ouertooke the seditious persons them selues, and turned vpon them the selfe same crueltie vvhiche they before had practised vpon vs, so that for a li­tle season vve refreshed our selues, their furye vvhervvith they raged against vs being somevvhat abated. For all this in a vvhile after the alteration of the imperiall scepter vvas declared and o­penly knovvne, vvhich afore time vvas very sauorable vnto vs, but novve threatneth great mis­chiefe to ensue, specially aboue all other vnto the christians, for the Emperours edict is proclay­med, The edict of Dec [...] aga [...]t the Christi [...] [...] [...]4. & that most dreadful saying of our Sauiour prognosticated long agoe novv taketh place that if it vvere possible the very elect them selues shoulde be offended▪ all do tremble & quake for feare, some forthvvith of the mightier sorte flye avvay doubting vvhat vvoulde be fall them, some of their ovvn accord are caried avvay vvith their vvorldly affaires, some are persvvaded by [Page 116] their neighboures, and being [...]lled by their names, are present at their profane and impious sacrifices: some vvaxed pale and trembled, not as though they vvoulde sacrifice, but like to be­come sacrifices and oblations to the Idols, so that the vvhole multitude in compasse derided them, for they seemed manifestly to be timorous both to dye, and also to doe sacrifice: some vvent stoutely vnto the altars and affirmed boldely, that they vvere neuer Christians, of vvhome the Lorde hath moste truely fore tolde: that such shoulde hardely besaued. some other there Matth. 19. vvere that helde vvith both sides: some fledd, some vvere taken, vvhere of diuers endured fetters & imprisonment. other some after long imprisonment before they came vnto the tribunal seate renounced their faith: some others after they had stoutly endured torments, in the ende denied Christ. but others that vvere blessed and valiaunt as pillers or bulvverkes of the Lorde, being strengthened by him and stout in protesting their fayth, hauing gotten vnto them selues vvor­thy constancie and courage sufficient, became renovvmed Martyrs of the kingdome of heauen. The firste vvas Iulianus a goutye man, not able eyther to stande or goe, he vvas brought forth Iulianus bur­ned. Cronion was burned. by tvvo vvhich bare him on their shoulders, vvhere of the one aftervvar [...]s fell from the fayth, The other called Cronion, vvhose syr name vvas Eunus, together vvith the olde Iulianus, con­fessed and acknovvledged the Lorde (as their bounden dutie required) vvith a perfect and sounde fayth. they vvere both layed vpon camels and scurged aloft, in the ende being throvvne into the flashing fire, they vvere burned to ashes, in presence of the people vvhich compassed them rounde about. vvhen as they vvere brought forth, a certaine souldier rebuked such as re­uiled A souldier be headed. them, vvherefore they exclaymed against him, so that this valiaunt vvarrier of the Lorde vvas brought forth to fight, vvho after that he had stoutly behaued him selfe in that great skir­mish for the Christian faith, vvas beheaded. After him an other by nation a Libyan, by appella­tion and blessing the true Macar, vvas often admonished by the iudgeto denye Christ and re­nounce Macar is bur­ned. Epimachus is burned. Alexander is burned. [...] women burned. Ammonariō is beheaded. Mercuria & Dionysia be­headed. Herō burned Ater burned. Isidorus bur­ned. Dioscorus a confessor. his fayth: vvho for not consenting vnto it vvas burned quicke. After them Epimachus and Alexander, vvhen they had bene long punished vvith fetters, tormented vvith sharpe ra­sors and bitter scurges, vvere throvvne into a fire pile together vvith foure vvomen. Ammonarion also a holy virgine, vvhome the iudge vvrested to and fro, for that she foretould him, she vvould obey him in nothing (vvhich in deede she performed) vvas brought forth to execution. The rest as Mercuria a very honest matron, and Dionysia a very frutefull vvoman, for childe bearing, the vvhich children for all that, she preserred not before the Lorde, vvhen they had confounded the iudg, vvhich vsed all kinde of persvvasions, and novv vvas of the vvomen ouercome, after they vvere so tormented, that they past all sense and feeling, they vvere beheaded vvith the svvorde. but Ammonarion passed them all, notably enduring all kinde of torment. Heron also and A­ter and Isidorus being Aegyptians, together vvith Dioscorus a yong man of fifteene yeare olde, vvere committed. First of all the iudge tooke the yong man in hande vvith fayre speaches as though he vvere easy to be entreated, aftervvards vvith torments as though he vvere soone ter­rified, but he for all his persvvasions vvoulde neither bovve at his flatteries, nor breake at his threates. the reste after they had endured the moste cruell renting and vnioynting of their bo­dely members, he commaunded to be burned vvith fire: but Dioscorus he sett at liberty, vvon­dering at his gracious countenance vvhich gaue a glistering shine, and the vvise aunsvveres vvhich proceaded out of his mouth, saying he vvoulde graunt him longer space to repente and to remember him selfe for his tender yeares sake. so that euen at this daye the moste renovv­med Dioscorus remayneth amonge vs vvay [...]ing for a larger and a longer combatt. Nemesion Nemesion a Martyr. also an Aegyptian is accused of the [...]te, vvhereof, after he had openly purged him selfe before the Oenturion, agayne he is accused of Christianitie, vvherefore he vvas bounde and brought before the President. but the most cruell and vniust iudge, deliuered him amonge the theeues, to be tvvise more greeuously tormented and vexed, making him thereby the more blessed and honored after the example of Christ. There stoode before the tribunall seate certayne soul­diers: Ammon, Zenon, Ptolom [...]us, Ingenuus, and together vvith them, olde Theophilus, vvho Ammon. Zenon. Ptolomaeus. Ingenuus. & [...] Theophilus. confessors. (vvhen any of the Christians came to heare the sentence or iudgement, and novve vvas ready to shrinke) so strugled that they vvere ready to burste vvithin them selues, they nodded vvith their countenance & beckened vvith their handes, exhorting them to constancy vvith all signes and iestures of the body. the vvhich vvhen the multitude in compasse had perceaued, before that any layd handes on them, preuenting their doinges: they steppe forth before the barre and proclayme them selues to be Christians. so that the President and his assistantes vvere amazed, [Page 117] and the Christians vpon vvhome the sentence had paste, [...] thereby boldened to suf­fer, and the iudges maruelously afraide. those departed from the tribunall seate very cherefull, reioycing in the testimony of their faith, God gloriously triumphing in them.

CAP. XLI. Cap. 42. in the greeke

Of Ischyrion the martyr with others▪ of receauing after repent as fell in persecution.

MAny others (sayth Dionysius) throughout the [...]it [...]es and villages vvere quartered and dis Dionysius. b. of Alexan­dria vnto Fabius. b. of Antioch. Ischyrion was beaten to death with a cudgill. membred by the Ethn [...]ckes, vvhereof, one for examples sake I vvill reli [...]s [...]Ischyrion being a noble mans hyred seruant & by office his st [...]vvarde, vvas commaunded by his maister to doe sacrifice, he obeyed not, vvherefore he vvas reuiled all to nought. The heathen maister seing his christiā seruant so constāt, persisting in his former opinion, taketh a great cud­gill in his hande and beates his body and bovvels till breath departed, & death had ended the combatt. vvhat shall I say of the multitude of them vvhich vvander in the desert & vvast moun­taines, consumed vvith famine and hunger, & colde and diseases, spoyled by theeues & deuou­red of beastes vvhose blessednes and victories they that remayne aliue are able to testisie? Of these also I vvill alleage one for example. There vvas one Chaeremon a very olde man, byshop of Nilus, vvho together vvith his vvife [...]e [...]d vnto the vvaste mountaynes of Arabia, he returned Chaeremon b. os Nilus was maried. vvhome no more, his company coulde neuer aftervvardes be seene. And for all that they vvere often times sought out of the br [...]thren yet colde neither they nor their car [...]ases euer be found. Many also in these deserts of Arabia vvere taken captiues of the barbarous Saracens, vvhereof some vvere hardly for great somme [...] of money ransomed, some not as yet, no neuer vnto this day appeared. And these thinges (brother) I vvrite not in vaine but that thou mayest vnder­stand, vvhat & hovv great euels and mischiess haue happened amongest vs, vvherof they knovv more vvhich among al others haue [...]elt most. And after a fewe lines againe he wryteth thus: The Martyrs thēselues vvhich liued amongest vs, novve associates vvith Christ, coheres of his king­dome, partakers of his iudgement in that they shall iudge together vvith him, haue receaued agayne certayne of the bretherne vvhich svvarued frome the fayth and fell to offer sacrifice vnto Idols, beholdinge their conuersion [...] ▪ and repentance, knovvinge for surety that they vvere to be receaued, In somuche as God vvill not the death of a sinner, they embraced them, Ezechiel. 18. they retayned them, and made them partakers of their prayers and trade of life. but vvhat doe ye aduise vs my brethren concerninge such? VVhat haue vve to doe in this case? Shall vve be one and the same vvith them? Shall vveretaine theyr sentence and fauour? And shall vve ten­der such as they haue pitied? Or shall vve reiecte theire censure and s [...]tin iudgement vpon theyr sentence? Shall vve doe iniurie vnto pitie? Shall vve destroye order? Shall vve prouoke God agaynst vs? These things to good purpose hath Dionysius mentioned toutching them which fell in tyme of persecuton.

CAP. XLII. Cap. 43. after the greeke.

Of receauing agayne such as fell. The testimony of Cornelius byshop of Rome. The heresie of Nouatus, and his impietie. A synode helde at Rome for the condemning of his heresie.

NOuatus a priest of Rome puffed vp with pride against suche as fell in time of persecution through infirmitie of the fleshe, as though there were no hope of saluation lefte for them, yea if they accomplished all that appertained vnto true conuersion and right con­fession The Noua­tians call themselues [...] i. pur [...]ans. of the fayth: became him selfe the author & ryngleader of his owne heretical sect, to wete: Of such as through their svvelling pride do call themselues puri [...]nes. Wherefore there was a sy­node gathered together at Rome, of threescore hyshops, besides many ministers and deacons, Againe there mett seuerally many pastors of other prouinces determining what was to be done in this case: where by vniforme consente of all it was decreed: that Nouatus together with such as swelled & consented vnto this vnnaturall opinion, repugnant to brotherly loue, should be excō ­municated Nouatus is excommuni­cated. and banished the church: and that the brethern fallen through the infir [...]nitie of y flesh, in the troblesome times of persecution should be receaued after that the salue of repentance, and [Page 118] medecine of consession were applied vnto their maladies. Th [...]re came to our hands the Epistles of Cornelius byshop of Rome wrytten vnto Fabius bishop of Antioch toutchinge that synode held at Rome, shewinge therein what was decreed by all the byshops of [...]talye and Aphricke, and of other prouinces. Againe other epistles of Cyprian in the Romaine tongue with the subscription of diuerse other byshops, wherein they shewed their consent in this behalfe: that such as shrinked were to be vpholden and cured: and that accordinge vnto iustice the author of this heres [...]e toge­ther with his adherentes was to be banished the Catholicke Church▪ vnto these there was anne­xed an other Epistle of Cornelius of the Synods decrees. Againe an other of the cause that mo­ued Nouatus thus to fal from the Church, whereof it will not be amisse here to alleage some part that the reader may vnderstande what manner of man he was▪ and to the ende he woulde certifie Fabius of Nouatus his disposition, Cornelius wryteth thus: I geue thee to vnderstand that this Cornelius. b. of Rome vnto Fabius. b. of Antioch Maximus. Vrbanus. Sidonius & Celerinus. forsooke No uatus. Thequalities of Nouatus. [...]olly Nouatus longed of olde after a byshop [...]ke, and to thende he might conceale this his pi [...] ­ [...]sh desire, vsed this cloke of arrogancye. but first I vvill declare hovve he linked to his side cer­taine confessors. Maximus one of our ministers & Ʋrbanus, vvho by confessinge of theyr fayth procured vnto them selues tvvise a notable name and estimation amonge vs: againe Sidoni­us and Celerinus, vvho through the goodnes of God endured constantly all kinde of tormentes, confirminge the vveakenesse of the flesh through the strength of his faith, and valiantly ouer­came the aduersary: these men vvhen they had considered better of him, and perceaued his guile and inconstancye, his periurie and falsehood, his inhumanitie and suspicious head, retur­ned vnto the holy Church, reuealed and detected vnto many byshops and elders and laye peo­ple vvhich then vvere present, all his sleyghtes and deuelishe subtletyes, the vvhich of long time they had concealed, vveepinge and vvaylinge that they had beleeued this deceatefull and ma­licious monster, and that they had forsaken the Church, yea although it vvas but a little vvhile. Againe after a fewe lines in the same epistle he sayth: VVe haue seene in him (vvelbeloued brother) a vvonderfull alteration, and suddaine chainge in a shorte space. This good man vvh [...] he had protested vvith certaine dreadfull oth [...]s, that he neuer coueted any byshopricke, soden­ly as it vvere by certaine iugglinge feates, he stepped forth a byshop. this lavvemaker and pro­tector of the ecclesiasticall science, vvhen that he presumpteously endeuored to chalenge vnto himselfe, the title of a byshop, not graunted vnto him from aboue: chose tvvo men of a despe­rate condition, to be partakers of his heresie, vvhome he might sende to a certaine corner or les ser part of Italy, and thence to seduce three byshops, plaine, simple and countrey men, by some crafty meanes, auoutching and affirming, that they must in all the haste come to Rome, fay­ninge Howe Nouatus the here­tike vvas made bishop that they together vvith other byshops meetinge for the same purpose, shoulde appease and remoue a certaine schisme raised in the Citie▪ vvho beinge simple men (as vve sayde be­fore) not knovving theyr craftie and mischieuous fetches, aftertheir coming vvere inclosed by such levvde persons, that vvere like vnto themselues & suborned for the purpose: aboute tenne of the clocke vvhen as they vvere some vvhat tipsie and vvel crommed vvith vitayles, they vvere constrayned to create him bishop, vvith imaginatiue and friuolous layinge on of handes, the vvhich craftely and subtlely not compatible for his person he chalenged vnto him selfe. One of them aftervvards repented him, and returned vnto the Church, bevvaylinge his fall and con­confessing his fault, the vvhole multitude also intreatinge for him, vvhome vve receaued vnto the company and communion of the laytie. In the rovvmes of the other byshops vve ordayned and sent from vs such as should succeed them. VVherfore this iolly defender of the Gospell vvas The order of the cler­ [...] in the church of Rome in the [...]ime of Cor­ [...]elius. ignorant that there ought to be but one byshop in the catholicke church, in the vvhich he kno­vveth (for hovve shoulde he be ignorant) that there are six and forty priests, seuen deacons, sea­uen subdeacons, tvvo and forty acolytes, tvvo and fyfty exorcists, and readers, vvith porters, vvi­dovves, and impotent persons aboue a thousand and fifty soules, vvho all are releaued through the grace and goodnes of almighty God. vvhome so great a multitude and so necessary in the Church, and by the prouidence of God so copious and infinite, yea a number of innumerable people, could not cōuert and turne him to the Church from this his desperate and damnable presumption. Againe in a while after he wryteth: Novve forvvardes I vvill orderly declare by vvhat meanes & by vvhat trade of life, he purchaced vnto himselfe the title of a bishop. Thinke you that therefore because of his conuersation in the Churche from the begining, or because he endured many skyrmishes or conflicts for his name, or that he stood in manifolde and greate perills for piety his sake? none of all this vvas true in him. The occasion of beleeuinge he tooke [Page 119] of Satan vvhich entred into him and made there longe abode. VVhen he vvas deliuered by the Exorcists, he fell into a dangerous disease, and because he vvas very like to dye, vvas ba­ptized in the bedd vvhere he laye: If it may be termed a baptisme vvhich he receaued. For he obtayned not after his recouery that vvhich he shoulde haue done accordinge vnto the canon of the Church, to vvete: confirmation by the handes of the byshop. In so much then he obtai­ned not that, hovve came he by the holy Ghost? And againe a little after he sayth: He beyngè Nouatus fell in time of persecution and denyed his order. lothe to dye and desirous of life, in the time of persecution denyed himselfe to be a priest. VVhen he vvas entreated by the deacons and admonished [...]o come forthe out of the house vvherein he had enclosed himselfe, and to minister vnto the necessitie of the brethren vvhich vvanted, he vvas so farre from doinge and obeynge the Deacons that he vvent avvay and de­parted in a cha [...]e, saying that he vvoulde no longer playe the priest, but addicte him selfe vn­to an other trade of Philosophie. and againe to this he annecteth that which followeth: this good man forsooke the Church of God, vvherein he vvas baptized, and vvhere also he tooke priesthoode vpon him, by fauour of the byshop vvhich allotted him thereunto through the layinge on of handes, and vvhen all the clergye yea and many of the layeti [...] vvithstoode the facte: that none baptised in bedd as he vvas shoulde be chosen into the ecclesiasticall order, yet they all requested that he might be permitted to enter into orders. An other insolency of The comu­nion was thē ministredand deliuered in­to theyr hands, not popt in their mouthes. this man passinge all the former he reporteth thus: VVhen he distributed the oblation and de­liuered to euery mā parte thereof, he added this vvithall (constrayninge the seely soules, before they receaued of his oblation to svvere, holdinge both their handes together not loosed before they had thus svvorne, I vvill vse theyr ovvne vvordes) svveare vnto me by the body and blood of our Lorde Iesus Christ, that thou vvilt neuer forsake me and flye vnto Cornelius. The vvret­ched man tasted not thereof before he had vovved vnto him, and in steede of that vvhen he receauinge the breade shoulde haue sayd Amen: he ansvvered I vvill not goe vnto Corne­lius. Againe a little after he sayth: Novv thou mayst vnderstande that he is all bare and fore­saken, Moses a martyr. reiected and left of the brethren vvho dayly returne vnto the Church, vvhome blessed Moses a martyr vvho of late endured amongest vs a maruelous & notable martyrdome, being aliue and perceauinge his temerytie and arrogancie did excommunicate, together vvith fiue other priests, vvhich seuered themselues vvith him, from the Church. In the ende of the epistle he reciteth the catalogue of byshops, who at theyr beinge at Rome condemned the madd fanta­sie of Nouatus, wrytinge both theyr names and the prouinces where they gouerned. he reci­teth also the names and Cities of such as were absent and had subscribed by theyr letters. These thinges hath Cornelius signified by his letters vnto Fabius byshop of Antioch.

CAP. XLIII. Cap. 44. after the greeke.

Dionysius Alexandrinus reporteth of Serapion that fell in persecution, howe at his ende he was desirous to receaue the sacrament of the Lords supper.

DIonysius also byshop of Alexandria wrote to the aforesayd Fabius who in manner yelded to the schisme, many thinges in his letters of repentance, paintinge forth theyr pacience which lately had bene martyred at Alexandria. whereof omitting many things this one straunge acte worthy of memory we haue thought good to publishe in this our history for thus he wrote: I vvill certifee thee (sayth he) of this one example vvhich happened amongest vs. There Dionysius, [...]. of Alexan­dria vnto Fa­bius bishop of Antioch. vvas one Serapion dvvelling among vs a faithful olde man, vvhich of a long time liued vvithout reprehēsion, but being tempted in persecutiō fell from the faith. he entreated very often that he might be receaued again, but none gaue eare vnto him for he had done sacrifice: & falling vnto a dangerous disease lay speachlesse and benummed of all his senses the space of three dayes, the fourth day after, being somvvhat recouered he called vnto him a nephevv of his, his daugh­ters sonne and sayd vnto him: hovve longe (O my sonne) doe ye vvithholde me? I besech you make hast and absolue me quickly, call vnto me one of the Priestes, the vvhich as soone as he had spoken he vvas speachelesse agayne. The boye ranne vnto the Priest, it vvas night, the Priest vvas sicke and could not come vvith him. And because I gaue commaundement (sayth Dionysius) that such as vvere aboute to dye, if humbly they requested shoulde be admitted [Page 120] to the ende they being strengthened in faith might departe in peace: he deliuered vnto the boy Men of olde receaued the communion a little before their deaths. a litle of the Eucharist, & commaunded him to crimble or soke it and so droppe it by a litle & a little into the olde mans mouth. the boy returneth and bringes vvith him the Eucharist. vvhen he vvas hard by before he came in, Serapion sayd: comest thou my sonne? the priest cānot come, vvhy then dispatch thou that vvhich he commaunded thee to doe and lett me departe. the boy immixed or loked the eucharist and vvith all lett it by droppe meale into the old mans mouth, vvhereof vvhen he had tasted a litle, forth vvith gaue vp the Ghost▪ is it not manifest that this olde man vvas so longe helde backe vntill he vvere absolued and loosed from the linke of sinne by confessing in the presence of many the fault he had committed? Thus farre Dionysius.

CAP. XLIIII. Cap. 45. in the greeke.

The epistle of Dionysius byshop of Alexandria vnto Nouatus.

NOwe let vs see what he wrote vnto Nouatus who at that time molested the Churche of Rome. Because that he pretended the cause of his fall and the occasion why he embra­ced that Apostasie and schisme to rise through the perswasion of certaine brethren, as Dionysius b. of Alexan­dria vnto Nouatus the he­reticke. if he were thereunto compelled by them, Marke howe he wryteth vnto him: Dionysius vnto the brother Nouatus sendeth greeting. If thou vvast constrayned against thy vvill (as thou sayest) thou vvilt declare the same, if thou returne vvillingly▪ thou shouldest haue suffred anything ra­ther then to rent a sunder the church of God. neither is this martyrdome vvhich is suffred for not seueringe and deuidinge the Church of lesse glorie, then that vvhich is tollerated for denyall of sacrifice vnto deuels▪ yea in my iudgement it is offarre greater glorye. For in the one, martyr­dom is suffred for one soule, in the other for the vniuersall church. but if thou ether persvvad the brethren, or constraine them to returne to vnitie, this notable fact vvilbe farre greater then the fault that vvent before. & the one vvill not be imputed, the other vvilbe comended. If thou canst not persvvade the rebellious and disobedient, saue at leaste vvise thine ovvne soule. I desire thy health in the Lord and thy embracing of peace, & vnitie. Thus he wrote to Nouatus.

CAP. XLV. Cap. 46. after the Greeke.

The catalogue of Dionysius Alexandrinus Epistles concerning repentance.

HE wrote an Epistle of repentance vnto the bretherne throughout Aegypt, where he layeth downe his censure of such as fell, and describeth meanes to correct vices. of the same mat­ter Conon b. of Hermopolis. there is extant an epistle of his vnto Conon byshop of Hermopolis, and an exhortation vnto his flocke of Alexandria. among these there is an other wryten vnto Origen of martyrdome. likewise he wrote of repentance vnto the brethern of Laodicea, whose byshop was Thelymidres, & Thelymidres Meruzanes. Cornelius. Elenus. Firmilianus. Theoctistus. Fabius. Demetrianꝰ. Alexander. Hippolytus. to the bretherne throughout Armenia whose byshop was Meruzanes, Moreouer he wrote vnto Cornelius byshop of Rome approuinge his epistle against Nouatus: where he reporteth that he was called of Elenus byshop of Tarsus in Cilicia and other his companions: Firmilianus byshop of Cappadocia and Theoctistus byshop of Palaestina: to meete them at the synode held at Antioch, where diuerse went about to establish the schisme of Nouatus. he addeth besides howe he signified Fabius there to haue deseased and Demetrianus to haue succeded him byshop of Antioch. He wrot of the byshop of Ierusalem these wordes: The renovvmed Alexander dyed in pryson. There is extāt an other epistle of Dionysius vnto the Romayns deliuered by Hippolytus. againe he wrote an other of peace and repentance. an other vnto the confessors which cleaued vnto the opinion of Nouatus. Againe other two epistles vnto such as were conuerted vnto the churche, and to many o­thers he wrote very profitable tractes for the studious readers to peruse.

The ende of the sixt booke.

THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

The wickednesse of Decius and Gallus the Emperours, the death of Origen.

NOwe takinge in hande the seuenth booke of the ecclesiasticall historye the great Dionysius byshop of Alexandria, who partely by his commentaries and partely by his Epistles, described all the seuerall actes of his time, shall stande vs in good steede. Here hence will I beginne this present booke▪ Cap. 1. in the greeke. Gallus [...] [...]d Empe­rour Anno Domini. 255. Origē dieth. Dionysius. b. of Alexan­dria in his epistle to Hermammō. when Decius had not raygned full two years, he was slayne together with his sonnes, whome Gal­lus succeeded: at what time Origen of the age of threscore & nine yeares departed this life. but of the foresayd Gallus, Dionysius wrote vnto Hermammon in this manner: Neyther did Gallus perceaue the implety of Decius neyther did he foresee what seduced him, but stumbled at the same stone which laye right before his eyes, who when the emperiall scepter prosperously befell vnto him, and his affayrs went luckely forvvardes, chaced awaye the holy men which prayed for peace and his prosperous estate, and so he banished together vvith them the prayers continually powred vnto God for him. And this much of him.

The translator vnto the reader.

IN so much that Ensebius throughout his sixt booke almost in euery chapiter hath wrytten at large of the famous clarke and greate doctor of Alexandria, by name Origen, and nowe also in the begin­ninge of his seuenth booke reporteth of his ende and that in fewe wordes: I thought good for the rea­ders sake, for the more absolute and perfect deliuer a [...] of the story, and for the further knowledge of his ende: to annexe here vnto, a worthie history out of Suydas a greeke writer, who liued about a thousande years agoe, toutching the thinges which happened vnto Origen a litle before his death, his wordes are these.

The life of Origen out of Suydas.

Origen is sayd to haue suffred much afliction for Christs sake, being famous, eloquent, and Suydas in the life of Ori­gen. trayned in the Church euen from his youth vp: but through enuy he was brought before the ru­lers & magistrats, & through the despitefull subtlely & crafty [...]nu [...]tion of Satan, he was brought into great sclaunder, & blemish of infamy. A man (they say) the authors of iniquitie deuised to The choyce was that e­ther a blacke moore shoulde play the Sodomite with him, or he himselfe shoulde sacrifice vnto I­dols. vvorke the feat, as much to saye they prepared an Aethiopian or foule blacke moore beastly for to abuse his body. but he not able to avvaye neyther vvillinge to here so horrible an Acte, brake out into lovvd speach, and exclaymed at both the thinges vvhich vvere giuen him in choyce, rather then the one that he vvoulde doe the other, in the end he consented to sacrifice. vvherefore vvhē they had put fr [...]kensence in his hand they threwe it into the fire vpō the altar. by this mea­nes he was by the iudges put frō martyrdome & also banished the church. whē he had thus done he was so ashamed that he left Alexandria, and gott him to Iudaea: being come to Ierusalem & well knowē for his learned expositions & gift of vtterāce, he was entreated of the priests to be­stowe a sermon vpon the people in the church & open assembly, for he was then a minister: af­ter great entreaty & in manner constrayned by the priests, he [...]ofe vp, tooke the bible, opened it Psal. 50. & happened vpō this parcell of Scripture: vnto the vngodly, said God, why dost thou preach my lawes, & takest my couenaunt in thy mouth? when he had thus read he clasped the booke, fare downe, and burst out into teares together with all the audience which wept with him, he liued vnto the time of Gallus and Volusianus that is vntill he was threscore and nine yeare olde, he re­steth at Tyrus where he is also buried. So farre Suydas.

The translator vnto the reader.

I Haue thought good also, he [...]r [...] to laye downe his lamention, the which Origen himselfe [...] Greeke tongue with his owne hand, when as after his faule and the deniall of his Mayster Christ Iesus he wandred to a [...]oe with great greefe and torment of conscience, the which Saynct [...] [...]r [...]n­lated into latine and is founde extant amonge the workes of Origen▪ he lamented as foloweth.

The lamention of Origen. The lamen­tation of O­rigen.

In the bitter afliction and griefe of minde I goe about to speake vnto them vvhich herafter shal reade me thus confusely & vvithout order, furiously disposed to sit vpon the tribunal seate of Christ together vvith the saincts in heauen. & hovv can I speake vvhen as the tongue is tied & the lipps dare not once moue or vvagg? the tongue doth not his office, the throte is dammed v [...], all the senses and instruments are polluted vvith iniquitie▪ but I vvill procede on▪ and first I v [...]l faule to the ground on my bare knees and make myne humble supplicatiō vnto all the sainctes He calleth vpon the saynctes in the same sense as he doth in this sorowe­full plight vpon all o­ther creature vnder heauē. and blessed of God▪ that they vvill helpe me, seely vvretche, vvhich dare not by reason of the superfluytie of my sinne craue ought at the handes of God. O ye sayncts and blessed of God vvith vvatrishe eyes and vvet [...] cheekes soken in dolor and payne I beseeche you to faule dovvne before the mercy seate of God for me miserable sinner. VVo is me because of the sorovv of my harte: vvo is me that my soule is thus aflicted [...] vvo is me that am compassed thus on euery side and shutt vp in my sinne, and that there is no health in me. vvo is me o Mother that euer thou broughtest me forth, for a skilfull lavvyer to be ouerthrovven in his vnrighteous dealinge▪ for a religious man to faule into extreme impietie▪ vvo is me o Mother vvhich broughtest me forth a righteous man to be cōuersant in vnrighteousnes▪ [...]n heire of the kingdom of God but novv an inheritor of the kingdom of the deuell: a perfect man yet a priest found vvallovving in impiety: a man beautified vvith honor and dignities yet in the ende blemished vvith shame and ignominie: a man besett vvith many euells and choked vp vvith infamous doinges. vvo is me o Mother vvhich broughtest me forth as an highe and a lofty turrett, yet suddenly turned dovvne to the grounde: as a fruitefull tree yet quickely vvithered: as a burninge light, yet forthvvith dar­ned: as a runninge fountayne yet by and by driyed vp. VVo is me that euer I vvas bedec­ked vvith all giftes and graces and novve seeme pitifully depriued of all. But vvho vvill mini­ster moysture vnto the temples of my heade, and vvho vvill geue streames of teares vnto myne eyes, that I may bevvayle my selfe in this my sorovvfull plight? A lasse o priesthoode hovve shall I bevvayle thee? A lasse o mynistery hovve shall I lament thee? O all you my friendes tender my case, pitie my person, in that I am daungerously vvounded. pitie me o all ye my friendes in that I am novve become an abiect person. pitie me o ye my friendes in that I am novve vvith sorovve come to nought. pitie me o ye my friendes in that I haue novve troden vnder foote the seale and cony [...]ance of my profession, and ioyned in league vvith the deuell. pitie me o ye my friendes in that I am reiected and cast avvaye from the face of God, it is for my levvde life that I am thus polluted and noted vvith open shame. Bevvayle me vvhome the Angells haue bevvayled: bevvayle me vvhome all the saynctes haue bevvayled: bevvaile me vvhome euery man hath bevvayled: bevvayle me o all ye the nations vnder heauen in that I am fallen from my glorie. the Lorde made and ingraffed me a frutefull vine, but insteede of pleasaunt clustered grappes I brought forth prickinge thornes. bevvayle me also for that in steede of grapes I brought forth brambles▪ but let the vvellspringes of teares be stirred vp, and lett my cheekes be vvatered, let them flovve vpon the earth and moysten it, for that I am soken in sinne and borne in my inquities. I see my priesthoode lament ouer me, I see all ioy sorovvinge ouer me, I see the spider ouer my seate buyldinge vvith cobvveb, I see and beholde my selfe all sorovvfull and pensiue, euery crea­ture sorovveth at my case, for that I vvas vvonte heretofore to poure out prayses vnto God for them all. Alasse vvhat haue I felt, and hovve am I fallen? Alasse hovve am I thus come to nought? there is no sorovve comparable to my sorovve, there is no afliction that exceadeth my afliction, there is no bitternes that passeth my bitternes, there is no lamentation more la­mentable then mine, nether is there sinne greater then my sinne, and there is no salue for me. VVhere is that good shepherd of the soules? VVhere is he that vvent dovvne from Ierusalem [Page 123] to Iericho, vvhich also salued and cured him that vvas vvounded of the theeues? seke me out o Lorde vvhich am fallen from the higher Ierusalem, vvhich haue broken the vovve I made in baptisme, vvhich haue profaned my cony [...]ance in that I dealt iniuriously vvith thy blessed name. Alasse that euer I vvas doctor, and novve occupie not the rovvme of a disci­ple. Thou knovvest o Lorde that I fell agaynst my vvill, vvhen as I vvent about to lighten others, I darkened my selfe: vvhen I endeuored to bringe others▪ from death to life, I brought my selfe from life to deathe: vvhen I mynded to▪ presente others before God, I presented my selfe before the deuell: VVhen I desired to be founde a friende and a fauorer of godlynes, I vvas founde a foe and a furtherer of iniquitie: vvhen that I sett my selfe agaynst the assem­blyes of the vvicked and reproued theyr doinges, there founde I shame and the moste pesti­lent vvounde of the deuell. vvhen that I vvas ignorant and vnskilfull in the diuerous slaygh­tes of striuers vvhich commonly entrappe men, I allured and exhorted them to the knovve­ledge of the Sonne of God. vvherefore after muche siftinge▪ they promised me (vnhappie man) crafty conueyances to auoyde the subtletye of Satan. But after that I departed from The pollicie of Satan was to haue Ori­gen to con­firme the christians at the time of sacrifice not to the ende they might be sa­ued (as his pretēse was) but that O­rigen might be takē with the manner and present­ly constray­ned ether to sacrifice or deny his maister which fel out in the ende. It seemeth by this, that some promi­sed Origen they vvoulde be baptized but when it came to the pinch they made him to sacrifice. them, the deuell in the same night transformed into an Angell of light, reasoned vvith me sayinge: vvhen thou art vp in the morninge goe on, and persvvade them and bringe them vnto God if they demaunde ought of thee. If in case they condescende and harken vnto thee, doe it and ceasse not, staggeringe nothinge at the matter to the ende many may be saued. And agayne the deuell goinge before to prepare the vvaye, vvhetted theyr vvitts to deuise mischief agaynst me seely vvretch, he sovved in theyr mindes hypocrisie, dissimulation and deceate. but I o vnhappie creature skippinge out of my bedd at the davveninge of the daye, colde not fi­nishe my vvonted deuotion, neyther accomplishe my vsuall prayer, but vvishinge that all men might be saued and come vnto the knovveledge of the trueth, folded and vvrapped my selfe in the snares of the deuell. I gott me vnto the vvicked I required of them to performe the coue­nantes made the night before (I seely soule not knovveing of any thinge) and vve came vnto the baptisme. O blinded heart hovve didest thou not remember? O foolishe mynde hovve didest thou not bethinke thy selfe? O vvittlesse brayne hovve didest thou not vnderstande? O thou sense of vnderstandinge vvhere didest thou sleepe? but it vvas the deuell vvhich prouo­ked thee to slumbre and slepe and in the end slevve thy vnhappy and vvretched soule. he bound my mightie men and spoyled me of my knovvledge. he bound my mightie men & vvounded me. I ansvvered but in a vvorde & became reprochefully defamed. I spake vvithout malice yet felt I spite. the deuell raysed an assembly about me and pronounced agaynst me that vniuste sentence, Origen (sayth he) hathe sacrificed. O thou deuell vvhat hast thou done vnto me? O thou deuell hovve hast thou vvounded me? I bevvayled sometime the fall of Sampson, but novve haue I felt farre vvorse my selfe, I bevvayled heretofore the fall of Solomon, yet novve am I fallen farre vvorse my selfe. I haue bevvayled heretofore the state of all sinners, yet novve haue I plunged in them all. Sampson had the heare of his heade clypt and cropt of, but the crovvne of glorie is fallen from of my heade. Sampson lost the carnall eyes of his body, but my spirituall eyes are digged out. it vvas the vvilyenesse of a vvoman that brought him to his confusion, but it vvas myne ovvne tongue that brought me to this sinfull fall. And euen as he vvanted after the losse of his earthly possession: So my tongue, hauinge bolted out this vvicked sayinge, depriued me of the spirituall giftes, vvhich sometime haue flovved vvith heauenly ritches. And euen as he beinge seuered from the Israelites and cleauinge vn­to forayners endured these thinges: so I goinge about to saue notorious sinners, brought my selfe captiue vnto captiues, and the bondeslaue of sinne. Alasse my Churche liueth, yet am I a vviddovver. Alasse my sonnes be aliue yet am I barren. Alasse euery creature reioyceth, and I alone forsaken and sorovvfull. Alasse o Church vvherein I vvas gladsome. Alasse o seate vvherein I sate full mery. Alasse o spirite vvhich heretofore camest dovvne vpon me, vvhy hast thou forsaken me? I am forsaken and become desolate because of the corruption and filth of mine iniquitie. bevvayle me that am depriued of all goodnes. bevvayle me o ye blessed people of God vvhich am banished from God. bevvayle him that is bereued of the Origen be­wayleth his excommuni­cation. holye Ghost. bevvayle me that am thrust out of the vvedding chamber of Christ. bevvayle me vvho once vvas thought vvorthye the kingdome of God, novve altogether vnvvorthye. bevvayle me that am abhorred of the Angels, & seuered from the saincts of God. bevvayle me for that I am condemned to eternall punishments. bevvayle me for that I am here on earth, [Page 124] and novve tormented vvith the pricke of conscience. I doe feare death because it is vvicked. I doe feare the dreadfull day of iudgement for that I am damned for euer. I doe feare the pu­nishment for that it is eternall. I doe feare the Angelles vvhich ourseethe punishment be­cause they are voyde of mercy. I do feare out of measure all the tormentes, and vvhat I shall doe I vvott not, beinge thus on euery side besett vvith misery. If there be any man vvhich can, I beseche him novve assiste me vvith his earnest prayers and vvith his sorovvfull tea­res. For novve it behoues me to shed infinite teares for my greate sinne. vvho knovveth vvhe­ther the Lorde vvill haue mercye vpon me, vvhether he vvill pitie my fall, vvhether he vvill tender my person, vvhether he vvilbe moued vvith my desolation, vvhether he vvill shevve mercie vnto me, vvhether he vvill haue respecte vnto mine humilitie and encline his tender compassion tovvards me? but I vvill prostrate my selfe before the thrasholds and porches of the Churche, that I may entreate all people both small and greate, and I vvill saye vnto them: trample and treade me vnderfoote, vvhiche am the foolishe salte, the vnsauery salte, treade me vvhiche haue no taste or relishe of God, treade me vvhiche am fitte for nothinge. Novve let the Elders mourne, for that the staffe vvhereto they leaned is broken. Novve lett the yong men mourne, for that their schoolemayster is fallen. Origen gel­ded himselfe to embrace virginitie therefore iustely maye he be termed an aduancer: in the ende he did sacri­fice and committed whor dome with the deuell then was he defiled. Novve let the virgines mourne, for that the aduauncer thereof is defyled. Novve let the Priestes mourne, for that their pa­trone and defender is shamefully fallen. Novve let all the Clergye mourne, for that their Prieste is fallen from the faythe. Vvo is me that I fell so levvdely. VVo is me that I fell moste daungerously, and can not rise againe. Asist me o holy spirite and geue me grace to re­pente. Let the fountaynes of teares be opened and gushe out into streames to see if that per­aduenture I may haue the grace vvorthely and throughly to repente, and to vvype out of the booke of the conscience the accusation printed agaynst me. But thou o Lord thinke not vpon polluted lippes, neyther weye thou the tongue that hathe vttered levvde thinges: but ac­cept thou repentance, afliction and bitter teares, the dolour of the harte and the heauy­nesse of the soule, and haue mercy vpon me, and rayse me vp from out of the mire of cor­ruption, for the puddle thereof hathe euen choked me vp. VVo is me that somtime vvas a pearle glisteringe in the golden garlande of glorye, but novve throvven into the dust and trode in the myre of contempte. VVo is me that the salte of God novve lyeth in the dung hill, but hovve greate streames of lamentation shall vvype and purifie myne humble harte? novve I vvill adresse my selfe and turne my talke vnto God. vvhy hast thou lysted me vp and cast Psal. 102. me dovvne? For as thou haste exalted me vvith the deuine vvorde of thy heauenly vvise­dome, so me thinkes I sticke in the depth of sinne vvhich my selfe haue vvrought. I had not committed this impietie vnlesse thou hadest vvithdravven thy hande from me. But it is thy pleasure o Lorde vvhich art good to doe all thinges graciously, and I of the other side Psal. 50. beinge a foole haue foolishlye fallen. But vvhy o Lorde haste thou shutt my mouth by thy holy Prophete Dauid? haue I bene the first that sinned? Or am I the first that fell? vvhy hast thou thus foresaken me, being desolate and reiected, and banished me from amonge thy saynctes, and astonyed me to preache thy lavves? vvhat man is he borne of a vvoman that sinned not? VVhat man is he that euer vvas conuersant here vpon earthe and did no iniquitie? This I say because thou haste thus forsaken me. Dauid himselfe first, vvho Psal. 51. shutt vp my mouth, sinned toe bad in thy sight, yet after his repentance thou receauedst Math. 26. him in mercye. Likevvise saincte Peter the piller of trueth after his fall vvyped avvaye that bitter passion vvith salte teares, sleyinge sinne and purginge avvaye the venoume of the serpent, not continevveinge longe in the puddle of infidelitie. But they of fauour vvere thought vvorthie of mercy, and this I speake to the ende these thinges may take effect. vvo is me that I fell thus moste vvickedly. vvo is me that my aduenture in these thinges vvas so vnfortunate. but novve I humbly beseche thee o Lorde, in as much as I haue felt farre vvorse, Call me backe o Lorde for that I treade a moste perilous and ruy­nous vvaye. Graunte me that good guide and teacher the holy Ghost, that I be not made a prickinge hedgehogge and become an habitation for deuells, but that I maye treade vnder foote the deuell vvhich trode me, and ouercomminge his sleyghtes be restored agayne to the former health and saluation. Remember not o Lord the iniquitie of thine humble suter, vvho sometime haue celebrated vnto thee, the function of priesthood. remember not o Lord the iniquity of me vvho made aunsvvere vvith vvicked language. Novve o all you vvhich [Page 125] behold my vvounde tremble for feare, and take heede that ye slumber not, neither fall into the like crime: but come ioyntly vvhich haue the same measure of faith, let vs assemble together, & rent our hartes and prouoke streames of teares to gushe out of the temples of our heades. For vvhen these runne and flovve vpon the face of the earth, there vvill follovve remission of sinnes, the paynes vvyll be auoyded and the tormentes shall not be felt. I mourne & am sorie from the hart roote (O ye my frendes) that euer I fell from aloft. I haue fallen, and am brused, there is no health in me. let the Angels lament ouer me bicause of this my daungerous fall. let the garlands & crovvnes of the saincts lament ouer me, for that I am seuered from amōg their blessed assem­blies. let blessed Aaron lament ouer me his p [...]esthoode. let the holy church lament ouer me, for that I am ruynously decayed. Let all people lamente ouer me, for that I haue my deathes vvounde. I see the cloudes in the skie shadovving the lyght from me, and the sonne hydinge his bryght beames. But novve you do all see and perceaue, the prophet Dauid hath shutte the dore of my mouth. I vvas constrayned of the holie byshops to breake out into some vvordes of ex­hortation, and takinge the booke of Psalmes in my hande I prayed and opened: and I lyghted vpon that sentence the vvhiche I am ashamed to repeate, yet compelled to pronounce: Vntò Psal. 50. the vngodly sayde God: vvhy doest thou preache my lavves, and takest my couenaunt in thy mouth? But bevvayle me and lament this my bytter sorovve. bevvayle me vvhich am in like case vvith the reprobate levves. For that vvhiche vvas sayde vnto them by the Prophet, novve soun­deth alike in myne eares. Vvhat shall I do that am thus besette vvith many mischiefes. alasse o death vvhy doest thou linger? to vvete: that thou mayest spite and beare me malice. O Satan vvhat mischiefe hast thou vvrought vnto me? hovve hast thou pearced my breast vvith thy poy­soned darte? thinkest thou that my ruyne vvyll auayle thee any thinge at all? thinkest thou to procure vnto thy selfe ease and reste, vvhyle that I am greeuously tormented? vvho is able to si­gnifie vnto me vvhether my sinnes be vvyped and done avvay? vvhether that I haue escaped the paynes vvhich greatly I feared? VVho is able to signifie vnto me vvhether agayne I shalbe coo­pled and made companion vvith the saincts? O ye the saincts of God for that I am not vvorthie to heare the message of thē that bring such tidinges (but presuming farre vvorse practises) haue hearde the terrible threates of the Euangelistes. alasse ô the boosome of Abraham the vvhich I Luc. 16. am depriued of▪ alasse that I became partaker vvith the ritche man of his condemnation in the horrible pitte, and partner of his thurst, in the bitter place, full of all sorovve & heauinesse. alasse ô father Abraham entreate for me that I be not cutt of from thy coasts, the vvhich I haue greatly longed after, yet not vvorthely because of my great sinne. But ô Lorde I fall dovvne before thy mercie seate, haue mercie vpon me vvhich mourne thus out of measure, vvhich haue greatly of­fended, vvhich haue shed many salt and bitter teares, vvhose miserable case euery creature hath lamented. VVhy hast thou broken dovvne my hedge & strong holdes, the vvilde bore out of the Psal. 80. vvood hath destroyed me & the vvilde beaste of the fielde hath eaten me vp. rydde me o Lorde from the roaring Lion, the vvhole assemblie of saincts doth make intercession vnto thee for me vvhich am an vnprofitable seruant, the vvhole quire of Angels do entreate thee for me vvhiche Luc. 15. haue greeuously offended: that thou vvilt shevv mercy vnto the vvādering sheepe, vvhich is sub­iect to the renting teeth of t [...] [...]uenous VVolfe. saue me o Lord out of his mouth. suffer me not to become the sacrifice of sinne, but let dovvne vpon me thy holyspirite, that vvith his firie coū ­tenance he may put to flight the crooked fiende of the deuell: that I may be brought vvhome Psal. 30. againe vnto thy vvisdome: that the bill of sinne vvritten agaynste me be blotted out: that my la­mentation may ceasse in the euening & receaue loye in the morning. let my sackcloth be rented asunder, gyrde me vvith ioye & gladnes. let me be receaued againe into the ioye of my God. let me be thought vvorthye of his kingdome, through the prayers and intercession of the sainctes, through the earnest petitions of the church, vvhich sorovveth ouer me & humbleth her selfe vnto Iesus Christ, to vvhome vvith the father and the holie ghost be all glorie and honor for euer and euer. Amen.

CAP. II.

Of the byshops of Rome and of the controuersie then raysed of Baptisme.

WHen Cornelius had ended full three yeares in the byshops seae of Rome, Lucius succee Lucius. b. of Rome. Stephan. b. of Rome. ded, whiche enioyed the rowme not fully eyght monethes, and after him was Stephan chosen bishop. vnto this Stephan Dionysius wrote his firste epistle of baptisme when as [Page 126] at that tyme there was no small controuersie raysed: whether they which returned from any he­resie whatsoeuer, shoulde be rebaptized, or after the auncient manner be receaued with prayer and layinge on of handes.

CAP. III.

Stephan bishop of Rome reprehendeth Cyprian bishop of Carthage for rebaptizing of heretickes.

THen firste of all Cyprian bishop of Carthage thought the heretickes no other kinde of waye The error of Cyprian. to be admitted and purged from their errour, then by Baptisme. But Stephan thought good that nothinge shoulde be innouated, preiudiciall to the tradition preuaylinge of olde. for whiche cause he was greatly offended with Cyprian.

CAP. IIII.

Dionysius writeth vnto Stephan bishop of Rome, of the matter in con­trouersie, and of the peace which followed after persecution.

DIonysius when he had often written vnto him of this matter at length certifieth him, that persecution beynge ceassed, all the churches enioyed peace, embraced vnitie, and detested the erroneous nouelties of Nouatus: he writeth thus: Cap. 5. in the Greeke. Dionysius. b. of Alexādria vnto Stephā b. of Rome. Vnderstand nowe o brother that all the churches throughout the east, yea and beyonde, are vnited together, whiche afore tyme were deuided, and at discorde amonge them selues. All the gouernours of the churches, euery where are at one, reioysinge exceedingly at the peace which happened beyonde all expecta­tion. Demetrianus of Antioche, Theoctistus of Caesarea, Mezabanes of Ierusalem, Marinus of Tyrus, Alexander who is dead, Heliodorus of Laodicea which succeeded after the death of Thelymidres, Helenus of Tarsus, all the churches of Cilicia, Firmilianus and all Cappadocia. I haue onely recited the most famous Bishops, lest my epistle become ouer large, and the readinge be ouertedious. All Syria and Arabia, two wherewith ye are pleased, and to whome presently ye write, and Mesopotamia, Pontus, and Bithynia, and that I may vtter all in one worde, euery one, euery where reioyceth, glorifyinge God in concorde and brotherlie loue. Xystus. b. of Rome. So farre Dionysius. Stephan when he had bene byshop of Rome two yeares, dyed, and after him came Xystus in place. And to him wrote Dionysius an other epistle of Baptisme, layinge downe the censure of Stephan and the other byshops. Of Stephan he sayeth thus: He wrote an epistle toutchinge Helenus and Firmilianus, and all Cilicia, Cappadocia, Galatia and the borderinge Dionysius. b. of Alexādria vnto Xystus b. of Rome. nations, that he woulde not communicate with them for that cause, to weete: for that they rebaptized heretickes. Consider that this is a weyghtie matter. For truely as I heare in the grea­test synodes of bishopes it is decreed: that such as renounce any heresie shoulde firste agayne be instructed, then be baptized and purged of the dregges, of the olde and impure leauen. And hereof I wrote vnto him requestinge him to certifie me agayne: and to our welbeloued fellowe ministers Dionysius and Philemon, who at the firste gaue their censure with Stephan, and nowe they write vnto me, to whome at the firste I wrote brieflie, but nowe at large. So farre pre­sently of this question then in controuersie.

CAP. V. Cap. 6. in the Greeke.

Of the Sabellian heresie.

MAkinge relation of the Sabellian heretickes then preuaylinge he writeth thus: For as Dionysius. b. of Alexādria vnto Xystus b. of Rome. much as manie brethren of both partes haue sente theyr bookes and disputations in writinge vnto me, toutchinge the impious doctrine lately sowen at Pentapolis in Pto­lemais, contayning many blasphemies against the almightie God, and the father of our Lorde Iesus Christ, and withall muche incredulitie toutchinge his onely begotten sonne, and firste be­gotten of all creatures, and the worde incarnate, and senselesse ignorance of the holy ghoste: Some of them I haue written as God gaue me grace, with greater instruction, and sent the co­pies vnto you.

CAP. VI.

Dionysius being warned from aboue, read with greate profitt the bookes of heretickes. Cap. 7. in [...] Greeke. he thinketh that such as returne from their heresies, shoulde not be rebaptized.

DIonysius in his third epistle of Baptisme writeth thus, vnto Philemon a Romaine minister: Dionysius. of Alexādri epist. 3. of baptisme vn­to Philemo [...] a minister [...] Rome. I haue read ouer the traditions and commentaries of heretickes not infecting my minde with their impure cogitations, but profiting my selfe accordingly, that I reprehēded thē with my selfe, and detested them vtterly. And when I was brotherly and charitably forbidd by a certaine minister, whiche feared lest that I wallowed my selfe in the puddle of their malicious writinges, whereby my soule myght perishe, who, as it seemed me, tolde the trueth: a certaine vision came vnto me from aboue plainlie commaundinge and sayinge: Reade all whatsoeuer come into thy handes, thou shalt be able to weye, to proue, and trye all. for by this meanes at the firste thou camest vnto the faith. I thankfully receaued the vision, as agreable vnto the voice of the Apostle speakinge vnto myghtier men. Be you tryed stewardes or disposers of the myste­ries 1. Pet. 4. Heraclas b. of Alexādria called a pope ergo it was not the pe­culier title of the bishop of Rome. of God. Agayne after he had spoken somewhat of all the heresies before his time he procee­deth on thus. I haue receaued this canon and rule of blessed Heraclas our pope: The canon of Heraclas. Suche as returned from heretickes, though they fell from the churche, or not fell, but thought to parti­cipate with them (yet betrayde for that they frequented the companie of one that published false doctrine) he excommunicated: neither admitted, no if they had entreated, before they had openly pronounced all they had hearde of the aduersaries, then at length he gathered them together, not requiringe that they shoulde be baptized againe. For a good whyle before they had obtained by his meanes the holie ghost. Agayne when he had largely en­treated hereof he writeth thus▪ And I am sure of this that not onely the bishopes of Africk haue practised the like, but also the bishops our predecessours of olde in the most famous churches, and in the Synodes of the brethren at Iconium and Synadis, with the aduise of ma­nie Deut. 19. Prouerb. 22. haue decreed the same. whose sentences to ouerthrovve and raise contention and bravv­ling among the brethren I cannot awaye with. Thou shalt not (as it is written) alter the bounds of thy neighbours which thy fathers haue limited.

CAP. VII.

The same Dionysius of the Nouatian heresie.

HIs fourth epistle of Baptisme is written vnto Dionysius then a Romaine minister, but af­terwards there placed bishop. whereby we may coniecture howe he was counted wise and famous by the testimonie of Dionysius bishope of Alexandria. he wrote vnto him after other things, in this manner of Nouatus. Cap. 8. in the Greeke. Dionysius. b. of Alexādria vnto Diony­siꝰ a minister of Rome, but afterwards. b. epist. 4. of Baptisme. VVe are not without iuste cause offended with No­uatus, vvhiche hath rent a sunder the churche of God, and drawen diuerse of the brethren vnto impietie and blasphemies, and hath published of God a moste impious and prophane kinde of doctrine, charging the moste louing and mercifull God vvith the title and sclaunder of im­mercifulnesse. And moreouer he hath renounced baptisme: he hath made shipwracke of his for­mer faith and confession: he hath chased avvay the holy ghost, vvhat hope soeuer remaines ei­ther of the tarying or returning of the holy ghost into them againe.

CAP. VIII. Cap. 9. in the Greeke.

Dionysius reporteth of one that sorowed, because he had receaued baptisme of heretickes.

THe fifte epistle of Dionysius is extant vnto Xystus bishop of Rome, where after he had writ­ten Dionysius. b. of Alexādria epist. 5. vnto Xystus. b. of Rome. many thinges againste heretickes, he reporteth this one thing which happened in his time, writing thus: In good sooth (brother) I stande in neede of aduise and counsaile, & I craue your opinion for that a certaine thing happened vnto me, vvherin I feare lest I be de­ceaued. when the brethren were gathered together, a certaine man to all mens thinkinge of the faith, an auncient minister of the clergie before my time, & as I suppose before blessed Heraclas, beinge present vvhile some lately vvere baptized, hearinge the interrogatories and aunsvveres, came vnto me, weeping & wailing, & falling prostrate before my feete, confessed & protested [Page 128] that the baptisme vvherevvith he vvas baptized of the hereticks vvas not the true baptisme, nei­ther had it any agreement vvith that vvhich is in vre among vs, but vvas full of impietie & blas­phemies. he sayd he vvas sore pricked in cōscience, yet durst not presume to lyft vp his eyes vnto God, for that he was christened with those prophane words & caeremonies. wherfore he prayed that he might obtaine this moste syncere purification, admission, and grace, the vvhich thinge I durst not do, but told him that the dayly communion, many times ministred, might suffice hin [...]. VVhen he had heard thankes geuing sounded in the churche: and he him selfe had songe there­unto Amen: vvhen he had bene present at the Lordes table, and had streatched forth his hande to receaue that holy foode, & had communicated, and of a long time had bene partaker of the bodie and bloudē of our Lorde Iesus Christ: I durst not againe baptize him, but badde him be of good cheere, of a sure faith, and boldly to approche vnto the cōmunion of the saincts. But he for all this mourneth continually, horrour vvithdravveth him from the Lordes table, and being entreated, hardly is persvvaded to be present at the ecclesiasticall prayers. There is an other epi­stle of his and of the congregation vnder his charge vnto Xystus, and the church of Rome, where at large he disputeth of this question. Againe there is an other vnder his name toutching Lucia­nus vnto Dionysius bishop of Rome. But of these things thus muche.

CAP. IX. Cap. 10. in the Greeke.

Howe Valerianus raysed persecution against the Christians.

THey that ruled the empire with Gallus, enioyed it not full two yeares, but were depri­ued Valerianus created Em­perour toge­ther with Galienus his sonne. Anno Dom. 256. Vnder him was raysed the eyghth persecution agaynst the churche of God. of this lyfe: And Valerianus together with his sonne Galienus succeedeth in the Em­pire. What Dionysius wrote of him, it may be gathered by his epistle vnto Hermammon, where he sayeth: Dionysiꝰ b. of Alexādria. vnto Her­mammon. Apo [...]. 13. Satan. It vvas reuealed vnto Iohn, for a mouth vvas gyuen vnto him (sayeth he) to vtter proude speaches and blasphemyes, and povver vvas gyuen him and monethes fortie tvvo. Both thinges are vvonderfull in Valerianus, and vve haue to consider hovve that aboue all his predecessours he vvas disposed at the firste, gentle tovvardes all the men of God, meeke and friendly minded. For there vvas none of al the emperours before him so curteous and frendly af­fected tovvards them, no not they vvhich openly vvere counted Christians: he at the firste em­braced our men most familiarly, moste louingly, & that openly: so that his palace vvas repleni­shed vvith professors of the fayth, and accompted for the churche of God. But the maister & ru­ler of the Aegyptian sorcerers synagoge, persvvaded him aftervvard to slaye and persecute those syncere men and sainctes of God, as aduersaries and impugners of their moste impure, and de­testable sorceries (for the godlye then preuayled so muche, and preuayle at this daye, that beyng present and vvith their countenance only blovving the contrarie, and resisting as it vvote vvith a little speache, scattered the bevvitchings of those detestable deuils) he brought to passe impure ceremonies, execrable inchauntmēts, and abhominable sacrifices: he made a slaughter of miserable children: he sacrificed the sonnes of infortunate parents: he searched the bovvels of the nevvly borne babes, spoyling & rentinge asunder the shaped creatures of God, as if by such haynous offences he should become fortunate. Againe after a fewe lines he saith: Macrinus offe red vp vnto them gratulatorie gyftes & presents for good lucke of the hoped empire. For before it vvas commonly blased he should be created Emperour, he respected not the consonancie of reason, neither the publique or common affaires, but vvas subiect vnto the curse of the prophet sayinge: VVo be vnto them vvhich prophecie after their ovvne hartes desyre, and respect not the publique profitte. He vnderstoode not the vniuersall prouidence and vvisdome of him vvhiche is before all, in all, and aboue all. VVerefore he is become a deadlye foe vnto the catholique and Christian fayth. He outlavved and banyshed him selfe from the mercye of Macrinus si­gnifieth one standinge a farre of. Esay. 66. God: and as he fledde farthest from the churche, so hath he aunsvvered the etymologie of his name. Agayne he sayeth: Valerianus vvas by his meanes dryuen and gyuen ouer vnto suche reprochefulnesse and abhominations, that the sayinge of Esaye vvas verified in him. And they (sayeth he) chose theyr ovvne vvayes and abhominations vvhiche their soules lusted after, and I vvyll selecte them theyr ovvne illusions, and recompence them theyr ovvne sinnes. This Emperoure vvas madd, and dotynge ouer the empire othervvyse then became his maiestie, not able by reason of his maymed bodye to vveare the emperiall robes, brought forth tvvo sonnes follovvers of the fathers impietie. In them vvas that prophecye manifest, [Page 129] vvhere God promised to punish the sinnes of the fathers vpon the children vnto the thirde and Exod. 20. fourth generation of such as hate him. he povvred his impious desires vvhereof he coulde not be satisfied, vpon the pates of his sonnes, and posted ouer vnto them his malice and spite agaynst God. So farre Dionysius writeth of Valerianus.

CAP. X.

Of the daungers that Dionysius him selfe stoode in.

BUt of the persecution wherewith himselfe was sore afflicted, & what thinges together with others he suffered, for his conscience God wards, his wordes do testifie where he inueyeth a­gainst Germanus one of the Bishops which at that time backbited him, his words are these: I feare me lest that of necessity I fall into great foolishnes, and te [...]erity, declaring the vvonder­full pleasure of God in our behalfe. Cap. 11. in the Greeke. Tob. 12. Dionysius b. of Alexan­dria agaynst Germanus, epist. ad Her­mamon. In so much it is commendable to conceale the secretye of the King, it is glorious to publishe abroade the vvorkes of God. Forthvvith then vvill I sett on the vvilfulnes [...]e of Germanus. I came vnto Aemilianus not alone, for there accompanied me my fellovve minister Maximus, & the Deacons Faustus, Eusebius, Chaeremon. Also there came vvith vs one of the bethren of Rome vvhich thē vvere present. Aemilianus sayd not vnto me specially, rayse no conuenticle: This vvoulde haue bene superfluous, and the laste of all, he hauing recourse vnto that vvhich vvas firste. His speache vvas not of making no cor [...]uenticles, but of that vve shoulde be no Christians at all, and commaunded me to cease henceforth from Chri­stianitie. For he thought that if I altered my opinion diuers other vvoulde follovve me. I made him aunsvvere neyther vnreuerently, neyther tediously. VVe ought to obey rather God then Act. 5. men. Yea I spake vvith open protestation: I vvorshippe God vvhich is onely to be vvorship­ped and none other, neyther vvill I be chaunged, neyther cease henceforth from being a Chri­stian. This being said, he commaunded vs to departe vnto a certaine village adioyning vpon the deserte called Cephro. Novv heare vvhat is recorded to haue bene sayde of eyther partes: vvhen Dionysius, and Faustus, and Maximus, and Marcellus, and Chaeremon vvere brought forth, Aemi­lianus sate in the Presidents rovvme. I haue signified (sayth he) by vvorde here vnto you, the cle­mency of our leages, and Lordes the Emperours tovvardes you. They haue graunted you par­don so that you returne vnto that vvhich nature it selfe bindeth you vnto, so that you adore the Gods vvhich garde this empire, and forgett the thinges vvhich repugne nature. VVhat aun­svvere make you vnto these? I hope ye vvill not vngratefully refuse their clemencie in so much they counsayle you to the better. Dionysius aunsvvered: All men doe not vvorshippe all Gods, but seuerall men seuerall Gods, vvhome they thinke good to be vvorshipped. But vve vvor­shippe and adore the one God the vvorker of all thinges, vvho committed this empyre vnto the most clement Emperours Valerianus, and Galienus, vnto vvhome also vve povvre inces­sant prayers for their raygne, that it may prosperously continevve. Then Aemilianus the Pre­sident sayde: VVhat lett is there I beseeche you, but that naturally you adore that your God (insomuch he is a God) together vvith these our Gods. Dionysius aunsvvered: VVe vvorshippe no other God. To vvhome Aemilianus the President sayd, I see you are altogether vnthanke­full, you perceaue not the clemencye of the Emperours, vvherefore ye shall not remayne in this Dionysius with his company is bani­shed into a certayne de­serte called Cephro. citye, but shal be sent into the partes of Libya, vnto a place called Cephro. This place by the commaundemente of our Emperoures, I haue picked out for you. It shall not be lavvefull for you and others to frequente Conuenticles, neyther to haue recourse (as they call them) vnto Churcheyardes. If any of you be not founde in that place vvhiche I haue appoynted for you, or in any Conuenticle lett him vnder his perill. There shall not vvante sufficient pro­uision. departe therefore vvhither ye are commaunded. But he constrayned me, althoughe sickely to departe vvith speede, differring no not one daye, hovve then coulde I rayse or not rayse a Conuenticle? Agayne after a fewe lynes he sayth: Truely vve are not absent, no not from the corporall congregation of the Lorde: for I gather suche as are in the citye, as if I vvere present, being in deede absent in the bodye, but present in the spirite. And there con­tinevved vvith vs in Cephro a greate congregation, partely of the brethren vvhiche follovv­ed vs from out of the citye, and partely of them vvhiche came from Aegypt. And there God opened vnto me a dore vnto his vvorde: yet at the beginning vve suffered persecution, and stoning, but at the length not a fevve of the Panymes forsaking their carued Images, vvere [Page 130] conuerted. For vnto such as before had not receaued, thē first of al we preached the word of god. And in so much that therfore God had brought vs among thē, after that the ministery was there completed, he remoued vs vnto an other place, for Aemilianus woulde transporte vs vnto more rough places of Libya, as he thought, & gaue cōmaundemēt that al from euery where should re­paire vnto Mareòta, where he allotted vnto seuerall men, the seueral villages of that place, & cō ­maunded that we in our iourney, & first among all the rest should be preuented. for by taking vs vp by the vvay, the rest vvould easily follovv after. But I hearing we must depart from Cephro, & knowing not the place whither we were cōmaunded to go, neyther remēbred I, that euer afore, I heard it named, for al that tooke my iourney willingly, & cheerefully. But when I vnderstood we must remoue vnto Colluthio, then howe I was affected my companions knowe very well. And here I will accuse my selfe. For at the firste I fretted, and tooke it very greeuously. If places better knowne and more frequented had fallen vnto our lo [...]e it shoulde neuer haue greeued me. But that place whither I should repayre was reported to be destitute of all brotherly and friendely consolation, subiect to the troublesome tumulte of trauaylers, and violent inuasion of theeues. Yet I tooke no small comforte in that the brethren toulde me it was nigh a citye. For Cephro brought me greate familiaritye with the brethren of Aegypt, so that our congre­gation encreased▪ but there I supposed it might fall out, for that the citye was nighe, we shoulde enioye the presence of familiar, friendely, and beloued brethren, whiche would frequent vn­to vs and refreshe vs, and that particular Conuenticles in the farther suburbes might be raysed, whiche in deede came to passe. Agayne of other thinges whiche happened vnto him, thus he wryteth: Germanus peraduenture glorieth of many confessions, and can tell a longe tale of the afflictions which he endured. but what can be repeated on our behalfe? sentences of condem­nation, What Dionysius suffered for the fayth. confiscations, proscriptions, spoyling of substance, deposition of dignities, no regarde of worldly glory, contempt of the prayses due vnto Presidents & consuls, threatnings of the aduer­saries, the suffring of reclamations, perils, persecutions, errors, griefes, anguishes, and sundry tri­bulatiōs which happened vnto me vnder Decius, & Sabinus, & hitherto vnder Aemilianus. novv I pray you where appeared Germanus? what rumor is blased of him? But peraduenture I bring my self into great folly for Germanus sake. The same Dionysius in his epistle vnto Domitius & Di­dymus made mention againe of them who then were persecuted, saying: It shal seeme superfluous Dionysius b. of Alexādria vnto Domi­tius & Didy­mus. to recite the names of our men in that they were many, & to you vnknowne. For al that, take this for suertie. There were men, women, yong men, olde men, virgins & olde women, souldiers & simple men, of all sortes & sects of people: wherof some after stripes & fire were crowned victo­rers, some after▪ sworde, some other in small time sufficiently tried, seemed acceptable sacrifices vnto the Lord. Euen as hitherto it hath appeared to suffice me, because he hath reserued me vnto an other fitt time knowne vnto him self, who sayth: in time accepted haue I heard thee, & in the Esay. 49. 2. Corinth. 6. day of saluation haue I holpen thee. And because you are desitous to vnderstand of our affayres, I vvill certifie you in what state we stande. You all hearde how I, and Caius, and Faustus, Pe­ter and Paul, when we were ledd bounde by the Centurion, captaynes, souldiers and seruants, certayne of the brethren inhabiting Mareôta, rushed out and sett vpon vs, pulled vs which were violently drawne, and followed agaynstour will. But I truely and Caius, & Peter, alone among all the rest, depriued of the other brethren, were shutt vp in a close dungeon, distant three dayes iourney from Paraetonium, in the waste deserte and noysome contrey. Afterwardes he sayth: In the citie there hidd them selues certayne of the brethren which visited vs secretly, of the mini­sters Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, Lucius, and they that were more famous in the worlde, as Faustinus and Aquila, these now wander I wott not where in Aegypt. And of the Deacons there remained aliue after thē which died of diseases, Faustus, Eusebius, & Charemon. God strengthned and instructed this Eusebius from the beginning to minister diligently vnto the confessors in pri­son, and to burye the bodyes of the blessed Martyrs not vvithout great daunger. And yet vn­to this day the President ceaseth not cruelly to slay some that are brought forth: to teare in pec­ces other some with torments: to consume other with emprisonment & fetters, commaunding that none come nigh them, & enquiring daily if any such men be attainted. For all that, God re­fresheth Of Eusebius b. of Laodi­cea. [...]eade the last cap. of this 7. booke Maximus. Faustus. the afflicted with cheerefulnes & frequenting of brethren. These thinges hath Dionysius writtē in y aforesaid epistle. yet haue we to vnderstand y this Eusebius whom he calleth a deacon, was in a while after, chosen bishop of Laodicea in Syria, & Maximus whom he calleth a minister: succeded Dionysius in y bishops sea of Alexandria. & Faustus who thē endured cōfess [...]ō w t him, was [Page 131] reserued vnto the persecution of our time▪ a very [...] hauing liued many dayes, at length a­mong vs was beheaded, and [...]cowned a martyrsi [...] were the thinges which happened vnto Dio­nysius in those dayes.

CAP. XI. Cap. 12. a [...]t [...] the greeke.

Of the Martyrs in Caesarea.

AT Caesarea in Palaestina, in the persecution vnder Valerianus there were three famous men, for their sayth in Christ Iesu, deliuered to be deuoured of wilde beastes, and bewtifi­ed with diuine martyrdome. whereof the first was called Prison [...] the seconde▪ Malchus, the Priscus, Malchus & Alexander tome in peeces of wilde beastes. A woman torne in pee­ces of wilde beastes. Cap. 13. in the Greeke. thirde Alexander▪ the reporte goeth, firste of all that these men leading an obscure and contrey life, bla [...]d them selues for negligence and [...]touthfulnes, because they stroue not for the crowne of martyrdome but despised those maisteries, which that present time distributed to such as coue­red after celestiall thinges, and taking further advisement therein, they came to Caesarea, they went vnto y iudge, [...] [...]nigyed the i [...] [...]. Moreouer they write a certayne woman of y same citie in the same persecution, with like triall to haue ended her life, and as they report one that en­clyned to the heresie of Marcion.

CAP. XII.

How that peace in the steade of persecution, was restored by the benefit [...] of Galienus the Emperour.

NOt long after, Valerianus hauing subdued the Barbarians, his sonne got the supremacy [...] A [...] Dom [...] 262. and ruled the empire with better aduisement. and forthwith released and sti [...]ed the [...]er [...] ­cution raysed agaynst vs, with publike edices, and commaunded that the Pris [...]de [...]s and chiefe of our doctrine shoulde freely after their wonted maner execute their office & function. The coppy whereof faythfully translated out of Romaine letters and interlaced in this our history is read as followeth: The Emperour C [...]sar Publi [...], [...], Galienus, vertuous, fortunate▪ Augustus: Galienus the Emperour in the behalfe of the Chri­stians. vnto Dionysius, Pinna, Demetrius together vvith the rest of the Bishops sendeth greeting. The be­nefit of our gracious pardon vve commaunde to be published, throughout the vvhole vvorlde, that they vvhich are detayned in banishment, depart the places inhabited of Pagans. for the ex­ecution vvhereof the coppy of this our edict shal be your discharge, lest any go about to molest you, and this vvhich you novv may lavvfully put in vre, vvas graunted by vs long agoe. VVhere­fore A [...]relius Cyrenius our high Constable, hath in his keeping the coppy vvhich vve deliuered vnto him. There is extant also an other constitution of his vnto other Bishops, wherein he per­mitteth them to enioye and frequent they places called Churchyardes.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 14▪ in the Greeke.

The famous Bishops of that time.

ABout this time was Xystus, Bishop of Rome▪ Demetrianus, after Fabius Bishop of Anti­och: Xystus. Demetrianus Firmilianus. Gregorius Nazianzenꝰ▪ Athenodorꝰ. Domnus. Theo [...]ecnu [...]. Hymenaeus. Cap. 15. in the greeke Firmilianus of Caesarea in Cappadocia: Gregorius ouer the Churches throughout Pontus, and his brother Athenodorus familiars of Origen. At Caesarea in Palaestina after the death of Theoctistus, Domnus was chosen Bishop, whome in a short time after, Theotecnus succee­ded, who also was of the schoole of Origen. and at Ierusalem ( Mazabanus being departed this life) Hymen [...]ns enioyed the Bishopricke, who liued with vs many yeares.

CAP. XIIII.

How that Marinus a souldier, through the perswasion of Theotecnus sufferedmar­tyrdome at Caesarea.

ABout that time when as the Church enioyed peace throughout the worlde, at Caesarea in Palaestina, there was one Marinus, a famous souldier for seates of armes, of noble [...]ynage, Marinus was beheaded. and great substance, beheaded for the testimony of Christ. The cause was this: There is a certayne dignity among the Romayns called the Centurions vine, the which whosoeuer doth ob­tayne, is called a Cen [...]ution. When the rowme was voyde the company called Marinus to this degree: Marinus being preferred, an other came before the tribunall seate and accused him, affir­ming [Page 132] it was not lawefull by the auncient lawes for him to enioy that Romayne dignitie because he was a Christian, and sacrificed not vnto the Emperours, & that it was his turne next to come in place. the iudge being very much moued with this (his name was Achain [...]) firsto he demaun­deth what opinion Marinus was of. when he saw him constantly confessing him selfe to be a Chri­stian, he graunted him three houres space to deliberate. This being done Theotecnus Bishop of A notable perswasion vnto martyr­dome. Caesarea calleth vnto him Marinus, from the tribunall seate, taketh him in hande with exhortati­ons, leadeth him by the hande into the Churche, setteth him downe in the Chauncell, layeth his cloke aside, sheweth him the sworde that honge by his side, afterwards pulleth out of his pocket the newe testament, setteth it ouer agaynst the sworde, and bad him chuse whether of those two, he preferred or liked best, for the health of his soule. When he immediatly stretching forth his right hande, had taken vp the booke of holy scripture, holde fast then sayth Theotecnus vnto him, cleaue vnto God, and thou shalt enioy the thinges thou hast chosen, being strengthened by him and goe in peace. After he had returned thence, the cryer lifted his voyce and called him to appeare at the barre, the time graunted for deliberation was now ended. standing therefore at the barre he gaue tokens of the noble courage of his sayth, wherefore in a while after as he was ledd, heard the sen­tence of condenmation and was beheaded.

CAP. XV. Cap. 16. after the greeke.

Of the fauor which Astyrius a noble man bare towards the Martyrs.

HEre is mention made of Astyrius, because of his most friendly readines and singuler good Astyrius a senator of Rōe & a fauorer of the Chri­stians. will he bare vnto the persecuted Christians. This man was one of the Senators of Rome, well accepted of the Emperours, in good estimation with all men, for his noble stocke, well knowne for his great substance: who being present at the execution of the Martyr, tooke vp his body, layed it on his shoulders being arayed in gorgeous and costly attyre, and prouided for him a most noble funerall. infinite other thinges are reported by his familiers to haue bene done of him, whereof diuers liued vnto this our time.

CAP. XVI. Cap. 17. after the Greeke.

Astyrius by his prayers repressed and bewrayed the iuggling and deceate of Satan.

ANother straung facte is reported to haue bene practised, at Caesarea Philippi which the Phaenicians call Paneas, at those fountaynes which spring out of the foote of the mount Pa­neius, whence the riuer Iordan hath his originall, they reporte that the inhabitants of that place haue acustomed vpon a festiual day to offer some sacrifice or other, which through the pow­er of the deuill neuer afterwards appeared, which also seemed in the sight of the beholders a no­table miracle. Astyrius on a time being present at the miracle, perceauing that many at the sight thereof were amazed, pitied their erroneous estate, lifted his eyes vp vnto heauen and prayed Al­mighty God in Christ Iesus his name that Satan the seducer of that people might be bewrayed, The deuill is put to flight by fasting & prayer. and refrayned from the seducing any longer of mortal men. which when he had prayed (as the re­porte goeth) forth with the sacrifice swomme on the top of the water, and the beholders ceased to wonder, so that from that time forth there was no such miracle seene in that place.

CAP. XVII. Cap. 18. in the Greeke.

Of the image of the woman cured of the bloudy flixe, the image of Christ and of some of the Apostles.

IN so much we made mention of this citye Paneas in Caesarea Philippi, I thinke I shall offend if I passe ouer with silence a certaine historye worthy of memorie among the posteritie in time Luk. 8. Matth. 9. to come. The report goeth that the woman whose bloudy flixe we learne to haue bene cured by our Sauiour in the Gospell, was of the aforesaid citye, and that her house is there to be seene, and a worthy monument yet there to continewe of the benefitt conferred by our Sauiour vpon her. Monuments of memory & not for su­perstition. that there standeth ouer an high stone, right ouer against the dore of her house an image of brasse resembling the forme of a woman, kneeling vpon her knees, holding her handes before her, after the maner of supplication. Againe, that there standeth ouer against this an other image of a man, [Page 133] molten of the same mettal, comely araied in a short vesture, and stretching forth his hand vnto the woman, at whose feete in the same piller there groweth vp from the grounde a certayne vnknow­en kinde of herbe in height vnto the hemme of the brasen images vesture, curing all kind of mala­dies. This picture of the man, they report to be the image of Iesus. it hath continewed vnto our time and is to be seene of trauellers that frequent the same citye. neyther is it any maruell at all, that they which of the Gentiles were cured by our Sauiour, made and set vp such thinges. for that we haue seene the pictures of his Apostles, to wete, of Paul, of Peter, and of Christ him To erect an image is a heathenish custome. selfe, being grauen in their colours, to haue bene kept and reserued. for the men of olde of a hea­thenish custome, were wonte to honour after this manner such as they counted Sauiours.

The censure of the Translator toutching the afore sayd images.

TOutching the trueth of this historye we may not doubt but that there was such a towne, such a wo­man, and of such a disease cured by our Sauiour, the holy Euangelistes doe reporte it. and that there were such images resembling Christ and the woman (monuments of memorye, and not of su­perstition) and that there was such an herbe of so wonderfull an operation, we cannot denye, inso­much that many doe testifie of the same, some by heare saye, and some other that they sawe it. yet thus much we may note with Eusebius in the same chapiter, that the originall erection of these and such like images was deriued from the Gentiles, who of a heathenishe custome were wont to a­dore such as of olde tyme had benefitted them with the setting vp of their pictures for monuments in remembraunce of them. Toutching the miraculous operation of the herbe, we may assure our selues that it proceadeth neyther by vertue of the picture, neyther by the prayer of the other, being both dumbe pictures, but by some secrete permission of the wisedome of God. eyther to reduce the infidels at that tyme to the beliefe of the storye, or to admonishe the Christians that health was to be looked for, onely of Christ and no other Aduocate. after the death of Eusebius, Sozomenus (lib. 5. ec­clesiast. hist. cap. 20.) reporteth that Iulian the Apostata tooke downe the image of Christ, and set vp his owne in the same place, which with violent fire that fell from heauen, was clefte a sunder in the breast, the heade broken of with the [...]e [...]ke, and stickt in the grounde. for Iulian had taken downe the image of Christ, not to withdrawe the people from idolatrye, but in malice and despite of that newe religion, and erected vp his owne image to the intent the people shoulde worship it, purposely to deface Christ (euen as they doe nowe that willingly breake Gods commaundement to vpholde and mayntayne their owne traditions.) Therefore God strooke Iulianus image from heauen with lighte­ning and rent it in peeces, so that there remayned of it (as Sozomenus writeth) reliques long after. This God did not that he was pleased with the setting vp of pictures, but in token of his wrath and dis­pleasure against Iulian for comittinge so dispitefull a deede.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 19. after the Greeke.

Of the Bishops seae of Ierusalem.

THe Bishops seae of Iames who first by our Sauiour and his Apostles was placed Bishop The seae of Ierusalem long preser­ued and con­tinewed. of Ierusalem, (whome the holy Scriptures doe honour with the title of Christes brother) was vnto this tyme preserued, which thing the brethren there ordinarily succeeding haue manifestly shewed vnto all men. In so much that the Elders of olde and the men also of these our dayes haue honored the holy men and doe still honor them for pietyes sake with conuenient re­uerence. and these thinges goe after this sorte.

CAP. XIX. Cap. 20. in the Greeke.

Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria wrote of Holydayes and Easter.

DIonysius besides the afore sayd Epistles wrote at that tyme also, such epistles as are extant of Holydayes, where he entreateth of the feast of Easter, with solemne Sermons in praise thereof. The one of them he entitled to Flauius, the other to Domitius and Didymus, where he expounded the Canon, continewing the space of eyght yeares, allowing the feaste of Easter to be celebrated at no tyme but after the solsti [...]iall springe. Moreouer he wrote an other Epistle vnto his fellowe ministers throughout Alexandria. agayne vnto others seuerally when the tyme [Page 134] of persecution was now at hande.

CAP. XX. Cap. 21. in. the Greeke.

Dionysius writeth of the sedition in Alexandria.

WHen as nowe peace in maner preuayled, he returned to Alexandria, where agayne that citye was so troubled with sedition and ciuill warres, that it was vnpossible for him, to visit all the brethren throughout the citye, which were diuided into both the se­dicious partes. and agayne vpon the feaste of Easter as if he had bene in exile, he sent vnto them his Epistles, euen out of Alexandria. Afterwardes he wrote an other Epistle of Holydayes vnto Hierax Bishop of Aegypt, where he maketh mention of the sedition raysed at Alexandria Dionysius b. of Alexan­dria vnto Hierax b. of Aegypt. in this sorte: It is no maruell at all, if it be greeuous for me to conferre by Epistles with them whiche are farre distant, when as it is become impossible for me to consult within my selfe, to conferte with my selfe, and myne owne proper soule. For I am constrayned to write vnto mine owne bowels, my companions and consenting brethren, citizens of the same Churche, and howe my writinges may be conueyed vnto them, seemes very difficult. a man may easier take his iourney, I saye not, without the compasse of these coastes, but from East vnto west, then trauell from Alexandria it selfe, to Alexandria. The middway of this citye is so crooked and vnmeasurable, as is that waste and crosse wildernesse, whiche the Israelites wandred in, the continewance of two generations, and as is the seae, which deuided it selfe, and walled them in compasse, deepe & penetrable, in whose high way, the Aegyptians were drowned. The calme and quiet shores resembled often tymes the redd seae, for the slaughters committed vpon them. The floode that relieued the citie, seemed sometime drier, and noysomer then the drie and stony wildernes where Israel passing, thursted so much that he murmured against Moses, & the drinke by the power of God (which onely worketh maruelous thinges) gushed out of the high rocke: sometyme agayne it so ouerflowed, that the whole region in compasse, both way & field, were aflote, and threatned the violence of mighty waters, euen such as were in the time of Noe. This floode continewally slideth, being polluted with blood, and slaughter, and drowned carkasses, much like that which in the time of Moses, was chaunged for Pharaos sake, into blood and pu­trefaction▪ and what other floodes can purifie this waue, when all things are to be clensed with water? and howe can the Ocean seae, being wide and waste, compassing the whole worlde, season the bitternes of this seae? how can the floode running out of paradise, whose fountayne is fourefold, into the which it is deuided, flowe into one heape & washe away this shedd blood? and when can the ayre be purged of these noysome and contagious vapors? such fumigations are lifted from of the earth, such windes from out of the seae, such aër from out of floodes, such exhalations from out of hauens, as if certayne putrified ishue distilled out of rotten carkasses, & mingled it selfe with all the foure elements. and as yet they wonder and enquire whence pro­ceade these continewal plagues, & greeuous diseases? whence proceade these infections which preuayle among vs? whence come these sundry and manifold destructions of mortall men? and wherefore can not this great citie contayne henceforth as many citizens, if they were numbred, from the cradel to dotage, as heretofore it hath bredd as they cal them graybeardes? there were in tymes past so many from forty to seuenty as now the number of all sortes can not aunsvvere. and of them also vvho heretofore from fourteene to fourescore yeares vvere assigned, and allot­ted for distribution of bublique reliefe. Agayne they vvhich vvere yong in sight behaued them selues like elderly men, and for all that they see mankinde vvithout intermission to diminish & consume from of this earth, they tremble not, though their generall rooting out and destruction encrease and preuayle daily.

CAP. XXI. Cap. 22. in the Greeke.

Of the plague at Alexandria and the humanitie which the Christians shewed vnto the heathen.

WHen the noysome infection had ouertaken these ciuill warres, and the feast of Easter now drewe nigh, he wrote letters vnto the brethren & mentioned those lamentable af­flictions in these words: Other men thinke these times not fitt for any feaste, no more Dionysius b. of Alexan­dria epist. vn­to the bre­thren in Aegypt. they are not in deede, & yet not these onely but others also vvhatsoeuer, not onely of the rest but also if any seeme most pleasaunt vnto them. now all is replenished with lamentations, euery mā doth nothing but mourne, howling soundes throughout the citie, by reason of the multitude of [Page 135] dead carkasses and the daily dying▪ as it is written of the first begotten of the Aegyptians, so now a great clamor is hearde. there is no house where a deade carkase is not founde, and truely not without cause. For the calamities which happened before were grieuous & intolerable, & firste Exod. 12. prouoked vs▪ and we alone though banished from the company of all men, & being deliuered [...]e [...] [...]o death, yet neuerthelesse at that time celebrated the feaste▪ for seuerall places of seuerall afflictions, seemed vnto vs solempne and commendable, the fielde, the wildernes, the shippe, the Inne, the prison▪ but the most ioyfull feaste the blessed martyrs did celebrate, triumphing in heauen▪ afterwards there ensued warres, & famine, which together with the heathen we endu­red, suffring alone their injuries towards vs, & partakers with them accordingly of their priuate Plague. Warres. Famine. malice & miseries which they suffred. Agayne we were cherished with the peace which Christ sent for our sakes. but after that they & we had breathed a litle, this pestilēt calamity fell, a thing more terrible vnto them then any terror, & more lamentable then any calamity, & as a certaine Historiographer of their owne reported: which alone exceeded the hope & expectation of all. yet of vs not so counted, but an exercise and triall, inferior to none of the rest, yet for all that, it spared vs not, but it lighted farre heauier in the necke of the heathens. Agayne after a fewe lines Misery ma­keth the wic­ked to des­payre, but tryeth the godly as the gold in the fornace. The Christi­ans in the plague time loued not only their bre­thren, but al­so their ene­mies. he writeth: many of our brethren by reason of their great loue and brotherly charitie, spared not them selues, cleaued one to another, visited the sicke without warines or heede taking, attended vpon them diligently, cured them in Christ which cost them their liues, and being full of other mens maladies, tooke the infection of their neighboures, translated of their owne accorde the sorowes of others vpon them selues, cured and confirmed other sicke persons, & died most wil­lingly them selues, fulfilling in deede the common saying: that onely friendship is alwayes to be retayned, & departing this life they seemed the ofscouring of others▪ In this sorte the best of our brethren departed this life, whereof some▪ were ministers, some Deacons, in great reuerence among the common people, so that this kinde of death for the great piety and strength of faith, may seeme to differe nothing from martyrdome▪ for they tooke the deade bodies of the Sain­ctes, whose breasts & handes & faces lay vpward [...] & closed their eyes, sh [...]t their mouthes, and ioyntly with one accorde being like affectioned, embraced them, washed them, and prepared their funerals, in a litle while after they enioyed the like them selues. for that the liuing continu­ally traced the steppes of the deade, but among the heathen all fell out of the contrary, for scarce had the pestilence taken place among them, but they contraried them selues, & fledde from the most friendly & dearest friendes, they threwe them halfe deade into the strectes, the deade they The heathe­nish inhuma­nitie. left vnburied to be deuoured of dogges, to the ende they might auoyde the partaking & fellow­ship of death, which for all, that they deuised, they coulde not escape. after this epistle when the citie enioyed peace, he wrote vnto the brethren in Aegypt toutching Holydayes. and afterwards o­ther epistles agayne. there is extant an epistle of his of the Sabaoth, an other of exercise. agayne writing vnto Hermammon and the brethren in Aegypt, he maketh mention at large of the malice of Decius and his successors, & of the peace graunted vnder Galienus. there is no cause to the con­trary, but that the Reader may be made partaker thereof.

CAP. XXII.

Dionysius censure of Macrinus and Galienus the Emperous, and of the heresie of the Chiliasts.

MAcrinus after that he had forerunne on of the Emperours and followed after the other, Cap. 23. in the greeke Dionysius Alex. vnto Hermammō. Galienꝰ was Emperour together with his father Valerianus, but after his fa­ther was takē captiue of the Persians, he ruled alone. immediatly he is rooted out with all his kinred, and Galienus is proclaymed and crow­ned Emperour, by the consent of all men, both an auncient, & a new Emperour, being before them, but appearing after them. according vnto the saying of the Prophet Esay: the thin­ges of old are past & beholde new things, now come in place. for euen as a cloude darkneth a li­tle the sunne beames and shadoweth the sunne it selfe, shining in his spheare, agayne after the cloude is resolued and vanished away, the sunne vvhiche rose before the cloude shineth and taketh his course: so Macrinus vvho intruded him selfe before the present raygne of Gali­enus is novve no Emperour, no more he vvas not then. but this man like him selfe, as he vvas then, so is he novve. and the empire it selfe, laying aside heauy and vvrinckled olde age, and purged of the former malice, novve florisheth a freshe, is hearde and seene further, pear [...]eth and preuayleth ouer all. Then he sheweth the tyme of his writing saying thus: It commeth in my minde to consider the yeares of these Emperours raygne. I see hovve the moste impious vvere Esay 43. Apocal. 21. [Page 136] famous in deede, but in a short vvhile after they became obscure. yet this holy and blessed Em­perour hauing past the seuenth, novve endeth the Anno Do­mini 266. nynth yeare of his raygne, the vvich vve vvill celebrate for holy daye. Besides all these he wrote two bookes of the promises of God▪ the occasion whereof was such. One Nepos a Bishop of Aegypt taught y the promises of God made Nepos a Chi liast. Chiliastae of the Grecians & millenarij of the latines were so cal­led because that like here tikes they dreamed that Christ should personally raygne as kīg here onearth a thousande yeares. vnto holy men in the Scriptures, were to be vnderstoode after the Iewish maner, sauoring [...] much of Iudeisme. he layd downe for good doctrine that after the resurrection we shoulde lead [...] a life here on earth in corporall pleasures the space of a thousande yeares. and because be suppo­sed that he was able to iustifie this his opinion, out of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn, he wrote a booke thereof, and entitled it the reprehensions of Allegorizers. This booke doth Dionysius, in his workes (intitled of the promises of God) confute. In the first helayeth downe his censure of that doctrine, in the seconde he entreateth of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn, in the beginning of which booke he writeth thus of Nepos.

Cap. 24. in the greeke Dionysius b. of Alexādria lib. 2. of the promises of God. CAP. XXIII.

Of the booke of Nepos the Chiliast, the quiet conference and disputation betwene Dionysius and Coracion the Chiliast with the frute thereof.

THey alleadge (sayth Dionysius) a certaine booke of Nepos, vvhereupon they grounde that vvithout all peraduenture the kingdome of Christ to become here on earth, may be proued. Here busye bodies & stī ­ging waspes may learne a lessō which reprehende euery thinge & like of no­thing. for sundry other his gifts I commende and embrace Nepos, partly for his fayth, his diligence and exercise in holy Scriptures, partly also for his pleasaunt psalmodie, vvhervvith at this day many of the brethren are delighted. I highly esteeme & reuerence the man, specially for such a one as novve is departed to rest: yet the trueth is our friende and afore all to be reue­renced▪ and if any thing be vvell spoken, it deserueth commendation, and is charitably to be ac­cepted, if ought seeme not soundly to be written, it is to be searched out and refuted. If he were present and auoutched his doctrine by vvorde of mouth, it shoulde suffice vvithout vvriting to conferre by obiections and resolutions, to refell and reconcile the aduersaries. but in so much there is extant a booke thereof, as some suppose very probable, and many doctors sett nought by the lavve and Prophets, they take scorne to be tryed by the Euangelists, they contemne the vvorkes of the Apostles, alleadging the doctrine of this vvriter, as a thing most notable, and an hidd secret, they suffer not the simpler sorte of the brethren, to conceaue any high or magnifical thing, neither of the glorious and right godly comming of our Lorde, neyther of our resurrecti­on from the deade, our gathering together and vniting vvith him, but trifling toyes and mortall affayres persvvading these present things to be hoped for in the kingdome of God▪ it is necessa­ry vve deale by vvay of reasoning vvith our brother Nepos as if he vvere present. vnto these he ad­deth: VVhen I vvas at Arsenoita, vvhere as thou knovvest this doctrine first sprang, so that schis­mes Where the error of the Chiliasts first sprang. Dionysius disputed with the Chiliasts. and manifest fauling avvay from the Church, fell out in those congregations: I called to­gether the Elders and doctors inhabiting those villages, in presence of as many of the brethren as vvillingly came, and exhorted them openly to fift out this doctrine▪ & when as they brought me forth this booke, as an armed fence and inuincible fortresse, I sate with them from morning to night, whole three dayes, discussing those thinges which therein were written, where I won­dred at the constancy, desire of the trueth, intelligence or capacitie, and the tractablnes of the brethren, how orderly and vvith what moderation they obiected, they aunswered, they yelded, neither endeuored they by any kinde of way contentiously to retayne their positions, if they were proued false: neither bolted they contradictions, but as much as in them lay, stucke fast & confirmed their purpose▪ and yet agayne where reason required they chaunged their opinion, & were not ashamed to confesse the trueth together with vs, but with good conscience all hypo­crisie layd aside, their harts made manifest vnto God, they embraced such thinges as vvere pro­ued by demonstrations and doctrine of holy Scripture. and at length the graundecaptayne and ringleader of this doctrine called Coracion, in presence of all the auditors then in place, confes­sed Coraciō the Chiliast was consuted and cōuerted by Dionysius. and promised vnto vs that thenceforth he vvoulde neuer consent vnto this opinion, neyther reason of it, neyther mention, neyther teach it, for that he vvas sufficiently conuinced vvith con­trary arguments. the rest of the brethren then present reioyced at this conserence, at this his sub­mission and consent in all thinges.

CAP. XXIIII.

The censure of Dionysius toutchinge the reuelation of Sainct Iohn. Cap. 25. after the greeke. The heresie of Cerinthus.

COnsequently in discourse be wryteth thus of the reuelation of Sainct Iohn: Diuerse of our Dionysius. b. of Alexan­dria in his. 2. booke of the promises of God. Some of olde thought the reuelation to haue bene written by Cerinthus. The heresy of Cerinthus. The reuerēt iudgement of Dionysius toutchinge the reuelatiō of Sainct Iohn. predecessors haue vvholy refused & reiected this booke, & by discussing the seuerall chapiters thereof haue founde it obscure & voyde of reasons, & the title forged▪ they sayde it vvas not Iohns, nay it was no reuelation which was so couered with so grosse a vayle of igno­rance, and that there was none either of the Apostles or of the Saincts, or of them which belon­ged to the church, the author of this booke, but Gerinthus the author of the Cerinthian heresie, intitling this as a sigment vnder the name of Iohn for further credit & authoritie. The opinion of Cerinthus was this▪ that the kingdome of Christ should be here on earth, and looke what he him selfe being very carnall lusted after, for the pampering of his pāch, the same he dreamed should come to passe, to wete: the satisfiyng of the bellye and the thinges vnder the belly with meates drinks, mariages, festiuall dayes, sacrifices & slaughters for oblatiōs, whereby he imagined he should conceaue greater ioy & pleasure. but I truely durst not presume to reiect this booke, be­cause that many of the brethren read it diligently, & conceaued a greater opinion thereof, then the vnderstanding my capacitie atayned vnto. I surmise there is a certaine hidd and wonderfull expectation of thinges to come contayned in the seuerall chapiters thereof▪ for where I vnder­stand him not, I bethinke my selfe the words contayne a deeper sense, or more profound vnder­standing: neither do I sift or pronounce sentence of these, after my grosse vnderstanding, but re­sting rather with fayth, doe forthwith thinke they are higher then may be vnderstoode of me▪ neither doe I vnaduisedly refute the thinges I perceaued not, but rather maruell that I my selfe haue not manifestly seene them▪ after these things Dionysius alloweth of all y doctrine contained in the reuelacion, & declareth that it is impossible to vnderstande the meaninge thereof, by light reading ouer of the letter, writing thus: vvhen he had finished (as I may so terme it) all the pro­phecy, the prophete pronounceth them happie which kepe it, yea himselfe to▪ happy (sayth he) Apocalip. 22. is he which keepeth the words of the prophecy of this booke, & I Iohn savv these things & heard. wherefore I denyonot but that his name was Iohn, and that this worke is Iohns. I thinke verely the booke is of some holy mā, indued with the holy Ghost▪ but that it is the Apostles, the sonne of Zebedie, the brother of Iames, whose is the gospell intitled after Iohn, and the Catholicke epi­stle, I can hardely be brought to graunt, for I coniecture by the behauiour of both, by theyre frase of wryting, & drift of the booke, that he was not the same Iohn. The euangelist layd downe no where his name, neyther preached he himselfe, ether by gospell or epistle. Againe after a fewe lines he sayeth: Iohn no vvhere made mention as of himselfe, or of any other, but the au­thor of the reuelation forthvvith in the begininge of the booke prefixed his name, sayinge: The Apocalip. 1. reuelation of Iesus Christ vvhich he gaue him that he should shevve vnto his seruantes thinges vvhich shortly must be done, vvhich he sent and shevved by his Angell vnto his seruant Iohn, vvho bare record of the vvord of God, and of the testimony of Iesus Christ, & of all things that he savve. Againe Iohn, vvryteth an epistle vnto the seuen Churches in Asia. Grace be vvith you and peace. The Euangelist prefixed not his name, no not to his Catholicke epistle, but orderly 1. Iohn. 1. beginnes of the mysterie of Gods seerets after this manner: that vvhich vve hearde, that vvhiche vve savve vvith our eyes▪ for the like reuelation the Lord pronounced Peter blessed, saying: happy Math. 16. art thou Simon bar Iona, for fleshe and bloode haue not reuealed that vnto thee, but my fa­ther vvhich is in heauen▪ and yet neyther in the seconde, neyther in the thirde epistles common­ly vnder his name, for all the shortnes thereof, is his name prefixed, but vvithout name, vvrote himselfe an elder. The author hereof not contente after once naming himselfe, to prosecute the Apocalip. 1. matter he had in hand, but againe repeateth and sayth: I Iohn your brother & partener in tribu­lation, and in the kingdome and pacience of Iesu, vvas in the Ile patmos for the vvord of God, Apocalip. 22 and the testimony of Iesu. and about the end he vvriteth thus: happy is he that keepeth the vvordes of the prophecie of this booke, and I Iohn heard and savve these things. vvherefore vve haue to beleue that one Iohn vvrot these things according vnto this his saying, but vvhat Iohn he vvas it is vncertayne▪ he named not himselfe as in sundry places of the gospell, the disciple belo­ued of the Lord, neyther him vvhich leaned on his brest, neyther the brother of Iames, neyther himselfe vvhich savve and hearde the Lord, no doubt he vvoulde haue vttered one or other of [Page 138] these had he bene disposed to reueale himselfe▪ he layd dovvne not one of these but called him selfe our brother and partener, the vvitnesse of Iesu, and happie because of the vision and hea­ringe of the reuelations. I suppose there vvere many of the same name, vvith the Apostle Iohn, vvho for the loue they bare vnto him, and for that they had him in admiration and imitated his stepps, vvoulde be loued alike of the Lord, and therefore vsurped this name, euen as Paul and Peter are often repeated of faythfull vvryters. There is an other Iohn in the Actes of the Apostles Act. 13. vvhose sirname vvas Marke, vvhome Barnabas and Paul tooke together vvith them, of vvhome he sayth aftervvards: they had Iohn to theyr minister▪ and vvhether this vvas he that vvrote the reuelation I dare not affirme. it is not recorded that he came vvith them into Asia▪ for vvhē they loosed (sayth he) from Paphos, they vvhich accompanied Paul came to Perga in Pamphi­lia. but Iohn departed from them and returned to Ierusalem. and I take him to be some other of them vvhich vvere in Asia. the report goeth that there are tvvo monumēts at Ephesus and e­ther The diffe­rence gathe­red first by the sense. of them beares the name of Iohn. agayne if thou consider and vveye the sense, the vvordes, & the frase of them, not vvithout iust cause shall he be found an other & not the Euangelist▪ the gospell and the epistle do ansvvere one an other, theyr beginings are a like. The Gospell: In the begining (sayth he) vvas the vvorde. The epistle: that vvhich vvas (sayth he) from the begining The Gospell: and the vvord (sayth he) became fleshe and dvvelled among vs, and vve savve the glorie thereof, as the glorie of the onely begotten of the father. The epistle hath the like but o­thervvise placed: that vvhich vve heard (sayth he) that vvhich vve savv vvith our eyes, that which vve behelde & our hands haue handled of the worde of life, & the life vvas made manifest. for to this ende he vsed this p [...]eface, as in processe more playnely appeareth to impugne the hereticks vvhich affirmed that Christ vvas not come in the flesh. vvherefore diligently he ioyned these to­gether: and vve testifie vnto you that vve savve, and shevve vnto you the euerlasting life vvhich vvas vvith the father, and appeared vnto vs, vvhich vve savve and heard that declare vve vnto you here he stayeth and svvarueth not from the purpose, but throughout all the seuerall chapi­ters, 2. By the words often repeated in both. inculcateth all the names, vvhere of some breefly I vvill repeate. he vvhich diligently rea­deth shall often finde in both, life, often light, dehortinge from darkenes, very oft trueth, grace, ioye, the fleshe and blood of our Lord, iudgement, remission of sinnes, the loue of God towards vs, a commaundement to loue one an other, that all the commaundements are to be kept, reprehension of the world, the deuell, & Antichrist, promise of the holy ghost, adoption of God, fayth euery vvhere required of vs, euery vvhere the father and the sonne: and if throughout all the cha­racter of both vvere noted, the frase of the gospell & epistle shalbe found altogether on. but the reuelation farre differeth frō both, resembleth not the same, no not in one vvord, neither hath it any one syllable correspondēt to the other vvrytings of Iohn. for the epistle (I vvill say nothing of 3. No mētiō in ether of eache other. the Gospell) neuer thought vpon, neither made any mention of the reuelation, neither the reue­lation on the other side, of the epistle, vvhen as Paul gaue vs an inklinge, or somvvhat to vnder stand in his epistles of his reuelations, yet not intitling them so, that he vvould call them reuela­tions moreouer by the frase thereof vve may perceaue the difference betvvene the Gospell, the 4. By the [...]rase. epistle and the reuelation▪ for they are vvrytten so artificially accordinge vnto the greeke frase, vvith most exquisit vvords, syllogismes and setled expositions, that they seeme farre from offen­ding, in any barbarous terme, soloecisme, or ignorāt error at all. for the Euangelist had (as it ap­peareth) Iohn was both learned and eloquēt. both the gift of vtterance & the gift of knovvledge, for as much as the Lord had graū ­ted him both the grace of vvisdom & science. as for the other I vvll not gaynsay but that he savv a reuelation, but that also he receaued science and prophecy, yet for all that I see his greeke not exactly vttered, the dialect and proper frase, not obserued, I find him vsing barbarous frases, & in some places soloecismes, vvhich presentlye to repeate I thinke it not necessary, neither vvrite I these thinges findinge fault vvith oughte, lett no man accuse me thereof, but onely I doe vvey the diuersitie of both vvorkes.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 26. after the greeke.

The epistles and workes of Dionysius. b. of Alexandria.

BEsides these there are extante other epistles of Dionysius whereof some he wrote agaynst Sabellius vnto Ammon byshop of Bernice▪ afterwards on to Telesphorus, one to Euphranor, an other to Ammon and Euporus. of the same argument he wrote foure bookes and dedicated [Page 139] them to Dionysius (of the same name with him) byshop of Rome. againe sundry other epistles and volumes in forme of epistles as his Physicks dedicated vnto his sonne Timotheus. An other tracte of temptations the which also he dedicated to Euphranor. And wrytinge to Basilides byshop of Pentapolis diocesse, he reporteth him selfe in the beginninge to haue published commentaries vpon Ecclesiastes: he left behinde him sundry epistles for the posteritie. But so farre of Dionysius workes. Nowe it remayneth that we deliuer vnto the posteritie the history of this our age.

CAP. XXVI. Cap. 27. after the greeke.

Of Dionysius byshop of Rome. of Paulus Sam [...]satenus the H [...]reticke, denyinge the diuiniti [...] of Christ, and the Synode held [...] at Antioch, condem­ninge his heresie.

WHen Xystus had gouerned the Churche of Rome, eleuen yeares, Dionysius (of the same Dionysius b. of Rome. Paulus Sa­mosatenus. b. of Antioch and an here­ticke. name with him of Alexand [...]ia) succeeded him. About that time also when Demetria­nus byshop of Antioch had departed this life, Paulus Samosatenus came in his place. And because he thought of Christ basely, abiectly, and contrary to the doctrine of the Church, to wete: that he was by nature a common man as we are: Dionysius byshop of Alexandria was sent for to the Synode, who by reason of his greate age & the imbecilitie of his body, differred his comminge, and in the meane while wrote his censure of the sayde question in an epistle▪ the other byshops, one from one place, an other from an other place hastened to Antioch and mett with the rotten sheepe which corrupted the flocke of Christ.

CAP. XXVII. Cap. 28. after the Greeke.

Of the famous byshops which were present at the Synode helde at Antioch.

AMonge these as chiefe florished Firmilianus byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia: Gregorius Firmilianus. Greg. Na­zianz. Athenodo­rus. Elenus. Nicomas. Hymenaeus. Theotecnus. Maximus. Dionysius. b▪ of Alex. dieth Anno Do­mini. 267. and Athenodorus who were bretherne and byshops of the Churches in Pontus. besides these Elenus byshop of Tarsus and Nieomas byshop of Iconium. Moreouer Hymenaus by­shop of Ierusalem, Theotecnus byshop of C [...]sarea in Palaestina, and Maximus byshop of Bostra. I might haue repeated an infinite mo, both ministers and deacons who mett for the same cause at Antioch, but these aforenamed were the most famous amonge them▪ When all came together at seuerall times and sundry sessions they did argue and reason hereof. Samosatenus together with his complices endeuored to couer and conceale the variablenes of his opiniō: but the rest practi­sed with all might possible, [...]o saye bare and [...]ett wyde open his blasphemy against Christ. In the meane while Dionysius byshop of Alexandria departed this life, the twelfe yeare of Galienus his raygne, after he had gouerned the Churche of Alexandria seuenteene yeares, and him suc­ceeded Maximus.

CAP. XXVIII. Cap. 29. in the greeke.

Of Claudius the Emperour, and the seconde Synode held at Antioch, where Malchion confuted Samosatenus.

WHen Galienus had raygned vnder the regall scepter the space of fifteene yeares: Clau­dius Claudius was created em­perour anno Dom. 271. Autelianus was crowned emperour Anno Dom. 273. vnder whome was raised the ninth perse­cution. his successor was created Empetour. This Claudius hauinge continewed two yeares, committed the empire to Aurelianus, vnder whome was summoned the last & the greatest synode of all, celebrated of many bishops, where the author of that heresie and straūg doctrine was taken shorte, publiquely condemned of all, seuered, banished & excommunicated the Catholicke and vniuersall Church vnder heauen. and among all the rest Malchion a man besides sundry other his gifts, very eloquent & skilfull in sophistry, moderator in morall discipline of the schole at Antioch & for his sincere faith in Christ, made minister there of the same congregatiō: reproued him in reasoning for a slippery waueringe, and obscure marchant▪ he so vrged with rea­sons this Samosatenus, and the notaries penned them (which vnto our tyme were extant) that a­lone of all the rest he was able to [...]osse and wringe this dissemblinge and wily hereticke.

CAP. XXIX.

The Epistle of certaine byshops contayninge the Actes of the Synode helde at Antioch Cap. 30. after the greeke. against paulus Samosatenus and of the heretickes life and trade of liuing.

WIth vniforme consent of all the byshops then gathered together they wrote an epistle vnto Dionysius byshop of Rome & Maximus byshop of Alexandria, & sen [...] it abrode into all prouinces, in the which they reuealed vnto the world their great labor & industry, the peruerse variablenes of Paulus, the reprehensions and obiections proposed against him, his conuersation & trade of liuing. whereof for memories sake I thinke it not amisse to alleage some part for the posterity which is thus written: Vnto Dionysius & Maximus, and all our fellowe by­shops, The byshops assembled at Antioch vn­to Dionysius b. of Rome, and maximus b. of Alexandria. elders & deacons throughout the worlde, & to the whole, vniuersall & catholicke church vnder heauen: Helenus, Hymenaeus, Theophilus, Theotecnus, Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas, Aemilia­nus, Paulus, Bolanus, Protegenes, Hierax, Entychius, Theodorus, Malchion, Lucius, with all the o­ther byshops who with vs inhabite the borderinge cyties and ouersee the nations, togetherwith the elders and deacons, and holy Churches of God: to the beloued brethren in the Lord sende greeting. Vnto this salutation after a fewe lines they added as followeth: VVe haue cited hy­ther many byshops from farre, to salue and cure this deadely and poysoned doctrine, as Diony­sius byshop of Alexandria, & Firmilianus byshop of Caesarea in cappadocia, men blessed in the Lord, whereof the one writinge hither to Antioch, voutchsafed not once to salute the author of error, for he wrot not to his person but to the whole congregation, the coppy whereof we haue here annexed. but Firmilianus came twise, and condemned his straunge doctrine as we knowe very well and testifie which were present, together with many other besids vs, for when Paulus The subtle [...]y of the here­ticke. promised to recante, & this man beleeued and hopped he woulde redresse and preuent this oc­casiō without all contumely & reproch which might redound vnto the true doctrine, he differ­red & posted ouer his opiniō from time to time, being seduced no doubt by him which denied God & his Lord & swarued frō the faith he held at the beginning. This Firmilianus in his iour­ney to Antioch came as farte as Tarsus, hauing experimēt in Christ of his malicious spite, wher­with he denied God, but whilest that we assemble together, whilest we summone him, & waite for his comming he departed this life. againe of the life of Samosatenus, and his conuersation they Samosetenus the hereticke is here pain­ted in his co­lours. write thus in the same epistle: After that he forsooke the ecclesiasticall canon he fell vnto vn­lawefull & forged doctrine. neither is it behoueable for vs nowe to iudge of an aliene, ether to descant howe at the first he was poore & nothing bequeathed him of his parents, & that neither by art, trade or exercise he attayned vnto the aboundāce of welth, which he enioyned, but with lewdacts & sacriledge, by iniurious & tyrannicall oppressiō of the brethren, whom he made to tremble for feare, with his guyleful gaine & wilie promise of hired patronship, by which subtle­ty & deceate he gayned so much that he procured the geuers to be liberall, to thend they might 1. Timoth. 6. be deliuered from their aduersaries, and so he turned godlines into gaine. neyther neede vve to speake here of hovve that he being puffed vvith pride vsurped seculer dignities, & vvould rather be called a vvarlicke captaine then a byshope of the Churche, vvalkinge stately throughout the streets, and market place, reading letters & vvithall openly enditing, maintaining about him a great troope to gard his person, some going before & some coming after, so that our faith & re­ligion runne to great spite, sclaunder and hatred by reason of his svvellinge pride & hautye dis­dayne. neither vvill vve reherse the monstrous figmentes vvhich he fayned, his glorious braggs, the vglesome spectacles he deuised to amaze the minds of the simpler sort. he made for him self Such a proud preacher was Herod in the actes. 12. a lofty seate & high throne, not like the disciple of Christ but seuered in shevve & title, after the manner of the princes of this vvorlde smyting, the thighe vvith the hand, pouncinge the foote­stole vvith his feete. If any extolled him not as the vse is vpon theatres, vvith clappinge of theyr handes, vvith shoutinge and hurlinge of theyr cappes: if any also both of men and vvomen had not skipped to and fro vvith busie bodies, & vndecent obeysance: if any as in the house of God had behaued themselues honestly and decently the same he checked and all to be reuiled. He inueyed vvithout all reason in the open assemblyes against the expositors of holy scripture, vvhich then vvere departe to rest: he auaunted him selfe more like a sophister and sorcerer then a byshop: the psalmes song in the Church to the laud of our Lord Iesus Christ, lie remoued coū ­ting them nevve found figments of late vvriters, in stede vvvherof, in the middest of the church vpon the high feast of Easter he suborned certaine vvomen vvhich sounded out sonnets to his [Page 141] praise, the which if any now heard, his heare woulde stand staringe on his head. he licenced the bishops & ministers of the adioyning villages & cities which honored him, to preache vnto the people. he staggereth at confessing with vs that the sonne of God descended from heauen. And that we may borowe somwhat of that which hereafter is to be spokē of vs, it shall not be barely [...]ch [...]d, [...]t [...] out of the cōme [...]ari [...] published by vs vnto the whole worlde specially where he sayth that Christ Iesus is of the earth. They which sound out his cōmendation & extoll him among the people, affirm [...] this wicked & most detestable var [...]ett to be an angell that came [...]uē. neither forbiddeth he these things, but stādeth arrogātly to the things spokē of him▪ what shall I speake of his entertainmēt of associated & closly kept womē as they of An­ [...]oth terme [...] & of the [...] & deaco [...] which accōpany him, wherwith w [...]tingly he clo­ [...]th this & sundry other haynous, incurable, & well knowen offences, to the ende he may with­hold them also [...]lty together with him in those things the which both in word & deede he of­ [...]ideth in, daring not to accuse him insomuch they thē selues are gilty in their cōsciences of the same crime. for he enritcheth thē, wherfore he is both beloued & honored of thē that gape after the like gudgins. we knowe beloued brethrē that a bishop and the whole order of priesthoode ought to be a paterne of good works vnto the cōmō people, neither are we ignorāt of this, that many are fallē because of the closly kept women, & many againe are subiect to suspiciō & slaū ­der. wherfore admitt that he cōmitted no lewde wantones vvith thē, yet should he haue feared the suspiciō & surmise vvhich riseth therof, lest that either he shold offend any, or bolden any to the [...]itatiō off [...]levvde an exāple for hovv cā hereprehend & admon [...]she an other, that (as it is vv [...]en) he [...] lōger the cōpany of an other vvoman, & that he take heede he fall not. vvhich novv abstaineth from one, & in stede therof, retaineth tvvo lustier & liuelyer peeces at home, & if he trauell anyvvhither, he leadeth thē vvith him being al set vpon the full & delicate pleasure. For vvhich [...] cūstance, all do sobbe & sighe secretly, trē [...]ling at his povver & tyrannie, & dare nor accuse him, but these things as vve haue sayd before are of such importāce that they vvould cause a catholicke person vvere he neuer so deare a frende vnto vs, to be sharply rebuked. As for him vvhich fell from the mysterie of our faith, & discried the det [...]stable heresie of Artemas (no­thing amisse if novv at lēgth vve name the father of the child) we thinke him neuer able to rēder accōpta of his mischeuous actes. Againe about the end of the epistle they write thus: Paulꝰ Samosatenus was excommuni­cated by the councell and Domuns placed in his rowme. vvherfore necessitie cōs [...]taining v [...] so to do vve excōmunicated the svvorne aduersary of God vvhich yel­ded not a lote, & placed in his rovvme Dōn [...]s a mā bedecked vvith allgifts required in a bishop, sōne to Dem [...]ri [...]us of vvorthy memory the predecessor of Paulus, & him as vve are pesvvaded, by the prouidēce of God, vve ordained bishop, & certified you to vvrite vnto him, to the ende ye like vvise might receaue from him againe letters of friendly cōsent, & amitie. novv let Paulus vvrite to Artemas, & let the cōplices of Artemas cōmunicate vvith him. But of these things thus farre. Paulus together with his right faith was depriued also of his bishoprike, & Domnus (as it is written before) succeeded him, being chosen by the synode bishop of Antioch. & whē Paulus would not depart the church, neither voyde the house, the emperour Aurelianus being besought, decreed very well, & cōmaūded by edi [...] ▪ the house should be allotted for such as y bishops of Italic & Rome with vniforme cōseut in doctrine▪ appointed for the place. After this sort was Paulus with greate shame, vanished y church by secular power. & thus was Aurelianus thē affected towards vs, but in processe of time he so e [...]raunged him selfe, that welnygh through the lewde motion of some men he moued persecution against vs, & much talke was blased farre & nygh toutching him. Aurelianus was not able to subscribe to an edict a­gainst the Christians. Tacitus was emperour 6. moneths, & Florianus 80▪ daies althogh there is here no mention made of thē. but whē he had raysed persecution against vs, & now welnygh subscribed to a publicke edict preiudicial to our affaires, the iust iudgement of God ouertooke him & hindred his purpose, crāping as it were his knuckles, making manifest vnto all men, that the princes of this world, haue neuer any power to practise ought against the church of God, vnlesse the inuincible myght of God, for discipline & conuersion of his people according vnto his deuine & celestiall wisdome graunt pardon or licence to bring any thing about, in what time it shall please him best. When Aurelianus had held the im­periall scepter the space of sixe yeares, Probus was crowned em­perour Ann. Dom. 279. Carus began to raigne an. Dom. 285. Diocletian was chosen emperour ann. Do. 287. vnder whom the tenth persecution of the primi­tiue church [...] was raysed against the churche of God. Cap. 31. in the Greeke. Probus succeeded him. And agayne after sixe yeares Ca­rus came in his place, together with Carinus and N [...]erianus his sonnes. Againe when these had continewed scarse three yeares Diocletianus was chosen emperour. and by his meanes they were promoted, vnder whome persecution and the ouerthrow of the churches preuayled. a little before the raygne of this Dioclet [...], Di [...]y [...]s byshop of Rome dyed, when he had gouerned the church nyne yeares, whome Feli [...] succeeded.

CAP. XXX.

Of Manes whereof the Maniches are called, whence he was, his conuersation and heresie.

ABout that tyme Manes (after the etymologie of his name) in no better taking than a [...] man, was in armour and instructed in a deuelishe opinion through the peruersitie of his About the yeare 281. (Euseb. in chronic.) the hereticke Maneslyued. Manes the hereticke chose 12. A­postles. minde, the deuell and satan the aduersari [...] of God, leading and procuring him to the perdi­tion of many soules. He was in tongue and trade of life very barbarous, by nature possessed and frenticke, he practised things correspōdent vnto his witte and maners, he pres [...]ed to represent the person of Christ, he proclaimed him selfe to be the comforter and the holy ghost, and beynge puffed vp with this frenticke pride, chose as if he were Christ, twelue partners of his new found doctrine, patching into one heape false and detestable doctrine, of olde, rotten, and ro [...]ted out he­resies, the which he brought out of Persia, for no other then deadly poyson into the world, wh [...] that abhominable name of the Maniches hath had his originall.

CAP. XXXI. Cap. 32. in the Greeke.

Of the bishops, ministers, and other famous men florishing at that tyme in the churches of Rome, Antioch, and Laodicea.

SVch a fained name of false science sprong vp in those tymes in the which after Felix had go­uerned Eutychianus b. of Rome. Gaius. b. of Rome. Marcellinus b. of Rome. Timaeus. Cyrillus. Dorotheus, minister of Antioch, af­terwards. b. of Tyrus. Tyrannus. Socrates. Eusebius. the churche of Rome fiue yeares, Eutychianus succeeded. who continewinge seares tenne moneths committed his cleargie vnto Gaius, in this our time, and fyfteene yeares after Marcellinus followed, whome also the persecution ouertooke. In the churche of Antioch after Domnus succeeded Timaeus, after him in our tyme Cyrillus was chosen bishop, vnder whome we remēber one Dorotheus, then minister of the churche of Antioch to haue bene a very eloquent and singuler man. he applyed holy scripture diligently, he studied the Hebrewe tongue so that he read with great skill the holy scriptures in Hebrewe. This man came of a noble race, he was expert in the chiefe discipline of the Grecians, by nature an eunuch so disposed from his natiuitie. for which cause the emperour for rarenesse therof, appropriated him, placing & preferringe him to the purple robe in the citie of Tyrus. we hearde him our selues expounding holy scripture with great cōmendation in the churche of God. Tyrannus succeeded Cyrillus in the churche of Antloch, in whose tyme the spoile of churches was very ryfe. Eusebius whiche came from Alexandria, go­uerned the church of Laodicea after Socrates. The sturre about Paulus Samosatenus was the cause of his remouing, for whose sake he wēt into Syria, where of the godly he was hindred that he coulde not returne home againe, because he was the desired Jewell & hoped staye of our religion, Anatolius b. of Laodicea. as by the testimonie of Dionysius hereafter alleaged shall manifestly appeare. Anatolius succeeded him, the good (as they say) after the good, who also was of Alexandria. for his eloquence and skill in the Grecians discipline and philosophicall literature, he bare the bell among all the famous of our time, he excelled in Arithmeticke, Geometric, Astronomie, Logicke, physical cōtemplatiō, and rhetoricall exercises: for whiche his excellencie he was chosen moderator of Aristotels schoole, by the cytizens of Alexandria. They report at Alexādria many other famous acts of his, specially his behauiour at the slege of Pyruchium▪ where he ob [...]yne [...] a singuler prerogatiue of principalitie, of whose doings one thing for example sake I will rehearse. When vittaile (as they say) fayled such as were vesieged, and famine pressed them sorer then foraine enemies, this same Anatolius brought this deuise to passe. whereas the one part of the citie helde with the Romaine The pollicie deuised by Anatolius. hoast, and therfore out of the daunger of the slege, he gaue information to Eusebius, who then was at Alexandria (it was before his departure into Syria) and conuersant amonge them which were not besieged, in great estimation and credite with the Romaine captaine, howe that such as were besieged almost perished for famine. he beinge made priuie to their miserie by the messengers of Anatolius, craued pardon of the Romaine captaine for such as left & forsooke the enemie▪ which sute when he had obtained, he communicated with Anatolius. he forthwith accepting of his pro­mise, assembleth together y senate of Alexandria, & first requesteth of thē all, that they will ioyne in league with the Romaines. when he sawe them all sett in a rage at this his request be sayd: but yet in this I suppose you will not resist, if I councell you to permitt such as stand you in no stede, as olde men, and olde women, and children, to depart the cytie, & to repaire whither please them. [Page 143] for to what purpose do we retaine these among vs nowe ready to yelde vp the ghost? to what pur­pose do we presse with famine such as are maymed and wounded in bodie? when as men onely, and yonge men, are to be releaued, and retayned, and prouision of necessary foode, is to be founde for them which keepe the citie, with contine wall watch and warde. when he had perswaded the senate with these and the like reasons, firste of all he rose and pronounced that all such, of what age soeuer, as were not fitte for feates of armes, were they men or women, myght boldly passe and depart the citie, affirminge that if they woulde remaine and lynger in the cytie like vnpro­fitable members, there was no hope of life, they must nedes perishe with famine. to which saying the whole seuate condescended, so that he deliuered from daunger of death, in maner as many as were besieged, but specially those that were of the churche. Agayne he perswaded to flyght all the christians throughout the citie, not onely such as were within the compasse of the decree, but infinite mo, vnder colour of these, priuely arrayed in womens attyre, & carefully he prouided that in the nyght season they should conuey them selues out at the gates, and flye vnto the Romaines campe, where Eusebius entertained all them that were afflicted with longe siege, after the maner of a father and phisition, and resteshed them with all care and industrie. Such a coople of pastors orderly succeeding one an other, did the church of Laodicea, by the diuine prouidence of God en­ioye, who after the warres were ended came thither from Alexandria. we haue seene many peces of Anatolius works, whereby we gather how eloquent he was, howe learned in all kind of know­ledge, specially in those his bookes of Easter, wherof at this present, it may seeme necessary that we alleage some portion of the canons toutching Easter: The nevy moone of the first moneth & Anatolius. b. of Laodicea in his bookes of Easter. first yeare (sayth he) cōpriseth the originall cōpasse of nineteene yeares, after the Aegyptians the sixe & tvventieth day of the moneth Phamenoth: after the Macedocians the xxij. day of the mo­neth Dystros: after the Romaines before the eleuenth of the calends of Aprill. the sonne is found the xxvj. of Phamenoth to haue ascended not onely the first line, but also to haue passed therin the iiij. day. this section, the first tvvelfe part, they terme the aequinoctiall spring, the entrance of moneths, the head of the circle, the seuering of the planets course. but that sectiō vvhich forego­eth this, they terme the last of the moneths, the tvvelfe part, the last tvvelfe part, the ende of the planets course. vvherefore they vvhich appoynted the first moneth for the same purpose & cele­brated the feast of Easter the fourteenth daye after the same calculation, haue erred in our opi­nion not a little. and this haue vve not alleaged of our ovvne brayne, yea it vvas knovven of the Ievves of old, and that before the comming of Christ, and chiefely by them obserued. The same may be gathered by the testimonies of Philo, Iosephus, Musaeus, and yet not onely of them but of others farre more auncient, to vvete: of both the surnamed Agathobulus, schoolemaisters vnto the famous Aristobulus, one of the seuentie that vvere sent to trāslate the sacred & holy scripture of the Hebrevves, vnto the gracious princes Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, & his father, vnto vvhome he dedicated his expositions vpon the lavv of Moses. All these in their resolutions vpon Exodus haue giuen vs to vnderstande that vve ought to celebrate the feast of the Paschall Lambe pro­portionally Betwene the 10. & 20. day after the aequinoctiall springe, the first moneth comming betvvene, and this to be found vvhen the sonne hath passed the first solare section, and as one of them hath termed it the signifer circle. Aristobulus hath added, that it is necessarie for the celebration of the feaste of In springe a­bout the eyght ka­lends of A­prill: In Au­tumne about the eyght kalendes of October. Easter, that not onely the Sunne but the Moone also haue passed the aequinoctiall section. In so much there are tvvo aequinoctiall sections, the one in spring time, the other in Autumne, distant diameter wise one frō the other, & the daye of Easter allotted the fourtenth of the moneth after the tvvilight: vvithout al faile the moone shalbe diameter vvise opposite to the sonne as ye may easily perceaue in the full moones, so the sonne shalbe in the sectiō of the aequinoctial spring, & the moone necessarily in the aequinoctiall autumne. I remēber many other profes, partly proba­ble, & partly layde dovvne vvith auncient assertions, vvherby they endeuour to persvvade that the feast of Easter & of svveete bread ought euer to be celebrated after the aequinoctiall space. I passe ouer sundry their proofes & arguments, vvherby they cōfirme the vayle of Moses lavv to be remoued & done avvay, & the face novv reuealed, Christ him selfe, the preaching & passions of Christ are to be behelde. Anatolius left behinde him vnto the posteritie, toutching, that the first moneth after the Hebrevves fell euer about the Aequinoctial space, sundry expositions & precepts of Enoch. Againe Arithmeticall introductions cōprised in tenne bokes, with diuers other monu­mēts of his diligēce & deepe iudgemēt in holy scripture. Theotecnus bishop of Caesarea in Palaesti­na was y first y created him bishop, & promised y he should succeede him, in y seae after his death, [Page 146] [...] selues, and whilest they heaped these things, that is: contention, threatnings, mutuall hatred, and enmitie, and euery one proceeded in ambition much like tyranny it selfe, then, I say then the lord La [...]eus. 2. according to the sayinge of Ieremie: Made the daughter Sion obscure, and ouerthrewe from a­boue the glorie of Israell, and remembred not his footestole in the daye of his vvrath. The Lorde hath drovvned all the bevvtie of Israell, and ouerthrovven all his stronge holdes. And according vnto the prophecies in the Psalmes: He hath ouerthrovven and broken the couenant Psalm. 89. of his seruant, and prophaned his sanctuarie casting it on the grounde by the ouerthrowe of his churches. he hath broken dovvne all his vvalls, he hath layde all his fortresses in ruyne. All they that passed by spoyled him, and therefore he is become a rebuke vnto his neyghbours, he lyfted vp the ryght hande of his enemyes, he turned the edge of his svvorde, and ayded him not in the tyme of battaile, he caused his dignitie to decaye, and cast his throne downe to the ground, the dayes of his youth he shortened and aboue all this he couered him with shame.

CAP. II.

Howe that the temples were destroyed, holy scripture burned, and the bishops ill entreated.

ALl these aforesayde were in vs fulfilled, when we sawe with our eyes the oratories ouer­throwen Churches o­uerthrowen. Scriptures burned. Bishops per­secuted. Psal. 107. downe to the ground, yea & the very fundations them selues digged vp, the holy & sacred scriptures burned to ashes, in the open market place, the pastors of the churches, wherof some shamefully hid them selues here and there, some other contumeliously taken & deri­ded of the enemies, & according vnto an other prophecie: Shame is powred vpō the pates of their princes, he made them wander in the crooked and vnknowen way. Yet is it not our drift to de­scribe the bitter calamities of these mē which at lēgth they suffred, neither is it our part to record their dissention & vnwonted guise, practised among them before the persecution: but only to write so much of them, wherby we may iustifie the deuine iudgement of God. neither haue we purposed to mention thē which were tēpted sore with persecution, or altogether suffred shipwrack of their saluation, and willingly were swallowed vp in the deepe goulfes of the seaes, but onely to graffe in our history such things as first of all may profitt our selues, next the posteritie in time to come. We will proceede then and paynt forth the happy combats of the blessed Martyrs.

CAP. III.

A recitall of certaine imperiall edicts against the Christians. the constancie of certaine faithfull persons. the beginnings of the butcherly slaughter.

IT was the nynteenth yeare of Diocletians raigne and the moneth Dystros, after the Romaines An. Do. 306. the persecu­tion vnder Diocletian waxed hotte, whē as these cruell edicts were euery where pro­claimed. March, the feast of Easter then being at hande, when the Emperours proclamations were eue­ry where published, in the which it was commaunded: that the churches shoulde be made euen with the grounde, the holy scriptures by burninge of them shoulde be abolished, such as were in honor and estimation should be contemned, and such as were of families if they retained the chri­stian faith should be depriued of their freedome. and such were the contents of the firste edict. But in the proclamations which immediatly followed after, it was added: that y pastors throughout all parishes first should be imprisoned, next with all meanes possible constrained to sacrifice. then, I say, then, many of y chiefe gouerners of the churches endured & that cherefully most bitter tor­ments, & gaue y aduenture of most valiant & noble enterprises: many others fainting for feare, at y first onset were quite discouraged: all y rest tryed the experience of sundry tormēts: one scorged from topp to toe: an other wrested & maimed with more intollerable payne: some fayled of y pur­posed ende: some other were founde constant and perfect: one was drawen to the foule and filthie sacrifices, and dimissed as if he had done sacrifice, when as in very deede he had not: an other, when he had neyther approched neyther toutched ought of their detestable offringes, and such as were present affirmed that he had sacrificed, departed with silence, paciently suffring this thank­lesse pickthanke: an other halfe deade was borne away beyng throwen of them for deade: againe there were some prostrat vpon the pauement trayled & lugged all a long by the feete, & recounted for sacrificers: one reclaymed & with a lowde voyce denyed y euer he sacrificed: an other lifted his voyce and confessed him selfe to be a Christian, and gloryed in the faith of that gladsome tytle: [Page 147] an other againe protested that he had neyther sacrificed, neither euer woulde do sacrifice. These were beaten on the face and buffeted on the chekes, their mouthes were stopped by the souldiers handes, an whole bande was appointed for the purpose, whiche violently thrust them out at the dores. so the enemies of the trueth triumphed if at lest wise they might seeme to bring their pur­pose to effect, but their purpose preuailed not against the blessed martyrs of God, whose conflicts no tongue can sufficiently declare.

CAP. IIII. Cap. 3. in the Greeke.

Of the persecution first raysed by Ʋeturius the captaine against the Christian souldiers, at the beginning priuely, afterwards openly.

THere were many to be seene whiche bare singular good will and affection to the seruice of almightie God, not onely in the time of persecution, but long before whē peace preuailed. yet of late, I say of late at the first, the chiefe gouernour starting vp as it were out of soking drunkemesse leaueled at the churche priuely and obscurely (since the time which runne after the The pollicie of Satans messengers. raigne of Decius & Valerianus) and waged battaile with vs not sodenly, but first assayed onely the christians which were in campe. By this meanes he thought he could eassly snare the rest, if that first he conquered these. and here might you see many of the souldiers desirous to leade a priuate & solitarie lyfe, fearinge they shoulde faynt in the seruice of almyghtie God. for when the captaine (who so euer he was) firste went about to persecute his hoast, and to trye and syfte as many as were brought vnto him throughout euery ward, and to giue them in choise either to obey & enioy their dignitie, or to resist and of the contrary to be depriued: many of the souldiers which were of the kingdome of Christ, without any delaye or doubt, preferred the faith of Christ before the fa­uor and felicitie they seemed enioye. and nowe one or two of them very heauely not onely con­temned their dignities, but also endured bytter death for their constancie in the seruice of God. because that the captaine as yet powred his malice by a little, & though he durst shede the blood of a fewe innocents, yet staggered he at the multitude of beleeuers, fearing as it is most like, so­denly to giue bettell vnto all, and that vniuersally. Cap. 4. in the Greeke. but after that he tooke in hande more mani­festly to persecute the church of God, it can not be tolde or expressed with tongue, how many, and what maner or sort of Martyrs were to be seene throughout cities and villages.

CAP. V.

A noble man of Nicomedia rent in peeces in the prefence of many, the wicked Edict of the Emperour published against the Christians.

ON of Nicomedia, no obscure person, but according vnto the accōpt of the world, of greate nobilitie, who as soone as the edict againste the churches of God was published in Nico­media, being moued with zeale god wards and feruencie of faith, tooke into his hands and tare in peeces the prophane & most impious proclamation, pasted to an open & publicke post, in y presence of both the Diocletiā & Maximian. emperours, Galerius & Constantius. & of him which amonge the rest was most honorable, & of him also which was the fourth person in the empire. & he which first practised this noble acte, endured (as it is most like) the penaltie of so bolde an enterprise, retayning a valiant and inuincible minde vnto the last gaspe.

CAP. VI.

The Martyrdome of certaine courtiers in Nicomedia with others both there and in other places.

ALl the renowmed men that euer were either of the Grecians or Barbarians cōmended for noble prowesse and fortitude, are not to be compared to the deuine and famous martyrs of this our age, of thē I speake who (together with Dorotheus) being the emperours pages, in chiefest credit with their Lordes, and were no lesse vnto them then deare and naturall sonnes: yet counted they those comumelies, drudgeries, and new found torments for the trueth in Christ, greater ritches then the glory and pleasure of this present life. One of these for example sake, and the ende he made I wil declare, that the reader may coniecture by his happe, what besell vnto the rest. One of the aforesayd Noble men was brought forth at Nicomedia into the open assembly, & enioyned to do sacrifice, who stoutly refusing, by cōmandement is hoysed vp on high; & his naked [Page 148] bodie all to be scourged, and the fleshe rent in peeces with the lashe of the whyppe, vntyll he were ouercome and yeelded to their sacrifice. When that he had endured these torments, and persisted constant, and the bones laye all bare, the fleshe banished awaye: they powre Vi­neger myxt with salte, into the festred woundes, and brused partes of the bodie. When he had ouercome also these tormentes, and reioyced greatly thereat, a greediron with hotte bur­ninge coales is prepared, and that which remayned of his bodie was layde thereon to be bruy­led, a slowe fire beinge made vnder to consume it by little and a little, lest that death quickly de­liuered him of his payne. So that they which had the charge of the fire woulde release him of no part of his payne, vnlesse he promised to yelde in the ende to the Emperours decree. But he hol­ding fast his former opinion ouer came them, & yelded vp the ghost in the middest of his torments. Peter the emperours page after sundry tormēts brui­led to death. Dorotheus hanged. Gorgonius was hanged. Anthimꝰ. b. of Nicome­dia beheaded A certaine number be­headed. A certaine companie burned. A number drowned. The deade dygged vp. So valiant as you heare was the martyrdome of one of the Emperours pages, correspondent vnto his name for he was called Peter. The thinges which happened to the rest were nothing in­ferior to these, the which according vnto our former promise, we will leaue vntoutched. addinge onely this to that which went before, how that Dorotheus and Gorgonius with many others of the Emperours familie after sundry torments ended their lyues on the gallowes, and bare away the garlande of victorie. At this time also was Anthimus bishop of Nicomedia beheaded for the chri­stian faith, and with him a great multitude of martyrs. For I wot not how in the emperours pa­lace at Nicomedia some parte of the house was all a fire, and when the Christians were taken in suspicion to be the authors therof, by the emperours cōmaundement the whole troope generally of all the godly there at that time was executed, whereof some with sworde were beheaded, some other with fire burned, where also by the secret & deuine prouidence of God (as the report goeth) both men and women skipped and leaped into the flaminge fire. An other companie the sergiants sette in a boate and threwe into the deapth of the sea. The Emperours pages, after their death decently buried, and resting in their graues were digged vp, and by the commaundement of their lordes cast into the sea, lest any adored them in their sepulchers and tooke them for gods as they dreamed of vs. and such were the practises in the beginning of the persecution at Nicomedia. but in a while after when that some in the region called Melitis, and againe some other in Syria were found ready to rebell, the Emperour commaunded all the pastors throughout euery church to be imprisoned and kept in holde. The spectacle of the practises was so cruell to behold that it excee­ded all that therof may be spoken. Infinite multitudes were euery where inclosed and the prisons All prisons were filled with Christi­ans. of old appointed & ordained for murtherers, diggers vp of sepulchers, and riflers of graues were then replenished with bishops, ministers, deacons, readers, and exorcists, so that there was no rowme in the prison for such as were condemned for hainous offences. Agayne when the former edicts had taken place, there followed others, by vertue of the which: such as sacrificed were set at libertie, and such as resisted were commanded to be tormented with a thousand kind of torments. Who is able heere to number the multitude of all the Martyrs throughout all the worlde? speci­ally in that they suffred martyrdome throughout Aphrick and amonge the Moores, throughout Thebais and Aegypt, throughout other cities and prouinces.

CAP. VII.

The constancie of certaine Martyrs, deuoured of wyld beasts in Palaestina and Phaenicia.

WE haue knowen diuers of these to haue florished in Palaestina, agayne others in Tyrus of Phaenicia, whose infinite stripes, and in their stripes a maruelous constancie, and after their stripes their sodaine bickeringe with rauening beastes, in their bickering their valiant courage in withstanding the force of fierce Libards, the rage of roaring Beares, the tuskes of wylde Boares, the woodnes of Bulls burned with fire and seared with hotte glowinge yron, who wyll not be amazed to beholde? at the doinge of all which we were present our selues and sawe with our eyes the deuine power of our sauiour Iesus Christ (for whose sake they Brute beastes spared such as mē would not spare. suffred these thinges) present and manifestly aydinge these Martyrs, neyther durst these raue­ning beastes of a longe time drawe nygh and approche vnto the bodies of the blessed saincts, but raunged about and deuoured such as sette them on without the ringe, toutchinge by no meanes among all the rest the blessed champions, though their bodies were bare, though they prouoked them with the streatchinge forth of their handes, as they were commaunded. And if some tyme [Page 149] violently they fell vpon them, backe agayne they recoyled, as if they had bene repelled by diuine power from aboue, which continewing a long time brought great admiration vnto the behoulders. When the first beast raunged aboue to no purpose, the seconde and thirde were let loose at the one, and the same martyr. the sufferance of those Sainctes was to be wondred at, & their constancy firme The constancy of yong men. and immoueable in their freshe and greene bodyes. Then might a man haue seene a yong stripling vnder twenty yeares of age, standing still without any holding, stretching forth his handes in for­me of a crosse, making earnest supplication vnto God, with a setled and immoueable minde, not wagging him selfe at all, or poynting any whither from his standing place, yea thought the beares and Libards, breathed out present death, and now as it were teared his fleshe in peeces with their teethe. yet I wott not howe as if their iawes had bene glued together, they recoyled back agayne. Fiue Martyrs after sundry torments beheaded & throwen into the seas. Besides this yong man, ye might haue seene others in number fiue, throwen at the feete of a fierce bull, which tossed into the ayre and tore in peeces with his hornes such as stoode without the ryng. and left them as good as deade: onely the holy Sainctes he had no power to hurte, with his furi­ous and cruell threats, thoughe he scattered the earth with his feete, and fanned the ayre with his hornes, though he were prouoked to fiercenesse with searing yron, and fomed out present death, yet by the diuine prouidence of God he was pushed backe. When that this beast could nothing preuaile agaynst the holy Martyrs, others were let loose, at length after sundry bitter torments and violence of wilde beastes, all were beheaded, and in steade of still earth and quiet sepulchre, they swamme in the surging waues of the seas.

CAP. VIII.

Of the martyrs in Aegypt.

THe like bickering had they of Tyrus in Aegypt, the which they suffred for the seruice of God. Martyrs in Aegypt may­med, racked, scurged, bur­ned, drow­ned, behea­ded, hanged, & famished to death. then wouldest thou haue marueled at their martyrdomes, suffred vpon their owne natiue soile where infinite both of men and women and children for the saluation procured by our Saui­our Iesus Christ, contemning this transitory life, haue endured sundry kindes of torments. wherof some after mayming and racking, and scurging, & thousands other vexations (horrible to be hearde of) were burned to ashes, others drowned in the seas, others manfully layd their neckes to y e blocke, others hanged on y e gallowes, some as hainous offenders, some other farre worse, tyed to y e tree with their heads downeward, and so long besett with a watch till famyne had bereued them of their liues.

CAP. IX.

The constancye of the Martyrs throughout Thebais.

OUr penne can not sufficiently paynt forth y e punishments, and torments, endured of the mar­tyrs Martyrs in Thebais their skinnes rased & schorched, tyed by the on legge & their heads downeward. Hanged vpō boughes. throughout Thebais, there bodies in steade of iagged hoofes vsed heretofore, had the skinne rased all of, with rugged shells of sea fishe, the women tyed by the one legge were li­fted into the ayre, and their heads downewards with a certayne engine of woode, and there hanged all bare and vncouered, yelding vnto the behoulders, a foule, a filthye, a cruell and vnnaturall spec­tacle. agayne others ended their lyues vpon boughes and branches of trees. They linked together with certayne instruments, the topps of the boysterous & mightier boughes, and tyed them vnto ei­ther of the Martyrs thighes, afterwards loosing the boughes to speart & spring into their growing place, sodainly rent asunder the mēbers of their bodyes, for which purpose they inuented this paine. all these mischieues continewed not a fewe dayes, or for a short space, but the terme of many yeares. some time more then tenne, some other time more then twenty were executed, one whyle not vnder 10. Martyrs. 20. 30. 60. 100. Some bur­ned. Some beheaded. thirtye, an other whyle welnighe threescore. agayne at an other tyme an hundreth in one daye of men, women, and very yonge children, after the bitter taste of sundry kindes of tormentes were put to deathe. We sawe our selues with our eyes, being then present at the execution, a greate multitude, whereof some were burned, others beheaded, vntill the sworde became blunt, and the tor­mentor wearyed, so that others came in place and executed by turnes. where we behelde also the noble cheere and countenance, the diuine power and valiantnesse of mynde, in such as buylded their fayth on Iesus Christ our Sauiour. as soone as the sentence was pronounced and iudgement geuen vpon the former, there stepped forth others and stoode at the barre, protesting their fayth and publishing them selues to be Christians, not fearing at all the bitternes of manifold and sundry [Page 150] torments but with inuincible mindes, laying their whole trust and confidence vpon God, ioy­fully, meryly, and chearefully tooke the last sentence of condemnation, singing Psalmes and hymnes and thankesgeuing vnto God, euen to the last gaspe. These were truely to be wondred at, but especially such as were renowmed for ritches, nobilitie, honor, eloquence, and Philoso­phy: yet preferred they before all these the pietie and fayth in our Lorde & Sauiour Iesus Christ. Philoromus gouernour of Alexādria beheaded▪ Phileas b. of Thmuis, be­headed. such a one was Philoromus gouernour of Alexandria of no small accōpt, put in trust with weigh­ty matters of the empire, being garded after the Romayne dignity and honor, with a troope of souldiers to his trayne, was dayly sifted and examined. such a one also was Phileas Bishop of the people Thmuitae, a famous man for the politike gouernment of his contrey, for the o­uersight of the publicke lyturgies and study of Philosophy▪ these men though they were entrea­ted of many their kinsfolkes and otherwise their familiar friendas, of many the chiefe rulers and last of all of the iudge him selfe, that they woulde tender their owne case, that they woulde con­sider of their calling, that they woulde pitye their wiues and children: yet could not they for all the perswasion of such great personages be brought by preferring this present life, to contemne the fayth of Christ, to renounce his lawes, but with constant and Philosophicall myndes, yea rather diuine, enduring all the threats and contumelies of the iudge, ended their liues with the loosing of their heades.

CAP. X.

The testimony of Phileas toutching the constancie of the Martyrs of Alexandria and the crueltie of the enemies.

IN so much that we haue reported Phileas to be famous for his skill in prophane literature, he shall wittnesse both of him selfe and of the Martyrdomes of his tyme at Alexandria, decla­ring farre more diligently then we vse to doe, writing vnto the Thmuitans in these wordes: for as much as all these things are published in holy Scripture for paterns, exāples & monumēts Phileas b. of Thmuis wri­teth this epi­stle out of prison vnto his [...]locke. for our learning: the blessed Martyrs vvhich liued among vs, lifting vp the eye of the minde, and behoulding with cleare sight the vniuersall God, settled their mindes to endure any kinde of death for the seruice and religion due vnto God, and held fast their vocation, knowing that the Lorde Iesus for our sake tooke the nature of man vpon him, to the ende he might cutt of wholy all sinne, and ayde vs to enter into euerlasting life. for he thought no robbery to be equall with Philip. 2. God, but made him selfe of no reputation, taking on him the forme of a seruaunt, and vvas founde in his shape as man. he humbled him selfe and became obedient vnto the death, euen the death of the crosse. VVherefore the blessed Martyrs of God, reposed Christ in their breast, being desirous of more excellent giftes, endured not once but some of them twise all payne & punishments that could be inuented, and all the threats of souldiers, practised agaynst them ei­ther by word or by deede, with an inuincible courage, excluding feare by reason of the fulnes of 1. Ioh. 4. loue. whose manhoode and valiantnesse in all their torments what man is able with mouth to expresse? and because it was permitted & laweful for euery man to torment them as him plea­sed best: some smite them with clubbes and cudgells, some with sharpe twigges, some with whippes, some with lethern thonges, some other with whipcorde. the spectacle was pitiful both for the varietie of torment, the and superfluity of malice. some with their handes tyed behind them were stretched a long & racked in euery ioynt throughout the body, & as they hong and laye in the racke, the tormentors were commaunded to torment all their bodies ouer, neyther plaguing them as theeues are commonly handled with the onely renting of their sides, but they had the skinnes of their bellies, and of their shinnes, and of their eye lidds rased all of, with rug­ged hoofes, with the talents and clawes of wilde beastes. some were seene to hange by the one hande at an hollow vaute, and to endure that way farre more bitter racking of the ioyntes and members of the bodie. some were tyed to pyllers and their faces wrested quite kame for to be­holde them selues, their feete standing them in no steede, but they violently wagging by the weyght and payse of their bodies were thus greeuously tormented by reason of their stretching and squysing in bondes. this they suffered not onely while they were examined and whilest the President dealt vvith them, but throughout the vvhole day▪ and vvhen that he passed from the former vnto the latter, he gaue his ministers charge to ouersee them behinde, if that perad­uenture any of them, being ouercome vvith the greeuous torments did yeald. He commaunded also that if any vvere in daunger of death by reason of colde, that their fetters & bondes shoulde [Page 151] speedely be released, and they to be layd on the grounde, to be lugged and trayled all a long to g [...]t them heat▪ they had not one sparcle of compassion on vs, but thought of duety they should thus be affected & furiously rage agaynst vs, as though vve had bene no liuing creatures. vvher­fore our aduersaries inuented this seconde payne and added it to the former punishments. after stripes they vvere layd in the stockes, and their feete streched foure spaces or holes asunder, so that of necessitye they must lye on their backes hauing no feeling of their bodies by reason of the vvoundes vvhich the stripes printed in their members. others being throvvne a long vpon the pauement, lay poudred in the dust, in extreame payne, a more piteous and lamentable spe­ctacle vnto the behoulders then the torment it self, bearing in their bodies diuers vvoundes di­uersly inuented. The case lying thus: some died in torment & confounded the aduersaries vvith their pacience. some halfe deade and shutt in pryson, after a fevve dayes died of their payne. the rest by carefull prouision vvere comforted, and after certayne continevvance of imprisonment became more constant. vvhen they had geuen them in choise, either to toutch the detestable sa­crifices, and so be at ease & enioy among them their cursed libertie, or not to sacrifice & chaung life for death: vvith all speede voluntarily they embraced death▪ for they vvere skilfull in those things vvhich concerned them in holy Scripture. he that sacrificeth to straunge God [...] (sayth he) Deut. 4. Exod. 20. shalbe rooted out from among the people: and thou shalt haue no other Gods but me. such are the words of a true Philosopher and godly Martyr, which he wrote from prison to his parishio­ners afore the iudge pronounced the sentence of condemnation vpon him, rehearsing vnto them y t state he stoode in, prouoking them to march forwards, and to holde fast the profession of fayth in Christ after his death which then was at hande. but to what ende doe I vse many wordes, and al­leadge the conflictes of the blessed Martyrs throughout the worlde, inuented one after an other specially of them which were pursued to death, not after the publique lawes, but with deadly hatred.

CAP. XI.

How a whole citie in Phrygia with the inhabitants thereof was burnt to ashes and of Audactus the Martyr.

WHen the souldiers had besieged a whole citye in Phrygia, inhabited of Christians, and compassed in, both men women and children, which called vpon the name of the Lord, An whole city burned. they sett all a fire and burned them to ashes. For with one consent all the inhabitants thereof, the Lieuetenant, the captayne, the whole Senate, & the people euery one protested them selues to be Christians, and coulde by no edicts be brought to adore Idols or carued images. And an other also there was, renowmed for Romayne dignitie whose name was Audactus, by linage Audactus martyred. comming of a noble house in Italie, and for all his vertues in great creditt with the Emperours, so that he gouerned with great wisedome & vprightnes the common wealth and weyghtiest mat­ters of the empire: but aboue all he was famous for religion and sayth in Christ, so that in the ad­ministration and gouerning of the common wealth he endured torment and was crowned with martyrdome.

CAP. XII.

Of the regions and contreys where the Christians were martyred, and the sanadgnesse of tyrannic all he at hen towards the faythfull.

TO what ende shall I by name recite the rest, or rehearse the maltitude of men, or describe the sundry torments of famous Martyrs? whereof some were beheaded, as it happened in Martyrs in Arabia. Cappadocia. Arabia: some tormented with the breaking and bruysing of their legges, as it happened in Cappadocia, some hanged by the feete and their heades downe warde, with slowe fire sett vnder & smothered to death with choking smoke, as it happened vnto the brethren in Mesopotamia: some Mesopota­mia. Alexandria. Antioche. others had their nostrells slitt, their eares bored, their handes maymed, their members and parts of their bodies drawne asunder and vnioynted, as it happened at Alexandria. to what ende shall I furbushe the memory of them which were burned at Antioche, hott burning coales layde vnder, not quickely to dispatch them, but with lingering payne to torment them. & of others which chose rather to burne their handes then they woulde toutch their abominable sacrifices, the experience Some dispatched them selues rather A matron of Antioch to­gether with her 2. daughters drow­ned thē selfs rather then their bodies shoulde be a­bused of the tormentors. whereof some going about to auoyde, before they were apprehended and fallen into the handes of their aduersaries, threw them selues downe headlong from the toppe of houses, & thought better [Page 152] so to preuent death then to sustayne the torments of their malicious enemies. A certayne matron al­so, renowmed for her vertue and integricie of life, among all them of Antioch, famous for her wealth and substance, her noble lynage, and estimation▪ had brought vp two doughters, that were virgins in the feare of God, which passed all other in brightnesse of bewtye and youthly comlines. These, be­cause they were greatly spited and enuied, for all that they hidd them selues they were founde out, and when that at length with much adoe they vnderstood of their being among forrayners, they cy­ted them to appeare with speede at Antioch in their proper persons, and besett the place of their a­bode with a bande of souldiers compassing them as it were with a nett. This matron seeing her self and her doughters plunged in great peri [...], by no meanes possibly to be auoyded, pondered with her selfe the punishments ensuing, and that which was most greeuous of all, the abusing of their bo­dies: she admonished in no wise to be suffred, no, not once to sincke into their eares, and sayd further: that if they committed their soules as bondslaues vnto Satan, it were a thinge more intollerable then any death or destruction, yet there remayned one remedie for all, and that sayd she was to flye vnto the Lorde for refuge. After deliberation, with vniforme consent they layde downe what was to be done, they apparelled them selues gorgeously and tooke their iourney towards Antioch. In the middest of the way, when their gard seuered them selues, as about to serue nature, they cast them sel­ues vnto the floode that slyded thereby and drowned them selues. These heathen Idolaters threwe The Eth­nicks drow­ned 2. virgins of Antioch. Martyrs in Pontus. into the sea [...] an other coople of Antiochian virgines, renowmed for all vertues, true sisters, of noble linage, of good life, of tender yeares, of goodly bewtie, of honest mindes, of godly conuersation, of wonderfull disposition, as though the earth could no longer beare them. such were the tragedies at Antioch. In Pontus they suffred horrible punishments to be heard of, whose fingers of both hands were pricked vnder the tender nayles, with sharpe quills: others had hott buyling leade poured on their backes, the most necessary members of their bodyes maymed: others endured shamefull, in­tollerable, and such torments as may not be tould, in their priuy members, and in the secret bowels of their bodyes, such as these noble and counted lawfull iudges excogitated, for tokens of their sharp witt, and deepe wisedome. Dayly also they founde out newe torments, contending one with an other who could excell in spitefull inuentions and addition [...] of torment. this calamitie was extreame and out of measure cruel. And when as thenceforth they dispayred of increasing their mischiefe, and now were wearied with slaughter & gotten their fill of bloodshed, voluntarily they mittigate their rage they practise curtesy, their pleasure (for sooth) is henceforth to punish with death no longer. It is not The Eth­nicks pulled out the right eyes, seared the empty place, sawed of the left legge of the Christians, seared their hames, con­demned thē to the myne pitts: all this they counted a gracious pardon. requisite (say they) that the cities shoulde be stayned with blood, ishuyng out of our owne bowells, that the most noble empire of the Caesars should be blemished & defamed with the title of crueltie, y emperour him self being wel knowne for clemencie & benignitie, yea rather the gracious goodnes & clemencie of the Emperours highnes is to be stretched forth and enlarged towards all men, that they be no more punished with death. They deemed their crueltie asswaged and the Emperours clemencie to shine in that they commaunded our eyes to be plucked out, and the left legge to be vn­ioynted▪ such was their clemencie and mitigated crueltie towards vs. Wherefore by reason of this cruell curteste it may not be told what number & infinite multitude of men hauing their right eyes pulled out, and the empty places seared with hott burning yrons, their left legges sawed asunder in the hammes and seared likewise: were condemned to the quarryes and mynes throughout the pro­uinces, to the digging of mettalls, not for commoditie and profits sake, but for affliction and misery. And besides all this they were ledd forth to sundry kindes of torments which may not be rehearsed, whose valiant actes also can not be described. when the holye Martyrs shined thus throughout the worlde in these their afflictions the beholders wronded at their pacience and noble courage, neyther without cause, for they expressed and shewed forth vnto the worlde speciall and manifest signes of the diuine and vnspeakeable power of our Sauiour, working by them. it were to long yea vnpossible to number them all by their names.

CAP. XIII.

Of the famous Bispops and ministers that were martyred.

TOutching the chiefe rulers of the Churches, and them which were crowned Martyrs in the most famous cities: Anthymus bishop of Nicomedia, was beheaded & crowned the first mar­tyr Anthymus [...]. of Nicome [...]ia behea­ [...]ed. registred in the catalogue of the Saynctes in the kingdome of Christ. Of them whiche [Page 153] suffred at Antioch Lucianus minister of that congregation, leading a vertous life, preached at Ni­comedia Lucianus a martyr. Tyrannion b. of Tyrus was drowned at Antioch. Zenobius of Sidon scourged to death. Siluanus. b. of Emisa torne of wild beastes. Siluanus. b. of Gaza be­headed. 39 Beheaded Peleus and Nilus. b. of Aegypt bur­ned. Pamphilus▪ Peter. b. of Alexandria. in presence of the emperour the celestiall kingdome of Christ, first vnto vs in exhortatiō by way of Apology, afterwards in wryting vnto the posteritie. the most famous martyrs of Phae­nicia were the godly pastors of the resonable flocke of Christ: Tyran [...]n byshop of Tytus, Zeno­bius minister of Sidon, and Siluanus byshop of Emisa, who together with others in Emisa was throwen to feede wild beasts, and is receaued vnto the company of martyrs. The other two, both at Antioch glorified God by theyr pacient deathes: Tyrannion buried in the bottome of the seae, and Zenobius an excellent phisician, after scurginge & bitter torment died most constantly. Among the martyrs in Palaestina Siluanus by shop of the Churches of Gaza was beheaded together with nyne and thirty others which were committed to the myne pitts in Phaenos. In Aegypt Peleus and Nilus Aegyptian byshops were burned to ashes. And here let vs remember the renowmed piller of the parishe of Caesarea, Pamphilus the elder, & the most famous martyr of our time. Whose life and noble acts we will at time conueniēt declare. of them which at Alexandria throughout Aegypt & The bais suffred martyrdome, y most famous was Peter byshop of Alexandria a paterne of piety in Christ vnto the godly pastors, and together with him Faustus, Didius and Ammonius, ministers and perfect martyrs of Christ. Also Phileas, Hesychius, Pachym [...]us and Theodorus byshops of the churches in Aegypt: and besids these infinite other famous men, whose names are well knowen in the cōgregations through out the region. It is not our drift to describe y conflicts of such as stri­ued throughout the world (we leaue that for others) neither exactly to paint forth vnto y posteri­ty all that happened: but only the things we sawe with our eyes and were done in our presence.

CAP. XIIII.

The state of the Romayne empyre before and after the persecution. and of the raygne of Constantine.

VNto that which went before I will annexe the recantation or dissanullinge of the thinges practised against vs yea from y beginning of the persecution, which I suppose very pro­fitable for the reader. before y the Romaine empire waged battell against vs, in the space As longe as the Empe­rours did not persecute the church, so longe did theyr empire prosper. the emperours fauored vs & maintained peace, it may not sufficiētly be declared, how prosperous­ly the common wealth florished & abounded with all goodnes, when as the chief magistrats of the publicke weale passed the tenth & the twentieth yeare in solemne feasts & celebrated gratulatiōs in times of most gorgeous & glorious renowne, with constant & in [...]noueable peace▪ whē as there empire after this sorte encreased without offence, & daily was enlarged, they had [...] sooner remoued peace from amōg vs, but they sturred vp such battels as cold not be reconciled▪ not fully two yeares after this whurlyburly, there was such a chaunge happened vnto the whole empire which turned all vpsid downe. Anno Do­mini▪ 307. (Euseb. Chronic.) Diocle­tian together with Maxi­mian hauing raygned 20. yeares, depo­sed themsel­ues and liue [...] a priuate life Constantiu [...] and Maximi­nus rule the Empire. Constantiu [...] dieth at yo [...] in England [...] Anno Do­mini. 310. Constátinu [...] magnus wa [...] proclaime [...] emperour Anno Do­mini. 311. for no smale disease ouertooke the chief of y foresayd emperours & bereued him of his witts, wherefore together with him which was second per [...]on in honor he em­braced the popular & priuate life. these things then being not fully ended the empire was with all deuided into two parts, the which was neuer remembred to haue come to passe before that time. not long after Cōstantius the emperour, passing all other throughout his life time, in clemency & goodnes towards his subiects, singularly affected towards Gods word, ended according vnto the lawe of nature, the common ra [...]e of his mortall life, leauinge behind him his naturall sonne Constātinus, emperour & Caesar to supply his rowme, & was first referred of them into y number of the Gods, enioying after his death all imperiall honor & dignitie due to his person. In his life he was the most benigne and of most bountifull suffrayghtie among all the emperours. who alone of all the emperours in our time gouerned most graciously & honorably during the whole terme of his raygne, shewing humanity and bountifullness vnto all men, no partaker by any meanes, with any presumpteous sedition [...]ayled against vs, he garded the godly about him in security without sen­tence of gylt, & without all contumely, he destroyed no churches, he practised no impiety y might be preiudiciall vnto our religion, he obtayned a blessed life and an [...]nde thrise happy, he beinge emperour alone ended this life both gloriously & peaceably, in prese [...] of his naturall some and successor, who also was most prudent and religious. His sonne Constā [...], beinge proclaymed full emperour and Caesar by the army, and longe before by God himselfe the vniuersall kinge, he came a folower of his fathers pietie in Christian religion. And such a one was [...] [...]ut Liconius while these thinges were a doynge, by common consente of the potentates was also created em­perour and Augustus. Whiche▪ thinge greened Maximinus very sore, who vnto that tyme [Page 154] was alone called Caesar of all mē, who also being tyrannically disposed, violētly of his owne mind inuaded the empire and intitled him selfe Augustus. And being attainted of treason, and founde to haue conspired the death of Constantinus, and after deposition to haue aspired againe vnto the imperiall scepter: dyed a moste shamefull death. He was the firste whose titles, pictures with­all that seemed to shewe forth his honor were ouerthrowen for no other then the armes of an em­perour that was moste prophane and impious.

CAP. XV.

The dissimuled loue of Maxentius towardes the Christians, his horrible Cap. 14. after the greeke. offences and crueltie

HIs sonne Maxentius which exercised tyranny at Rome, in the beginninge of his raygne Maxentius the sonne of Maximinus a tyrante of Rome. Flattery. Cruelty. Lecherie. dissembled our fayth egregiously, creepinge into creditt by flatteringe of the people of Rome, and therefore he commaunded his communalty to cease from persecutinge of the Christians, whereby he might pretende a shewe of pietie and seeme tractable & more benigne thē his auncestres were before him. but in processe of time he was not in dede founde the same which men tooke him for and hoped he woulde be, for he fell into all kinde of enormyties, omittinge no haynous offence, bowe detestable and laciuious soeuer it were, vnassayed. committing adultery & all kinde of lewde wantonnesse, sendinge home againe vnto their husbandes the louinge spouses and lawefull wiues, taken from them by force, when he had ignominiously abused them. and these presumpteous practises he exercised not onely vpon the obscurer sort, but dealt this opprobrious­ly with the most renowmed of the Romaine senators. Wherefore all both high primats and infe­rior people, trembling for feare of him, were oppressed with his intollerable tyranny, yet nether Tyrranny. by silence neither by suffring this greuous setuitude, cold they be free, from the bloody slaughter and embrued murther of this tyrante. vpon light occasions sundry times deliuered he the people vnto the soldiers, which were in compasse to be slayne, and an innumerable multitude of the Ro­mayne people in the middes of the citie he offred to the sworde and spears, not of Barbarians and Scythians, but of his owne proper soldiers. It may not be recited what slaughter of senators he Extorcion. procured, craftely seeking after their substance, of whome an infinite number he executed for sun­dry causes and fayned crimes. this was the drift and marke this mischiefous tyrant shotte at. he Sorcery. Inchaunte­ment. applied himselfe vnto the studie of Magicall artes. for inchauntement he opened and ript the bo­wells of burthened women great with childe, he searched the entrailes of newe borne babes, he slewe lyons, and after a secrett maner coniured deuells and endeuored to withstande the warres then approchinge. for he fully determined with himselfe to be crowned conquerour by meanes of these artes. This Maxentius therefore practisinge tyrranny at Rome oppressed the commonalty Famine cau­led by Ma­xentius. with such haynous offences as may not be tolde, so that they were pinched with so great penurie of necessary victaile, as the like can not be remembred in this our age to haue happened at Rome

CAP. XVI.

The cruell behauiours of Maximinus in the East and of Maxentius at Cap. 15. in. [...]e Greeke. Rome and other where in the west▪

MAximinus the Casterne tyrant of a long tyme behaued himselfe to the ende he might con­ceale Maximinus [...]pocrisie his malice against his brother and his hid friendship towards the Romaine tirant, but in the ende he was espied and suffred punishmente due to his desert. It was won­derfull to see howe that he committed things a like and correspondēt vnto the practises of the Romayne Superstition. tyrant, nay he farre passed him in malice and mischiefe. The chiefest inchaunters & magi­cians were in greatest creditte with him, and because he was a man very timorous & wonderfully rooted in superstition, he highly esteemed of the erroneous worship of Idols and deuels. without southsaing [...] & answers of Oracles he durst not mone, no, as it is commonly sayd, not the breadth Persecution. of a nayle, for which cause he persecuted vs without intermission and more vehemently then his auncesters before him. he erected temples throughout euery citie, the Idolatricall worship of [...]latrie. longe time defaced and ouerthrowen he carefully restored agayne, and published by edict that I­dole priestes shoulde be ordained, throughout all countreys and cities. besides this he appointed [...]haunte­ [...]t. in euery prouince one for high priest of such as were counted famous for politicke affaires being [Page 155] also able with decency to execute that function, whome he furnished with a great trayne and gard of soldiers. To be short he priuiledged all inchaunters, recounted godly and takē for Gods them selues, with primacy, dignities, and chiefest prerogatiues. He went on still and oppressed, not on Oppression. Citye or region onely, but whole prouinces vnder his dominion, exactinge golde and siluer and summes of money, and vexed them with greuous proclamations, on penaltie ensuinge after ano­ther. The wealth and substance which his progenitors had gathered before he tooke in greate Prodigality. heapes of treasure and greate summes of money and bestowed it vpon his flatteringe parasites. He was so drowned with ouer muche wine and drunkenesse that amonge his cuppes he woulde D [...]sikenesse. be starke madd and besides him selfe, and often times beinge typsie commaunded such thinges, whereof afterwards being restored to his former sobriety it repented him. He gaue place to no man for surfeting and superfluitie, but made him selfe ringe leader of that vice, vnto all that were Surfetinge. about him bothe Prince and people. He effeminated his soldiers with all kinde of delicacy and lasciuiousnes. He permitted his presidentes and captaynes to practise rauenous extorcion, and poulinge of his subiectes, whome he entertayned as fitte companions of his foule and shame­full tyranny. To what ende shall I rehearse his vnchaste life? Or recite the adulteryes he com­mitted? He colde passe no Citie where he rauished not wiues, and deflowred not virgins. And in Lechery. The tyrant colde not o­uercome the Christians. these thinges he preuayled agaynst all sortes of people the Christians only excepted which con­temned death and despised his tyranny. The men endured burninge, beheading, crucifyinge, ra­uenous deuouring of beastes, drowninge in the seae, mayming and broyling of the members, go­ringe and digginge out of the eyes, manglinge of the whole body, moreouer famyne and impry­sonment, to be short they suffred euery kinde of torment for the seruice of God, rather then they woulde leaue the worship of God, and embrace the adoration of Idols▪ women also not inferior to men through the power of the worde of God, putt on manly courage, whereof some suffred the same tormentes with men, some attayned vnto the like maysteries of vertue, other some dra­wen to be abused, yelded sooner theyre life vnto the death then theyr bodyes to be defiled. For when as others by reason of the tyrants adultery were polluted a Christian matron of Alexan­dria, A chast ma­tron of Ale­xandria con­founded the tyrant where fore she was exiled and her goods confiscated. both noble and renowmed alone ouer came the lecherous and lasciuious mynde of Maxi­minus with the presence of her manly courage. This woman for many▪ thinges was highly estee­med, for ritches, for kindred, for learninge, yet preferred she chastitie before all. Whome when he had earnestly entreated, yet coulde not finde in his harte to putt her to death which otherwise was already prepared to dye, being moued more with lust then with anger, exiled and depriued her also of all her substance. And infinitie other matrons not abydinge, no not the hearinge of the threats of abusinge theyr bodies, done by the presidents of euery particular nation, endured all kinde of punishments, torments and deadly paynes. These are in deede to be wondred at, but in greater admiratiō, is that most noble & most chast matron of Rome to be had in respect of all the rest, agaynst whome the Romayne tyrant Maxentius, (liuely resemblinge Maximinus) went A matron of Rome slewe her selfe ra­ther then Ma­xētius should abuse her. about to rage. When that she vnderstoode the ministers of tyrannicall lust to be at hand, and her husbande (she beinge a Christian) though he were a Romayne magistrate, to be in holde a­monge them, and for feare of execution to haue consented therevnto she craued a little leasure, as if she went to trime her selfe, and entting into her chamber and there beinge alone she runne vpon a naked sworde and dispatched her selfe, so imediatly by her death she bequeathed her carkasse vn to the tyrantes baudes, and by this acte of hers, soundinge and pearcinge more then any shrill voyce, shee pronounced and printed in the mindes of all mortall men both presente and to come: that amonge the Christians alone vertue can with no money be ouercome, neither be destroyed with any kinde of death. This so great a burthen of impietie was brought into the worlde at one, and the same time by two tyrants which helde East and west. If any seeke out the cause of these so The cause of the worldes calamities was the per­secution of the christi [...]s▪ great mischieues, who will doubt to assigne the persecution raysed agaynst vs for cause thereof, specially in as much as this confusion finished not before the Christian liberty was first restored. for during the tearme of these tenne yeares persecutiō, there wanted them nothing, which might tende to mutuall hatred, or ciuill dissention. The sea was besett with shippes, and therefore in­nauigable, neyther was it possible from any place, for any man to arriue and take lande, but he shoulde he sifted with all kinde of punishments, his sides scourged, and himselfe tried with sundry torments, whether he were not sent from the enemy as a spie, & in the end he was either hanged or burned. morouer there were prepared for the purpose, targets, brest plats, dartes, spears, with other warlicke armour, galeyes also and other ordinance for shipps, were heaped in euery place, [Page 156] neyther wayted any man for any other then dayly inuasion by the enemy. after these thinges en­sued famine & pestilence, of the which we will entreat hereafter when fit oportunity is ministred.

CAP. XVII.

The ende of the persecution and the finall confusion of the tyrant. Cap. 16. in the Greeke.

SUch things had they prepared during y whole time of persecution, which in the Anno Do­mini. 320. tenth yeare by the goodnes of God wholy ceased, yet after the eight yeare it begāne somwhat to slacke & relent. for after that the deuine and celestiall grace of God behelde vs with a placable and mercifull countenance, then our princes, euen they which heretofore warred against vs, after a wonderfull manner chaunged their opinion, song a recantation, and quenched that great heate of persecution, with most benigne and milde edicts and constitutions published euery where in our behalfe. The cause of this was not the humanity or compassion (as I may [...]o terme it) or benigni­ty of the princes, being farre otherwise disposed (for they inuented dayly more and more, greuous thinges against vs, successiuely vnto that time, they founde out sundry sleyghtes and newe puni­ments one after an other) but the apparent countenance of the deuine prouidence reconciled vn­to his people, withstood the power of mischiefe and quelled the author of impietie, and the wor­ker of the whole persecution. And yet according vnto the iudgment of God it was behoueable that these things should come to passe, yet vvoe vnto them (sayth the Lorde) by vvhome offence doth Math. 18. Luk. 17. God plagued Maximinus the tyrante [...]eng at Tar­sus, so that he was in a lamē table plight. rise. Wherefore a plague from aboue lighted on him, firste takinge roote in his fleshe, and after­wards proceeding euen vnto his soule. there rose vpon a sodayne in the secret partes of his body an impostume or running sore, afterwards in the lower parts of his priueyties a botchye corrupt byle, with a fistula, whence ishued out corrupt matter, eatinge vp the inward bowels, and an vn­speakeable multitude of lice, swarming out & breathinge a deadly stinche, when as the corpulen­cy of the whole body through aboundance of meat, before the disease came, was turned into super fluous grossenes, and then beinge growen to matter, yelded an intollerable and horrible spectacle to the beholders. Wherefore of the phisicians, some not able to digest that wonderfull noysome stinche were slayne: some other (by reason of the swellinge throughout the body, there remayned no hope of recouery) beyng not able to helpe at all with theyr phisicke, were cruelly executed thē selues.

CAP. XVIII.

An Edict in the behalfe of the Christians the which aduersitie wrested Cap. 17. after the Greeke. from Maximinus.

AT length being thus tormented and lying in this miserable plight, he beganne to ponder with himselfe the rashe enterprises he had practised against the holy worshipers of God. Wherefore returning vnto himselfe, first he confesseth his sinnes vnto God, whose power reacheth ouer all. next calling vnto him such as then were in compasse, he gaue commaundement that with al speede they should relent and cease from persecuting of the Christians: that by the de­cree and commaundement of the emperour they should buyld againe theyr churches: they should frequent theyr often conuenticles: they shoulde celebrate theyr wonted ceremonies and pray for the life of the emperour. and immediatly that which by word he cōmaunded was in dede brought to passe. The proclamations of the Emperour were published throughout the cities, and The Edict of Maximinus in the behalf of the Chri­stians▪ the which his sickenesse cō strayned him to proclaime [...] In steede of Constantinꝰ [...]ome doread Constantius which I finde [...]ot in the greeke. a recantation of the practises preiudiciall vnto vs contayned in this forme: The Emperoure Caesar, Galerius, Maximinus, puysant, magnificent, chiefe Lord, Lord of Thebais, Lord of Sar­matia, fiue times conquerour of Persia, Lord of Germanie, Lord of Aegypt, tvvise conquerour of the Carpians, six times conquerour of the Armenians, Lorde of the Medes, Lord of the Adia­beni. tvventy times tribune, nineteene times generall captaine, eight times Consul, father of the countrey, proconsul. And the emperour Caesar, Flauius, Ʋalerius, Constantinus, vertuous, fortu­nate, puysant, noble, chiefe Lord▪ generall captaine and tribune fiuetimes, Consull▪ father of the countrey, proconsull. Amonge other thinges vvhich vve haue decreed for the commoditie and profitte of the common vvealth, our pleasure is first of all to order and redresse all thinges ac­cordinge vnto the aunciente lavves and publicke discipline of the Romaynes▪ & vvithall to vse this prouiso that the Christians vvhich haue forsaken the relligion of their auncesters shoulde be brought againe to the right vvay▪ for after a certaine humor of singularitie such an opinion [Page 157] of excellency puffed them vp▪ that those thinges which their elders had receaued and allowed they reiected and dissalowed, deuising euery man suchlavves as they thought good, and obser­ued the same, assembling in diuerse places great multitudes of people▪ wherefore when as our Edict was proclaymed, that they shoulde returne [...]n [...] the ordinaunces of their elders, diuerse standing in greate daūger felt the penalty thereof, and many beinge troubled therefore, endu­red all kinds of death▪ and because we perceaue [...] yet to persist in the same madnes, ney­ther yelding due wor [...]hip vnto the celestiall Gods, neither regarding the God of the christians, hauing respect vnto our benignity and godly custome, pardonning [...] [...]l [...] [...]n af [...] our wonted guyse, yea we thought good in this case to extend our gracious [...] f [...] able clemency, that the christiane may be tollerated againe, and that they repayre againe the places where they maye me [...]ro together. So that they doe nothinge preiudiciall to publicke order & discipline. VVe [...] meane to prescribe vnto the iudges by an other epistle what they shall obserue. VVherefore as this our gracious pardon deserueth, let them make intercession vnto their God, for our health, for the common vveale, and for themselues, that in all places the affayres of the publicke weale may be safely preserued, & that they themselues may liue securely in their proper houses. These thinges after our hability we haue translated in this sorce out of the Romaine language into the greeke tongue. Nowe haue we duely to consider of those things which ensued and folowed after.

The censure of the Traslator toutching the chapiters which followe vntill the ende of this. 8. booke. Being found in the greeke coppy as a fragmente whose author was vnkowen.

ALl that which followeth vntill the ende of this eight booke▪ I haue found in the greeke coppy, distinguished frō the 18. chapiters, which went before: Not deuided into chapiters, as the rest was, but lying confusely for a suspected worke, whose autor was not knowne. VVhen that I had translated bit herto & perceaued that the latine interpretours rested heere: I perused by my selfe the whole fragment, to see whether I cold gather any iust cause to the contrary, but that it shoulde be turned to Englishe: I founde the doctrine sound, the history pleasaunt, the stile artificiall, and farre more curious then in the former bookes. The frase sauored of the latine, (and no force for Eusebius was well seene in bothe) the periods longe, though not often vsed throughout his histories, yet in others his workes very ri [...] and common. Though this fragment be founde more curious and artificiall, then the rest [...]n [...] maruell at all▪ for mens giftes doe not serue them at all tymes alike. If this rule were obserued, & paised in the ballance voyd of all parciality there woulde not be so many pe [...]ces, so many tracts, & so ma­ny learned workes of auncient writers, contemned and renounced, by reason that the frase in some point seemeth to differ or fall from the wonted grace. The learned clerke Antony Gueuarra was vsed to say: that at some tymes. & at some exercises, his memory would be so ready, his witts so fresh, and his skill so excellent, that he cold deuide a heare, & swepe a grayne▪ at other times he wished to himselfe not only fiue, but ten senses, which we cōmonly callwitts. Some things there are to be misliked wit hall in this fragment, first that it is out of order placed: next that there are sentences and periods, wrytten by Eusebius in the former. 18. chapiters repeated in this fragmēt. Toutching the repetion he that is acquainted with Euse­bius will confesse: that oftentimes in many places he repeateth one thinge, though not vpon the selfe some occasiō, neither in the selfe same order, nether with the same words. he hath made mētion of his booke of martyrs & of the [...]okes he wrote of the life of Phamphilus almost in euery booke. he reporteth the selfe same martyrdomes in diuerse bookes and sundry places. as for the placinge no maruell at allthough it be out of order, Eusebius published not his owne history but left it with his familiars. Alexander byshop of Ierusalem gathered bere and there, the scattered workes of the auncient wryters, copied them not as the authors wrote them, but as he founde them, and chayned them in the library at Ierusalem▪ Origē compiled into one volume the translations of the old testamēt and published them in such sort as pleased him best. Pamphilus martyr builded a library at Caesarea, and gathered the works of Origen and other wryters placing them as he thought good. Eusebius confesseth that in Caesarea he made indexes vnto the afore saydw [...]ters altering the titles, chaūging the inscriptiōs, correcting their order, & fitting their place: sso it may be that the gatherer of Eusebius workes dealt with his histories not placinge this frag­ment where Eusebius left it. But of mine owne parte (not [...]inding to conceale any thing from the reader here I founde it in greeke and heare I leaue it in English. The reasons which moue me that it is Eusebius, [Page 158] doinges are these. first in this fragment he numbreth the moneths after the Gre [...]ans as cap. [...]. 21. 26. 1. 28. Zāthicus, Desius, Dius, Dystros, Panemus, Apellaeus, Audinaeus, Peritius, &c▪ so hath he done in sundry other places of his workes & namly ca. 3. of this. 8. book [...] Secondly the author of this fragmēt was 2. in Palaestina & sawe with hic eyes the martyr do [...]es suffred at Caesarea, and other places he was (cap. 22.) in the company of Apphianus, in one house with him at Palaestina a litle before he suffred. He saw (cap. 27.) the miracle at Caesarea when the postes, and stones in the streete, sw [...]t [...] droppes of water. He sawe and heard cap. 30. Iohn the martyr, who was a blind man, preach and expound the Scripturs with great cōmendation. This reason is confirmed by that which Eusebius wrote in the 3. cap. of this 8. booke, where he sayeth. It is not our drift to describe the cōflicts of such as striued throughout the world (we leaue that for others) neither exactly to paint forth vnto the posteritye all that happened: but onely the things we sawe with our eyes and were done in our presence. Thirdly the author of 3. this fragment was a familiar friende of Pamphilus the martyr, he writeth of him cap. 25. thus: Of which number was Pamphilus, of all my famillars, my derest friende. And cap. 29. be extolleth him vnto the skies. Sainct Ierom writeth, that because of his familiarity with Pamphilus he was called Eusebius Pamphilus. Fourthly the author of this fragment, as it is cap. 29. wrote the life of Pam­philus 4. in. 3. bookes, so hath Eusebius confessed of him selfe in sundry places, and Sainct Ierom, in his life wryteth the same of him, wherefore Eusebius was the author of this fragment. Fiftly the sayde author 5. cap. 19. maketh mention of that, which Eusebius wrote cap. 14: and cap. 30. he maketh mention of that which Eusebius wrote cap. 2. as wrytten by himselfe, therefore it is like Eusebius wrote this fragmente. The sixt reason that moueth me to annexe this as parte of the booke, is the shortenes of the booke, for 6. if we end at the 18. chapiter where the fragmente beginneth, the booke may seeme to be no booke but rather an entrance or beginning of a booke. Eusebius in the beginning of this. 8. booke cap. 2. promised to wryte of martyrs, thinkest thou Gentle reader, that he woulde be so briefe, and make so short a treatise, where occasion was ministred to wryte not one booke onely but rather. 3. bookes, if he were disposed (omitting nothing as he promised li. 1. ca. 1. touching the martyrs of his time) to write of all the martyr doms suffred vnder Diocletian, Maximinian and Maximinus. Last of all this fragment endeth in very 7. good order. He promiseth to discourse of Maximinus the tyrantes recantation, the which Eusebius performeth in the booke followinge. For looke howe the. 8. booke endeth, with the same the. 9. beginneth. Therefore Eusebius was the author of this fragment.

CAP. XIX.

Howe the. 4. emperours Diocletian, Maximinian, Maximinus & Constantius ended their liues.

THe author of this former edict not long after his foresayd cōfession being rid of that his la­mentable Maximinus his practises plight, departed this life. He is reported to haue bene the chiefe autor of the cala mity which befell vnto the christians during the time of persecution: & a good while agoe, before y whurly burly raised by the rest of the emperours, to haue gone about to peruert the chri­stians which liued in warefare, but aboue all, such as were of his owne familye: to haue depriued some of their martiall dignity & renowne: to haue encreated some others reprochefully without al shame. Moreouer to haue persecuted some of them to the death, and last of all to haue prouoked y other his fellowe emperours to persecute all christendome, the ends of which emperours, if that I passed ouer with silence, I shoulde greatly offende. The empire being deuided into foure parts, foure seuerall princes bearing rule: they two which were first proclaimed emperours, and prefer red in honor before the rest, hauing not raigned fully two yeares after the persecution, deposed thē selues ( Cap. 14. Diocletian the Empe­rour pined & wasted away with diseases vnto his end. Maximinian [...]he empe­rour hanged himselfe. Maximinus [...]ormented [...]o death. read [...]ap. 17. Constantius [...]yed godly. as we haue sayd before) & led thence forth the rest of their liues, priuatly after y vulgare sorte of men, hauing such an end as followeth: the first hauing gotten y chief honor due to y impe­riall scepter & primate by creation, after long, great & greuous disseases consumed & wasted away by a litle & a litle & so died. The seconde, secondarily ruling the empire, being priuey in consci [...]ce to many his lewd & mischiuous practises committed in his life time, hanged himselfe by the pro­curemēt of a wicked spirite which ledd him thereunto. The later of them two which immediatly succeeded these, whome we haue termed y author & ringleader of y whole persecution, suffred such tormēts as we haue mētioned before. Cōstantius who wēt before him by vertue of his prerogatiue in y imperiall dignity, being a most mild & curteous emperour (as I sayd before) led a worthy life, during his whole raigne, not onely because y t in other things he behaued himself most curteously & most liberally towards al mē: but also in y be was no partener w t y enemy in the persecutiō raysed against vs, nay rather he maintained & preserued such as were of y godly vnder [Page 159] his dominiō. he neither rifled neither destroied the holy churches, neither practised any other mis­chief preiudiciall to the christian affairs, he obtained an end both blessed & thrise happy, he alone in his kingdome to y comfort of his naturall sonne & successor in the empire, a prince in all things both most sage & religious, enioyed a noble & a glorious death. His sonne forthwith entring into Constātinus. his raygne, was by the soldiers proclaimed chief emperour & Augustus, who imitated & that dili­gently his fathers stepps as a paterne of piety to the embracing of christian religion. such an end at seuerall times had the aforesayd foure emperours. of y which, he alone mentioned a litle before together with others his emperiall associats published vnto the whole world by his writtē edict. the aforesayd confession.

CAP. XX.

Of the martyrs in Palastina.

IT was the ninetenth yeare of Diocletians raigne and the moneth Zanthicus, the which the Ro­maynes Anno Do­mini. 306. call Aprill, the feast of Easter thē drawing nigh, Flauianus being gouerner of Palaesti­na, whē the emperours edicts were euery where proclaimed, in y t which it was commaunded y t the churches should be destroyed, that the holy scriptures should be burned, y t such as were of cre­ditt should be contemned, y t such as led a priuate life if they retayned the christian professiō should be depriued of their freedome. & such were the contents of the first Edict. but in the proclamation which immediatly folowed after it was added y t the pastors throughout all congregations should first be imprisoned, next withall meanes possible constrained to sacrifice. to be short the first of the martyrs in Palaestina was Procopius who before he had bene any while imprisoned, stepping forth Procopius beheaded. at the first iumpe before the tribunall seat of the presidents, & being commaunded to doe sacrifice vnto their gods, made answere: that to his knowledge there was but one only God, to whom, (as y selfe same God had cōmaunded) he was bound of duely to sacrifice. And when as they commaū ­ded him to offer sacrifice for y prosperous state of the foure emperours, he recited a certaine verse out of a poet which pleased thē not, for the which immediatly he was beheaded the verse was this:

Not many Lordes auayle vs here, let one beare rule and raygne.

This was y e first spectacle exhibited at Caesarea in Palaestina the eight day of the moneth Desius before the seuenth of the Ides of Iune called of the Romaynes the. 4. day of the sabaoth. After him there suffred many of the inhabiters of the same citie, & of the chief gouernours of y ecclesiasticall affayrs, who endured & that cherefully most vitter torments, & gaue the aduenture of most valiāt enterprises. other some fainting for feare were quite discouraged at the first. all the rest tried the experience of sundry torments. one scurged from top toe, an other wrested vntil y his ribbs brake a sunder in the squising bonds, by reason whereof it fell out that some had their hands strooke of, & thus together they enioyed such an end as befell vnto them according vnto the secret wisedome & iudgement of God. one was led by the hand & lugged to the altar, & his hands violēt stretched to toutch their detestable sacrifices, & in the end let go for a sacrificer. an other when y he had neither approched neither toutched, & such as were present affirmed that he had sacrificed, departed with silence. one being halfe dead was borne away being throwen of them for dead, the same was tor­mēted with bondes & reckned among the sacrificers. an other lifted his voyce & protested that he had not yelded at all, the same was beaten on the mouth & constrayned to kepe silence, by the force of many hands which stopped his breath & violētly excluded him when he had not sacrificed at al. & so it pleased them well, if at least wise they might seeme to bring their purpose to effect, but for all their mischieuous deuises the blessed martyrs of God only bare away y victory. againe y seuē ­teenth day of y moneth Dius, after the Romaynes the fifteenth of the Calendes of December, Al­phaeus Alphaeus be­headed. Zachaeus be­headed. Romanus first had his tongue pul­led out, next tormented & clapt▪ in pri­son, last of all in prison sti­fled to death and Zachaeus, after they had bene lashed with whipps & mangled with rasors, after racking and greuous tormentes therein, after sundry questions demaunded of them, after they had layen in y stocks many dayes and many nights, their feet stretched foure spaces asunder, last of all whē they had freely confessed and boldely pronounced that there was but one onely God, & one kinge & captaine ouer all Iesus Christ (as if herein they had vttered blasphemy or treason) they were in like maner beheaded euen as the martyr mētioned a litle before. Moreouer the history toutching Romanus y martyr, who suffred the same day at Antioch is worthie of memory. He was borne in Palaestina, he was deacon and exorcist of the church of Caesarea, & as it fell out being in Antioch at the ruyne and desolation of y churches, & beholding with his eyes great multituds both of men women and children flocking vnto the altars and offering sacrifices to the Idols, supposed it was [Page 160] his duety in no wise to winck thereat: wherefore he being moued with singular zeale of the spirit of God, drewe nigh vnto them, exclaimed against them, and sharpely rebuked them. Who, for so bold an enterprise was apprehended, & shewed him selfe a valiāt witnes or testifier (if then there was any such in the world) of the trueth in Christ. For when the iudge threatned him death with flashing fire that consumeth to ashes, he of the contrary embraced his offer most willingly, with cherefull countenance and gladsome courage, and with all, is brought vnto the place of execution. Being bounde to the stake while the officers threwe fagotts about him, and such as were appoin­ted to kindle the fire, wayted for the emperours watch worde & pleasure (who then was presente) he shouted vnto them from the stake: where I pray you is the fire? The whiche he had no sooner spoken, but the Emperour called him vnto him, to the ende he shoulde suffer a newe and straūge kinde of torment, to wete: that his tongue might be plucked out of his mouth, the which he con­stantly endured, and thereby declared at large, howe that the deuine power, and grace of God, neuer fayleth them, which suffer for godlines sake, but alwayes ether easeth their labours, & sla­keth theyr griefs, or els graunteth courage, and might to endure paciently vnto the ende. This blessed sainct as soone as he had vnderstoode of their newe deuised torment, beinge valiantly di­sposed, neuer staggered thereat, but voluntarily put out his tongue, & yelded the same, which was fully instructed in the word of God, vnto the tormentors hands. After which tormēt he was clapt in prison, and there plagued alonge time, at length, when the twentieth yeare of the Emperours raygne was nowe expired, at what time a generall pardon was proclaimed y t all prisoners should be sett at liberty, he alone lying in the stockes and his feete stretched fiue spaces asunder, had his necke compassed with a haulter and thus in prison stifled to death, so that hereby according vnto his desire, he was crowned with martyrdome. This man although he suffred out of the bounds of his natiue soyle, yet being a Palaestinian by birth, is worthy to be canonized amōg the martyrs of Palaestina. Such were the tragicall affayrs of the church in Palaestina the first yeare of the perse­cution, which was chiefly bent against y presidents of our doctrine & byshops of y church of God.

CAP. XXI.

Of the martyrs which suffred in Caesarea the seconde yeare of the persecution vnder Diocletian, and of the alteration of the Empire.

THe second yeare nowe being come, when the persecution raised against vs waxed hott & the proclamations of the Emperours, (where it was generally cōmaunded that both mē wo­men & children, throughout euery citie and village should be constrained to sacrifice & offer incense to Idols) were newly come to the hands of Vrbanus, then lyuetenant of y prouince: Timo­theus Timotheus burned. of Gaza in Palaestina after infinite torments the which he endured, & laste of all being boūd to the stake & enuironed with slacke & slowe fire, gaue forth a worthy triall of his zeale godwards through pacient sufferance in all the bitter punishments laid vpon him, and in the end bare away the garlande of victory vsually graunted to all y valiant champions which wrastle for piety & the seruice of God. At y same time Agapius & Thecla also (which liued in this our age) she wed y wor­thy Agapius and Thecla, thro wen to wilde beastes but not dispat­ched. constancy of their noble minds, when as at y cōmaundement of the iudge they were throwen at the feete of wild beasts, to be ether deuoured or torne in peeces. What man is he that ether be­holdinge with his eyes the thinges which ensued, will not fall into admiration, or lendinge onely the bare eare vnto the recitall of them, will not be astonied thereat? For when as the Ethniks so­lemnized their publick feastes, and celebrated their wonted spectacles amongst other their mery Six yong mē first impriso­ned then be­headed. Timolaus beheaded. Dionysius beheaded. Romulus beheaded. Pausis be­headed. 2. Alexāders both behea­ded. newes & gladsome wishes, it was commonly noyced abrode that the christians lately condemned to wild beasts, made all the sport and finished the solemnity. This report being farre and nigh and euery where bruted abrode, yonge striplings to the number of six, whereof one was of Pontus by name Timolaus: the second of Tripolis a citie in Phaenicia called Dionysius: the third by name Ro­mulus, subdeacon of the church of Diospolis: the fourth Pausis the fift Alexander bothe Aegypti­ans: the sixt Alexander (of the same name with him that went before) of the citie of Gaza ioyning handes and hartes together (signifiyng thereby the feruent loue they owed to martyrdome) went with speede vnto Ʋrbanus who a litle before had let loose the raueninge beastes to rent the chri­stiās in peeces, and frely protested the christian faith, declaring by this their promptnes and wil­ling minds, as it were absolutely furnished to giue the onsett of what aduenture soeuer: that suche as glory in the title, worshipp and seruice of the great God, creator of the whole world, haue not to tremble at y fierce rage of furious and sauadge beastes. Wherevpon both the president and the [Page 161] people, fell into great admiration, and the confessors were forth with clapt in prison. Not longe Agapius be­headed. Dionysius beheaded. after there were other two committed to take their lots among them, wherof, one, by name Aga­pius, had before that time yelded an accompt of his faith by suffring of many bitter and greeuous torments: the other by name Dionysius who carefully prouided for the corporall reliefe of the Martyrs. All these in number eyght, were in one day beheaded in the citie of Caesarea, the foure and twentieth daye of the moneth Dystros, that is: the ninth of the Calendes of Aprill. About that tyme two of the Emperours, whereof the firste enioyed the prerogatiue of honor, the se­conde was next which gouerned the Empire, embraced a priuate trade of lyuinge after the vul­gare sort of men, and the state of the publicke weale immediatly beganne to decaye. In a while after the Romaine Empire was deuided, the Emperours amonge them selues one againste an other fought great and greuous battailes, neither was that tumult and sedition ceassed, before that firste of all peace was restored and established throughout all the parts of the worlde which were subiect to the Romaine Empire. for when as peace once appeared againe, much like sonne beames shining after a mistie and darke night, the publicke state of the Romaine empire was a gaine established, the bonde of amitie linked againe, mutuall amitie and concord retained of olde, was againe recouered. But of these things we will entreate hereafter more at large, when more fitt oportunitie shall serue, now let vs proceede vnto that which followeth.

CAP. XXII.

Of Apphianus the Martyr.

MAximinus Caesar who by maine force intruded him selfe into the Empire, laynge wyde open vnto the whole worlde manifest proofes of his deadly hatred and impietie towards God, as it were naturally growing in his fleshe and graffed in his bones: persecuted vs more vehemently and more generally then the other his superior emperours. wherfore when as trouble & tumult & no small confusion hanged ouer our heads, & some were here & there scattered, endeuoring by all meanes possible to auoide y t perill ensuing, & that a greuous cōmotion had now ouerrunne the contrie: no tōgue can worthely declare, no speache sufficiently expresse, the deuine Apphianus. loue & liberty of faith wherewith Apphianus y blessed martyr of God yelded an accōpt of his pro­fession. Who shewed vnto y citizens of Caesarea, assēbled at their spectacle or sacrifice in y porche of the tēple, a liuely signe or tokē of the singular zeale he bare godwards, when he was not at that time, no not xx. yeare old. he cōtinewed a long time at Berytos in Phaenicia, applying his minde to the study of prophane literature, for he came of such parents as flowed in worldly wealth. It is in maner incredible how he ouercame all youthly affectiōs & drowned all his wild otes in so vicious & so corrupt a citie: & how y t neither by reason of his youthly floure, lately florishing in his greene body: neither by reason of his cōpanie and acquaintance with youthly mates: he sucked the iuyce neither swallowed the sopps of lewde and wanton conuersation: but embracing temperancie, led a reuerent life, peculier to christian religion in modesty, sobrietie & godlines. If in case we be cō ­strained to mention his contrey, and to honor the same for bringing forth so valiant a champiō to wrastle in the cāpe of this world vnder the bāner of Christ, truely we will performe the same, nei­ther without good consideration. for who so euer knoweth Pagas, no obscure citie of Lycia, it was Pagas of Ly­cia. there, that this yong man was borne. he after his returne from schoole, and the study of prophane literature applied at Berytos, not pleased with the conuersation of his father (who then gouerned that whole contrey) neither with the conuersation of his kinsfolks with whome he liued, because they framed not their liues after the rule of piety: being pricked with the instinct & motion of the spirite of God, & inflamed with a certaine naturall, nay rather celestiall & true loue of sincere wis­dome, cast in his mind to consider of weyghtyer matters, then this fayned & counterfeite glory of the world beares vs in hande. laying aside therfore all the sweete baites of fleshly pleasure, he for­sooke & fled away priuely from his friends and families, not weying at all the want of necessary prouision, but casting his whole care & confidence vp [...] God, was ledd no doubt by the deuine spi­rite as it were by a stryng into the city of Caesarea, where the crowne of martyrdome, beynge the reward of godlines, was prepared for him. for whilest that he liued among vs, he profited in holy scripture, during that short terme of his life, more then any man coulde thinke, and practised such discipline as tended to godly life, preparing a perfect way to dye well. But toutching the ende he made, who is it that beholdinge the same with single eye wyll not be astonyed? and howe so euer [Page 162] againe he be disposed which only with fame and hearesay attaineth vnto the knowledge, of his set­led mind, his noble courage, his immouable constancie, and aboue all his faithfull trust & endeuour wherby the tokens of vnfained godlines, and feruent spirite appeared which passed all the reach of mans reasons, how can he chuse but wōder therat? for when as in y third yeare of our persecution, vnder the raigne of Maximinus, the seconde whurlyburlie was raysed against vs, and the tyrants letters then first of all were brought to Vrbanus, charging all the people of what degree or callinge The cruell edict of Ma­ximinus. so euer that they shoulde sacrifice vnto their gods (the magistrats also throughout euery cytie bu­sily applying them selues to the same) and that the beadells throughout all the cytie of Caesarea, shoulde by vertue of the Presidents edict, summone, the fathers, the mothers, and their children to appeare at the Idols temple, and that the Tribunes shoulde likewise out of a scroule call eue­ry one by his name: (by reason whereof there was no where but heauynesse, sobbinge and sigh­inge): The godly and bolde enterprise of Apphianus. the aforesayde Apphianus (letting not one to vnderstande of his purpose,) vnknow­inge vnto vs which accompanyed with him in one house, vnknowinge vnto the whole bande of the captayne, came cherefully vnto Ʋrbanus the President as he was a sacrificinge, and boldly without any feare at all, tooke holde in his ryght hande and stayed him forthwith from doynge sacrifice, exhortinge him also both wisely and grauely with a certayne godly protestation and cheerefulnesse of minde, thenceforth to ceasse and be no more seduced: sayinge moreouer there was no reason that he shoulde despise the one & the onely true God, and offer sacrifice to idols and to deuells. Such an enterprise the yonge man tooke in hande, beynge prouoked thereunto (as it seemeth vnto vs) by the deuine power of God, sounding in the eares of all mortall men by this his fact: that the Christians which ryghtly do chalenge that name, are farre from falling away from the seruice due vnto God the author of all goodnesse, so that they not onely suffer and vari­antly endure threates, and plagues, and punishments, which commonly chaunce vnto them but thenceforth also pleade more boldly and yeelde an accompt of their faith more freely, their tongue neither stuttinge neither stammeringe for feare, yea and if it may any kind of waye come to passe, they dare reuoke the persecutors and tormentors them selues from their blinde igno­rance, and constrayne them to acknowledge and embrace the one onely God. Immediatly af­ter, Apphianus after often imprisoning, after sundry horrible tor­ments was throwen into the sea whose carcasse the water threwe vp and layde at the gates of Caesarea. he, of whome I speake (as it was moste like to happen vnto so bolde an enterprise) was haled of the Presidents trayne, as of sauadge beastes furiously raging against him, and tormen­ted ouer all his bodie with infinite stripes the which he paciently suffred, and for a while was clapt in prison. Where for one whole daye and nyght he was piteously tormented with both his feete in the stockes streatched farre a sunder, the thirde daye he was brought forth before the Iudge. And as soone as they enioyned him to sacrifice, he resisted, and shewed forth the greate pacience ingraffed in his minde, for the suffringe of all terrors and horrible punishments: so that the executioners rent his sides with the lashe of the whippe, not once and twise, but often euen vnto the bone and inwarde bowells, lashinge him also on the face and the necke, vntill that his face was swollen with the print of the stripes, so that they which afore time knewe him well and discerned him by his countenance, thenceforth missed of their marke, and knewe him not at all. When they sawe he woulde not yeelde for all these manifolde and sundrie tormentes, the executioners at the commaundemēt of the president, wrapped his feete in slaxe oyled all ouer and sette the same a fire, whereof howe great, and what greuous payne be suffred, I am not able to ex­presse. It runne ouer his fleshe, it consumed the same, and pearced vnto the marowe bredd within A cruell tor­ment. the bones, so that his whole bodie larded and distilled muche like vnto droppinge and meltinge waxe. Yet there was breath left, and life remaininge for all these torments, the aduersaries and executioners them selues were weryed at his intollerable pacience, which farre exceeded the common nature of man, after all this the seconde time he is cast into prison. Three dayes after he is brought againe before the Iudge, and beyng founde freely to confesse the same faith as afore­time, although by reason of his woundes, he was readie to yeelde vp the ghost, yet was he throwen into the surginge waues of the seas. If we shoulde make relation of the miracle which immediatly followed, peraduenture such as sawe it not with their eyes, will giue no creditt at all thereunto, and though we perswade our selues, that men will hardlie beleue it: yet there is no reason to the contrarie but that we committe to memorie, and deliuer in writinge the historie as it was indeede, insomuch as in maner all which inhabite Caesarea are witnesses to the same. There was no, not a childe in Caesarea, but was present at this straunge spectacle. As soone as they had plunged (as it pleased them best) that holie and blessed martyr of Christ in the deepe [Page 163] goulphes of the mayne sea: there rose vpon a sodaine such a storme (not after the wonted maner of weather) and such a noyse in the ayre, (not onely ouer the sea but ouer the whole lande) whiche An Earth­quake. shooke both the earth, and the whole citie, with the violence and force therof: and together with this wonderfull and sodaine earthquake the sea caste vp before the gates of the citie, the martyrs carcasse, as if it had bene of strength not bigge inough to beare so holie a burthen. Such were the circumstances toutching blessed Apphianus, who suffred martyrdome, on good friday, that is: the second day of the moneth Zanthicus, the 4. of the Nones of Aprill.

CAP. XXIII.

The Martyrdome of Vlpianus and Aedesius.

THe same time of the yeare, and in maner on the selfe same dayes, in the citie of Tyrus, there Vlpianus wrapped in an oxe hyde together with a dogge & a snake is drowned in the sea. was a yonge man by name Vlpianus, who after most bitter stripes and greuous lashes, was wrapped together with a dogge and a serpent in a greene oxe hyde, and caste into the deapth of the sea. And therefore I thought good to place him the next martyr in order of historie vnto Apphianus. Not long after, Aedesius, not onely brother in God, but also by birth and blood, naturall brother by the fathers side vnto Apphianus, suffred like brotherly, and in maner the selfe same torments with him: after infinite confessions of his faith: after long fettering and stocking: after sentence pronounced of the president, cōdemning him to the myne pitts & quarries in Palae­stina: after his holy trade of life, led vnder the philosophicall habite, being farre more profounde in prophane literature, and better skilled in philosophie then his brother: at length hearinge the Iudge, giue sentence vpon the Christians in the citie of Alexandria and raging against them be­yonde all reason, shamefully entreating, some times graue and sage, and sober men, some other times deliueringe chaste matrons, and consecrated virgins, to brothell houses, to the ende they should be beastly abused: he enterprised the selfe same thinge which his brother had done before. Aedesius the brother of Apphianus the martyr is drowned in the sea. And because he could in no wise away with those horrible offences, he went boldly and courage­ously vnto the Iudge, and told him to his face of the filthie and shamefull acts he had done both by worde and deede. for which bolde reprehension he suffred sundry bitter torments, with great con­stancie and pacience. and last of all he was throwen into the sea, enioying the like ende with his brother. so farre of Aedesius. And these things as I sayd before ensued not long after.

CAP. XXIIII.

Of Agapius the Martyr

IN the fourth yeare of the persecution which plagued vs sore, and the twelft Calendes of De­cember, the twentieth day of the moneth Dius beyng the fridaie, and in the same citie of Caesa­rea, such an act was committed in the presence of Maximinus the tyrant (who then celebrated his birth day, with royall spectacles and sumptuous maskes together with the people) as may be thought worthy of memory, and the printing in marble. And because the custome then preuailed, that sundry showes (how so euer it fell out at other times) in presence of the emperours should be exhibited with princely port & maiestie to their great delight & pleasure: and that varietie full of newe and straunge deuises besides the common and vsuall maner, should then be ministred, so that some times beasts which were fett out of India, Aethiopia, & other places were let loose in cōpasse of the theatre: some other times men with lewde and wanton gestures, delited the beholders won­derfully, and the emperour also him selfe made sport and pastime: it behoued that a notable spe­ctacle full of admiration shoulde shine in that gorgeous and princely showe. And what thinke you was that? A martyr and a witnesse of our christian religion, brought to the ringe, and readie to wrastle for the sole and syncere seruice of God, by name Agapius, whome (a little before) we haue reported to haue bene throwen together with Thecla, at the feete of wylde beasts. he beyng brought out of prison and linked with malefactors to pastime and sport the people, when that he had openly runne the race, and played the man, and that thrise, yea and oftenner to, because the Iudge after sundrie threates, & sundry torments, (either pitying his case or hoping he woulde re­cant) reserued him to other newe combatts: at length he is agayne brought forth in presence of the Emperour, no doubt beynge appoynted for that fitte tyme, that the sayinge of our sa­uiour, foreshewed vnto his disciples (to wete: They should be brought before kings and princes Mat. 10. to witnesse of him) might truely be fulfilled in him. first of all he is brought forth together with a [Page 164] malefactor and a wicked varlet, of whome the report went, that he murthered his maister. After­wards Mat. 27. In the 21. cap of this boke Agapius is sayd to haue bene behea­ded at Caesa­rea, & here he is sayde to haue bene drowned, so it might be, first beheded thē drowned but there he sayth it was the 2. yere of the persecu­tion, & here the 4. which can not be. wherefore he must either be an other Agapius, or [...]lie the story lyeth. this varlet who of ryght shoulde haue bene deuoured of wild beasts, was pardoned by the bountifulnes and clemencie of the Emperour, euen in maner after the example of Barrabas the murtherer, whome the levves begged of Pilate, condemning Christ, wherat the whole theatre re­ioyced and shouted: because that he was not only graciously pardoned by the Emperour, but also restored to honor and fredome. But this faithfull and godly champion, first of all is called vpon of the tyrant, next intreated to reuoke his opinion, he is promised to be sett at libertie: of the contra­ry he plainely pronounceth and that with a lowde voyce, that he was disposed, and woulde wil­lingly suffer, and that with all his hart, all the torments and plagues that shoulde be layde vpon him, not for any horrible or haynous crime committed by him, but for Gods cause and in his qua­rell, who was the creator of all thinges. The which he had no sooner spoken but it came to pa [...]e, for there was a Beare let loose at him, the which he mette face to face and yelded him selfe wil­lingly to be deuoured. Last of all while as yet he drewe breath he was cast into prison, where he continewed one whole day, the thirde day he had stones tyed to his feete and him selfe throwen in the deapth of the sea. such was the martyrdome of Agapius.

CAP. XXV.

The martyrdome of Theodosia a virgine, of Domninus and Auxentius, the death of Ʋrbanus the president.

THe persecution beyng nowe continewed vnto the fift yeare, the seconde daye of the moneth Zanthicus, to wete the 4. of the Nonnes of Aprill, the selfe same sonday being the resurrec­tion of our sauiour, & called the feast of Easter, againe Theodosia a virgine, a modest & chri­stian mayd of Tyrus, who had neuer yet seene the full cōpasse of eightene yeares, came to certaine prisoners in Caesarea stāding at y barre which with cōstancy protested y kingdome of Christ, both louingly to salute them, & also (as it is very like) to entreate thē to remēber her after their depar­ture vnto the Lord. the which when she had done (as if hereby she had cōmitted some hainous and horrible offence) y catchpoles hale hir & present hir before the president. he forth with like a mad mā, bereued of his wits scourgeth her bare sides with bitter and greuous lashes, renteth with the Theodosia drowned. whip her white breasts, & tender duggs, vnto the bare bones. In the end this holy virgine hardly drawing breath yet pacient, & cherefull inough, for all these punishments, was throwen at the cō ­mādemēt of y presidēt into y swift waues of y surging seas. Afterwards hauing ended with hir, he takes the other cōfessors in hand, & condemneth thē to the digging of metalls in Phaenos of Palae­stina. After these thinges the fift day of the moneth Dius, after the Romaines in the nonnes of Nouember, the same president in the selfe same citie cōdemned Siluanus (who as then was minister & Siluanus cō ­dēned to the myne pitts with others 39. cap. 13. Domninus burned. had freely protested his faith, who also in a while after was chosen bishop & dyed a martyr) toge­ther with other confessors, after their great constancy in defence of christian religion, to the same druggery & digging of metalls. first he commaunded their knees should be vnioynted & sawed of, afterwards seared with hott yron, & then sent to the quarries. The sentēce was no sooner pronoū ­ced vpon these, but he chargeth that Domninus (a man very famous among the inhabitants of Pa­laestina, for his infinite protestations of the Christian faith, and his libertie of speache in the be­halfe of our religion) should be bounde to the stake and burned to ashes. after whose condēnation, the same iudge, a suttle inuentor of michiefe, & deuiser of crafty sleyghts contrary to the doctrine of Christ, found out such punishments as neuer were heard of before to vexe the godly withall. he 3. Martyrs enioyned to kill one an other. Auxentius [...]orne of wild beasts. The gelding of christians. gaue sentēce that three of thē should buckle, iuyst, and buffet one an other. he deliuered Auxentius a graue, a godly, & a good old man, to be torne in peces of wild beasts. other some, of mens estate, and of great strength, he gelded and condēned to y quarries. againe others he tormēted greuously and chasticed with imprisonment and fetters. of which nūber was Pamphilus, of all my familiars, my dearest friende, a man who amonge all the Martyrs of our tyme, excelled for euery kinde of vertue. First Ʋrbanus made a tryall of his gift of vtterance and skill in philosophicall discipline, next he enioyned him to sacrifice, whome, when he perceaued to be altogether vnwillinge, and not at all to weye of his thunderinge speaches, beyng throughly moued with boyling choler, and Pāphilus had his sides mā ­ [...]led with [...]arpe rasors burning heate of furious rage, cōmaundes that forth with he should be greuously and bitterly tor­mented. wherefore the mercilesse and moste cruell president, mangled the tender sides of the bles­sed martyr with the longe incision of sharpe rasors, at length hauinge his fill, and as it were [Page 165] ashamed of his fact, commaundeth he should be kept in the noysome stinch of the close prison, where the rest of the confessors remayned. but what maner of reward Vrbanus was like to enioye after this life, by the iust iudgement of God and vengeance like to light vpon him [...] for so great crueltie and tyranny practised vpon the sainctes of God and blessed Martyrs of Iesus Christ, we may easily ga­ther by the plagues which happened vnto him in this life, which wer [...] [...] or preambles▪ vn­to eternall punishments in the life to come▪ for not long after this villany exercised vpon Pamphilus, vengeance from aboue beganne on a sodaine to take holde [...]pon him (while as yet he gouerned) in this sorte. He who lately being placed in an highe and lofty throne pronounced sentence and gaue iudgement: he who a litle before was garded with a troope of souldiers: he who gouerned▪ all the countrey of Palaestina: he who was hayle mate, and liued cheeke by [...]ole with the Emperour▪ euen he who was of his secretie and companion at meate: the same, by the iust iudgement of God▪ in one Vrbanus for his crueltie fel into great shame & mi­sery, in the ende he was put to death. night, was not onely depriued of all so greate a porte and dignitie. shamefully and [...]e [...]r [...]fully handled in the presence of all them which afore time had reuerenced him with princely honor▪ pro­ued a timorous and a cowardly▪ [...]aytif, so that he whyned like a childe and cryed helpe, of the whole nation which he had ruled: but also founde Maximinus an heauy friende, a sore: and cruell iudge (on whome heretofore he boldened him selfe, he bragged and boasted, vpon whome he buylded, who also was in great creditt with him. because of the crueltie he shewed vnto the Christians▪) so that after great shame and ignominie (being conuinced of haynous crimes and horrible treachery) he was of him condemned to dye. but this by the way▪ opportunitie hereafter will serue, with more leasure, largely to entreate of the endes of the other wicked, specially of such as striued against vs, & also of Maximinus together with his adherents.

CAP. XXVI.

Of diuers confessors that were tormented. The martyrdome of a women that were virgins, and of Paulus.

IN the sixt yeare of the persecution when the sturre was great, and the smoke therof [...] hott in a certayne village of Thebais called Porphyris (so named by reason of the veyne of redd mar­ble which there did grow) there was a great number of confessors, of the which a hundreth (three onely excepted) men women and children together with tender sucklings, were sent to Pirmilianus President of Palestina who lately succeeded in the rowme of Vrbanus. The which confessors, when they had protested their fayth in Christ, and trust in God, the creator, and author of all goodnes, he so handled, that he commaunded (and that through the aduise of the Emperour) not onely their left A hundreth Martyrs tor­mented and sent to dig­ging of met­talls. legges should be sawed asunder in the knee; sinewes, and all, with a hott glowing saw: but also their right eyes to be stickt on the point of a bodkine, the apple, eye lidd and all, to be quite digged out & seared to the inner beynes, with an hott scalding yron: laste of all they shoulde be condemned to the myne pitts and quarryes within the same prouince, for further misery & greater affliction. Neyther was it inough for him to behold with his eyes, these whiche endured such torments, but he woulde also se before his face, such as out of Palaestina (mentioned a litle before) he had enioyned to Iust one with an other, being neyther relieued at the Emperours cost and charges, neyther trayned in any such tryumphant exercise, or brought vp, in any such championlike combat. They signified this not onely to the Emperours officers, but also to the face of the Emperour Maximinus him selfe, yel­ding forth signes of their most valiant constancye in Christ Iesu, both by suffering of hunger and bitter corments, all which they sustayned together with the aforesayd, and other confessors allotted vnto their number out of the sayd Caesarea. Immediatly after these, there were others apprehended whiche assembled them selues together in the citie of Gaza to heare a Sermon, of whiche number some were alike tormented in the eye and the legge, some others had both their sides rent in peeces with greater payne. Among the which there was one, by sexe a woman, but in might, and valiant­nes of minde, no lesse then man, when as in no wise she coulde away with the threats of abusing her bodye, (such an inkling had the tyrant geuen and committed the gouernement of the common wealth to cruell Magistrats) first she was scurged, then tyed to an high tree, yelding forth a pitifull shewe of the sore stripes printed in her sides. When the executioners at the commaundement of the iudge had greuously aflicted her, an other woman deseruing farre greater commendation then such as the Grecians call Champions, (who for valiantnes and noble prowesse are highly praysed of all men) laying before her the selfe same marke of virginitie to shoote at with the former mayden, though in bewtie she excelled not, though in countenance she seemed abiect, yet in minde was she [Page 166] valiant, shewing greater courage within, then bewty without▪ misliking therefore with this cru­ell dealing, out of the nuddest of the throng, she cried out vnto the indg▪ how long doest thou, thus cruelly torment my sister? he boyling for anger, bid [...]s them forthwith lay holde o [...] her, then was she brought to pleade for her selfe, who in playne wordes, and freely professing the reuerent name of our Sauiour Iesu, is first with fayre speaches allured to sacrifice, the which when she refused, with force they [...]rue her to the altare. Then she behauing her selfe after her valiant courage, fal­ling not a iote from her former minde, stoode bolt vpright, shouldred the altare, kicked and stam­ped it with her feete, turned it vpside downe and ouerthrewe the altare, the fire, the fagott, the sa­crifice and all downe to the grounde. Whereupon the iudge much like a furious beaste, boyling with coller and fiery heate of foming wrath, gaue out charge, that she shoulde haue more stripes layde on her sides, then any other afore time, and could haue founde in his heart for very madnes, to teare her fleshe in peeces with his teeth. Before this raging tyrant could haue his fill, he com­maunded that this woman together w t the other (the which she called her sister) should be throwē 2. womē bur­ned. Valentina. into the flashing fire, so that their fleshe might broyle and their bones burne to ashes. of the which we haue to vnderstand that the first was of Gaza, the seconde of Caesarca, by name Ʋalentina, and well knowne of many. The martyrdome which immediatly after the holy and thrise happy Pau­lus suffred, I am not able for the worthines thereof sufficiently to declare. At the selfe same mo­ment, together with the women, and with the one and the same sentence, he being condemned to dye, requested of the hangeman (when his heade was nowe going to the blocke and ready to be chopt of) that he woulde graunt him a litle space to remember him selfe, the which being obtay­ned, first of all with a cleare and audible voyce he prayeth vnto God that his felowe Gentiles the The prayer of Paulus be fore his mar tyrdome. Christians might be reconciled vnto his fauour: he humbly requested that peace and libertye might be restored vnto them: then for the Iewes he prayeth, that they might haue grace to turne wholly vnto God by the meanes of Christ: afterwards going on stil in his prayer, he required the same for the Samaritans: to be short, he craued that all nations wallowing in error and ignorance so blinded that they could not see the glorious Gospell of the sonne of God, might at length he ga­thered together into one folde and embrace the true religion and godlines. neither did he forgett (by contemning or depriuing them of his prayer) the seely multitude whiche was rounde about him. last of all (o the wonderfull and vnspeakeable mildnes and pacience of the Martyr) he pray­ed Paulus pray­ed for his persecutors. vnto almighty God, for the iudge which condemned him to death, for the Emperours also, and for the hangman which was ready to strike of his heade, (in the hearing of him, and all such as were present) that this their haynous offence might not be layde to their charge. With these and the like petitions, being innocent, not deseruing death at all, he moued all that were about him to sobb [...] and sighe and to shede bitter and salt teares: he for all that, preparing him selfe to dye, lay­ing most willingly his heade on the blocke, and his bare necke to the sharpe edge of the glistering Paulus be­headed. sword, was martyred the 25. day of the moneth Panemus, to wete the eight of the Calends of Au­gust. And such were the happy endes of these blessed Martyrs.

CAP. XXVII.

The punishments of a hundreth and 30. confessors. The martyrdome of Antonius, Zebinas, Germanus, and Ennathas a woman. The straung miracle reprouing the hardnes of mans hart.

NOt long after there were a hundreth and thirty valiant champions out of the contrey of 130. Confes­sors. Aegypt, protesting their fayth in Christ and religion Godwards, whiche at the commaun­dement of Maximinus, suffred in Aegypt it selfe, the like torments of eyes and legges, with the other mentioned a litle before, of the which number some were condemned to the myne pitts and quarries within Palaestina, the rest to the mettalls in Cilicia. Wherefore together with these haynous and horrible treacheries, practised agaynst the noble, & renowmed Martyrs of Christ, the great heate of persecution was asswaged, and the flame thereof (as it seemed vnto vs) by rea­son of their holy and sacred blood, was quenched, and now pardon, and freedome, and liberty was graunted vnto the confessors of Thebais, who were oppressed with druggery in the digging of the mettalls growing in that region: and we poore seely Christians, went about to recreate our selues, in this calme season of quiet peace: but he (as the deuill woulde) in whose hande it lay to persecute vs, I wott not howe, neither by what motion, was againe throughly and wonderfully [Page 167] incensed agaynst the Christians. therefore vpon a sodayne the letters of Maximinus were sent The edict of Maximinus against the Christians. to rayse persecution agaynst vs into all and euery of the prouinces. Whereupon the Presidents and the graunde captayne of the Emperours whole hoste, gaue out commaundement, by writts, by Epistles, and publicke decrees vnto the wardens throughout euery citye, vnto the gouer­nours and rulers of garrisons, vnto auditors, and recorders, that the Emperours edict with all speede might take effect: and charged moreouer that with all celeritye they shoulde repaire, and baylde agayne the Idoll groues, and temples of deuills, lately gone to ruine: and also they shoulde bring to passe that men, and women, their housholds and families, their sonnes and their seruants, together with the tender sucklinges, hanging at their mothers breastes, shoulde sacrifice, and in very deede taste of the sacrifices them selues: that the vi [...]tuals bought, and solde in the markett, the meate in the shambles, shoulde be defiled and stayned with these im­pure oblations: and that there shoulde be porters assigned for the bathes to see that such as pur­ged their filthe and bayned them selues within, shoulde afterwardes without, pollute them sel­ues, with those detestable and cursed sacrifices. These thinges being come to this passe, and the Christians being (as it is moste like) altogether dismayed at these sadd and sorowfull plun­ges wherewith they were helde: and the Gentiles and Ethnicks them selues complayned of the intollerable, absurde, and toe toe shamefull a dealing (for they were clo [...]ed with to much cru­eltie and tyrannye) and this lamentable season hanging euery where ouer our heades: the di­uine power of our Lorde and Sauiour agayne, gaue vnto these his champions, such valiant courage of minde, and inspyred them as it were from aboue, that (being neyther compelled, neyther forced to yelde an accompt of their fayth) they shoulde voluntarily offer them selues set at nought, treade downe, and stampe vnder foote, all the terrors and threats whiche the e­nemye coulde deuise. Three therefore of the faythfull Christians lincked together in one minde, leapt vnto the President, as he sacrificed, and with a loude voy [...]e, exhorted him, to reforme him selfe, to reuoke his error, and to leaue his folly, affirming there was none other God but he, who was the author and finisher of all thing [...] ▪ And being demaunded who and what they were? boldly made aunswere that they were Christians. whereat Firmilianus being vehemently moued, without any more adoe or farther punishment commaunded forthwith they shoulde be Antonius be headed. Zebinas be­headed. Germanus beheaded. beheaded. of the which the first was a minister by name Antonius, the seconde Zebinas of Eleuthe­ropolis, the thirde Germanus. These circumstances which concerned them were done the 13. day of the moneth Dius, to wete in y Ides of Nouember. The selfe same day a certayne woman called Ennathas of Scythopolis, bedecked w t the glistering floure of glorious virginitie, came thither to­gether w t these martyrs, she offred not her self voluntarily as they did, but was by force drawen & brought before y iudge. Wherupon after stripes, after greuous & reprochful torments, which the iudge enioyned her to endure, a certain tribune by name Maxis, whose office & charg was at hand Maxis a wic­ked tribune. Ennathas a virgine bur­ned quicke. a man as in appellation, so in condition very wicked: & as otherwise he was impiously and pernici­ously geuen, so was he in body bigge set & wonderful strong, in behauiour beastly & toe toe cruel, & among al such as knew him, noted for an infamous person: this wicked tribune without y authority of y higher power, tooke in hand this blessed virgin, put of all her apparell, so that her whole bo­dy (sauing from girdle downewards) was seene all bare. this mayde he ledd throughout all the ci­tie of Caesarea, and with great pleasure lashed her with whipps (he was delited with the sounde of the lashe) throughout all the market place and the open streetes. The which standing at the barre, (after all those infinite torments) where the President vsed to pronounce sentence, shewing forth y great constancy of her mind in the defence of her faith, the iudg commaunded she should be burned quicke. but he proceeding in cruelty and daily encreasing his sauadge woodnes against y Saincts of God, passed the boundes of nature, shamefully forbidding the senselesse carkasses of y holy sain­ctes to enioy solempe barial, and therefore he commaunded y the dead coarses, should be kept day & night aboue grounde, to the ende wilde beasts might rent them in peeces. so y ye might see, for the space of many dayes, no small number of men, obeying this cruell and vnnaturall commaunde­ment. and moreouer some watched diligently, kenning from [...]owres, casements, and high places (as if hereby they had done vnto God good seruice) lest the dead carkasses were priuely conueyed and stolen away. Wherfore the brutish beasts, the rauenous doggs and griping [...]oule of the ayre, tore in peeces mans flesh, lugging here and there, their quartered members, & the whole city was euery where strawed with the torne bowells and bruised bones of the blessed Martyrs, so that they whiche afore tyme were egerly bent agaynst vs, nowe confessed playnely that they neuer sawe [Page 168] a more cruell act, or a more horrible sight then this was, and bewayled not onely the misery and la­mentable state of such as were thus afflicted but also their owne case, and the ignominie redounding therby vnto nature, the common parent of all. This spectacle of mans fleshe, not in one place deuou­red, but piteously scattered euery where, was subiect to euery mans eye, rounde about the walls of the towne and exceeded all that thereof may be spoken, and euery lamentable and tragicall shewe. Some reported they sawe quarters, whole carkasses, and peeces of bowells within the walls of the citie. while this continewed the space of many dayes, such a miracle was seene as followeth. When A miracle. the weather was calme, aud the ayre cleare, and the cloudes vnder heauen (which compasseth all) banished away: the pillers of the citie, (vpon a sodaine,) which helde vp the great and common por­ches, swett or rather poured out many droppes of water much like vnto teares, the markett place also, and the streetes (when as there fell not a droppe of rayne) I wot not how, neither whence, so­ked with moysture and sprinkled dropps of water: so that immediatly the rumor was bruted abroad in euery mans mouth: that the earth being not able to away with the hainous and horrible offences of those dayes, poured out infinite teares after a wonderfull sort: and that the stones and senselesse creatures bewayled those detestable mischieues, reprouing man most iustly, for his sto [...]y heart, his cruell minde voyde of all pitie and compassion. but peraduenture this story will seeme fabulous and ridiculous vnto the posterity, yet not vnto such as then were present, and were fully perswaded with the trueth thereof.

CAP. XXVIII.

The martyrdome of Ares, Promus, Elias, Petrus Apselamus, and Asclepius a Bishop of the opinion of Marcion.

THe fourteneth daye of the moneth Apellae [...]s which next ensued that is about the nynetenth of the Calends of Ianuary, certaine godly men, trauellers out of Aegypt, (their iourney was in­to Cilicia, minding to finde some reliefe at Caesarea for the confessors whiche there abode) were taken of the watch, which sate at the gates of the citie & searched incommers. Of which men, some receaued the self same sentence as they had before, whom they went about to relieue, to were, y pulling out of their eies, the maiming of their ly [...]es and left legges. Three of them yelding forth a maruelous constancie at the confession of their faith, ended their liues with diuers kindes of tor­ments Ares burned Promus be­headed. Elias behea­ded. at Ascalon where they were apprehended. One of them whose name was Ares was throwne into a great flaming fire and burned to ashes▪ the other two, whose names were Promus and Elias, had their heads stroken of from their shoulders. The eleuenth day of y moneth Audinaeus, y is about the thirde Ides of Ianuary, Petrus called also Apselamus, a worshipper or religious man, borne in the village Anea which bordered vpon Eleutheropolis, being very often entreated by the iudge and his asistents, to remember him selfe, to pity his case and to tender his youthly yeares and florishing age: contemned their perswasions, and cast his whole care vpon Almighty God, preferring that be­fore all other thinges, yea and before his proper life: and at Caesarea, tried by fire his faith in Christ Petrꝰ Apsela mus, burned. Asclepius a Marcionite burned. Iesu with a noble and valiant courage, much like vnto most pure golde. together with him on As­clepius a Bishop (as men sayd) of the heresie of Marcion, with godly zeale (as he thought,) but not with that which is according vnto knowledge, departed this life, in the selfe same burning fire. and thus much of them.

CAP. XXIX.

Of 12. Martyrs that suffred together in one day with Pamphilus, and of the mar­tyrdome of Adrianus and Eubulus.

TIme now draweth me away to paynt forth vnto the posteritie that noble and glorious thea­tre of Martyrs which suffred together with Pamphilus, whose name I doe alwayes honour and reuerence. They were twelue in number, and thought worthy not only of y Prophetical, or rather the Apostolike gift, but also the number of the Apostles whose captayne and principall Pamphilus. was Pamphilus▪ minister of the Churche of Caesarea: a man very famous, for sundry his vertues throughout the whole race of his life: singuler, in despising and contemning this present worlde: bountifull, for liberalitie bestowed vpon the poore: wonderfull, in neglecting the care fixed vpon transitory thinges: excelling, in behauiour and Philosophicall trade of liuing: moreouer passing all the men of our age, for feruent zeale and earnest desire and study of holy Scripture: maruelous constant in all his doings and enterprises, and also very ready to ayde and helpe such as were of his [Page 169] kinne and familiar acquaintance. other his vertues and well doinges, because it required a longer treatise, we haue lately and that largely published in a seuerall and peculier volume entitled of his life, and deuided into three bookes. Therefore such as are desirous to learne more exactly and more exquisetly to knowe his vertuous life, we referre thither, and presently we minde onely to prosecute such thinges as concerne the Martyrs which suffred persecution together with him. The seconde af­ter Pamphilus that came forth to wrastle was the reuerent whore headed Valens, Deacon of the city Valens. Aelia, a graue father in euery mans eye and greatly skilled in holy Scripture, if then there was any such in the worlde, he was so expert therein, that if he hearde any percell thereof by any man allead­ged, forthwith was he able by rote to repeate it, as well as if then he read it out of the booke. The thirde was Paulus, a man wonderfull zealous and feruent in the spirite, borne in the citye Iamnia, Paulus. where he grewe to greate fame, before martyrdome he endured the scorching and searing of his fleshe with hott yrons, and passed through a worthy combatt at the confession of his fayth, the mar­tyrdome of these was differred by reason of their continewance in prison two whole dayes. In the meane while came the brethren of Aegypt which suffered martyrdome together with them. these Ae­gyptians when they had accompanied the confessors of Cilicia, vnto the place appoynted for the digging of mettals, returned home againe. in their returne, they were taken of the watch which kept the gates of Caesarea (which were barbarous and rude groomes) and examined who they were, and whence they came. when they could not conceale the trueth, they were layde in holde as if they had bene haynous trespassers, and had committed some horrible crime. In number they were fiue, which 5. Martyrs be headed. were brought before the tyrant, and after their examination, clapt in prison. The thirde daye being the sixtenth of the moneth Peritius after the Romaynes, about the fouretenth of the Calendes of March, these together with Pamphilus and the rest of his companions (mentioned a litle before) by commaundement were brought before the iudg. This iudge first of all trieth with sundry and mani­fold torments, with new and straung deuises, the inuincible constancy, and valiant minde of the Ae­gyptians. And with all he demaunded of the chiefe, & principal in this combat, what his name was, then, when as in steede of his proper name, he had named himselfe vnto him, after some Prophet or other (for this was their maner, in steede of the Idolatrous names which their parents had geuen them, to chose them newe names, they called them selues after the name of Elias, Ieremias, Esay, Samuel and Daniel, and expressed not onely in worde but in workes them selues, the very true God of Israel, hidd from the Iewes, according vnto the proper etymologie of their names) Firmi­lianus, hearing such an appellation of the Martyr weyed not at all the sense and signification of the worde, but secondarily asketh of him what contreyman he was, he satisfying the interrogatorie geueth a fl [...]t name vnto the former aunswere, that his contrey was Ierusalem, meaning in very deede the selfe same wherof Paul spake: that Ierusalem vvhich is aboue is free, vvhich is the mo­ther Gal [...]. 4 Heb. 12. of vs all. agayne in an other place: ye are come vnto the mount Sion, and to the citye of the liuing God, the celestiall Ierusalem, for it was this that the Martyr vnderstoode. Firmilianus be­ing earthly minded enquireth earnestly and curiously where this city was, in what contrey it lay, and with all tormented him greeuously to the ende he shoulde confesse the trueth▪ this Martyr ha­uing his handes wrested, and tyed behinde him, his feete with certayne newe and straunge kinde of engines stretched asunder, auoutched constantly that he had told him the trueth. Afterwards when the iudge demaunded of him againe, what he was, and where that city was situated, made answere: that it was a contrey which onely belonged vnto the godly: that none other shoulde be partaker thereof, saue the godly alone: and that it was situate eastward where the sunne in the morning spreddeth abroad the bright beames of his light. In vttering these wordes he entred into so diuine a cogitation within him selfe, that he forgot the tormentors which layd him on, on euery side, and seemed to perceaue no sense or feeling of the payne and punishment, as if he had bene a ghost with­out fleshe, bloode or bone. The iudge casting doubts with him selfe, and greatly disquieted in minde, thought the Christians would bring to passe, that the city mentioned by the Martyr, should rebell and become enemy vnto the Romaynes: he began to search and diligently to inquire, where that region (by report eastward) should be▪ last of all when he sawe this yong man after bitter and greeuous torments, with immutable constancy to perseuere stedfast in his former saying: he gaue sentence that his head should be striken of from his shoulders▪ such was the mortal race of this mi­serable life, which this blessed Martyr did runne. The rest of his companions, after the like tor­ments, ended their liues, with the laying of their heads vpon the blocke. In the ende, Firmilianus, although in maner weryed, and frustrated of his purpose, yet satisfied to the full with these infi­nite [Page 170] torments and their terrible execution, turned him selfe vnto Pamphilus, and his companions. And although he had experience sufficient heretofore of their inuincible constancy in the defence of their fayth, yet agayne he demaundeth whether at length they would obey and yelde vnto him. when he was resolued of their definite sentence and last answere, which tended to martyrdome, he Porphyrius the seruant of Pamphi­lus after tor­ment was burned to death. gaue sentence they should be tormented and punished alike with the former martyrs. which being done, a yong man, one of the seruants of Pamphilus, so well brought by & instructed, that he might very well seeme worthy the discipline and education of so worthy a man, as soone as he perceaued that sentence was past vpon his maister, crieth out in the middest of the throng and requesteth that his maisters carkasse together with his companions, after the breath were departed their body, might quietly be buried in their graues. The Iudge being affectioned not like vnto man, but to a beast, or if there be any other thing more sauadg, tendered not at all y yong mans youthly yeares, but forth w t demaundeth of him whether he were a christian, who, when that he affirmed plainly that he was: boyled with anger, as if his hart had bene stickt w t a knife, & charged the tormentors they shoulde laye on him the weyght of their handes and the might of their strength. after that he was inioyned to sacrifice, and had refused: the Iudge commaunded that without all compassion he should be scourged vnto the bare bone, the inner and secret bowells, not as if he were man couered with flesh and compassed in a skinne, but a picture made of stone or wood, or some other senselesse metall. In which kinde of torment continewed a long time, when the iudge perceaued that he vtte­red no language, neither gaue forth to vnderstand y he felt any paine: & sawe that (his body being in maner senselesse, spent with lashes & consumed away) he tormented him in vayne: he continew­ed still in that his hard and stony hart, voyde of all humanitie, and decreed forthwith that his body should be burned by a litle and a litle with a slowe and slacke fire. This yong man being the last of them which afore the martyrdome of Pamphilus (who was his maister according vnto the fleshe) entred into this dangerous skirmishe, departed this life before him, because that the tormentors which executed the rest seemed to be very slow. Then might a man haue seene Porphyrius (for that was the yong mans name) after triall in euery kinde of exercise, earnestly and wholy bent with a wonderful desire, as the maner is of men, to obtayne the valiant & sacred victory: his body be pou­dred with dust, yet gracious in face and countenance: hastening to the place of execution for al his affections with vpright and noble courage replenished no doubt with the spirite of God: attyred in the philosophicall habit after his wonted guyse, to wete, wearing a garment after the maner of a cloke which couered only his shoulders: telling his familiars with signes & tokens w t a modest & mild spirite what his wil was to be done: continewing still yea when he was bounde to the stake, his glorious & gladsome countenance: & moreouer when the fire flashed about with great distance, and waxed extreame hott in compasse of him, ye might haue seene him with his breath on eyther side drawing the flame vnto him: and after these wordes when as the flame first of all toutched his bodye, which with loude voyce he sounded out (Iesus thou sonne of God succor and helpe me) to haue suffred constantly without any murmuring at al, all those maruelous and extreame torments, euen to the last gaspe. such was the affliction of Porphyrius, whose ende Seleucus a confessor and a Seleucus be­headed. souldier signified vnto Pamphilus▪ who as the author of such a message deserued, was without de­lay thought worthy to take the same chaunce together with those Martyrs. for as soone as he had certified him of Porphyrius death, and taken his leaue and farewell of one of the Martyrs, certaine souldiers laye handes vpon him, and bring him before the President. he as if he went about to ha­sten his iourney and to ioyne him a wayfaring companion with Porphyrius vnto the celestial para­dise, commaūdeth forthwith that he should be beheaded. This Seleucus was borne in Cappadocia, & preferred to this great honor before all the youth of the Romaine bande and before them which were of great creditt and estimation among the Romaines, he excelled all the rest of the souldiers in youthly fauour, in strength, & goodly stature of body, his countenance was gracious, his speach amiable, he passed for comely making, for bigge setting, for fayre liking, and fit proportion of the whole body▪ he was famous at the beginning of the persecution for his pacient suffring of stripes in the defence of the fayth, and being depriued of the warlike dignitie which he enioyed, became a zelous follower of the worshippers or religious men, he succored and prouided with fatherly care & ouersight for the fatherles, the succorlesse, y widowes, and such men as were visited with greate misery & affliction. wherfore God being rather delited w t such like sacrifices of mercy, and workes of charitye, then with smokye incense and bloody oblations, called him of his goodnes, vnto this glorious and renowmed garland of martyrdome. this was the tenth champion of the number men­tioned [Page 171] before, which suffered death in one and the selfe same daye, whereby (as it appeareth) the great and bewtifull gate of the kingdome of heauen, being sett wide open by the meanes of Pam­philus his martyrdome, made an easie passage both vnto him and the others his companions to the attayning of the perfect pleasure in the celestiall paradise. Theodulus also a graue and a zelous fa­ther, Theodulus crucified. one of Firmilianus the Presidents familie, and in greater creditt with him, then all the rest of his houshold, partly for his whore heade and greate yeares (for he was a greate graundfather) and partly for the singuler good will and affection borne alwayes towards him: treading the same step­pes which Seleucus had done before him, and committing the like crime with him, is brought before his maister Firmilianus the President, to pleade for him self: who being incensed with greater rage towards him then the rest of y Martyrs, deliuered him in the ende to be crucified, which kind of mar­tyrdome after the example of our Sauiour he suffered most willingly. yet because there wanted one Iulianus burned. which might supplye the twelfe rowme among the Martyrs rehearsed before, Iulianus came forth. who comming from farre and as yet not entred into the wrastling place, as soone as he had hearde by the way as he came of their death and happy endes, forthwith he conueyed him straight vnto the noble spectacle and theatre of Martyrs, and as soone as he sawe with his eyes the blessed bo­dyes of the Sainctes lying all a long vpon the grounde, he was tickled with inward ioye, he em­braced them seuerally, and saluted them after the best maner. which when he had done the catchpoles and executioners apprehended him, and presented him before Firmilianus, who after he had execu­ted such thinges as were correspondent vnto his cruell nature, commaunded he shoulde be layde vp­on a slowe and a slacke fire, and so burned to death. Iulianus triumphed and leapt for ioye, and with a loude voyce gaue great thankes vnto God, who voutch safed him worthy, so greate a glory and re­warde, and in the ende he was crowned with martyrdome. he was by birth of Cappadocia, in life and conuersation holy, faythfull and very religious, and besides his fame in other things he was in­spired with the aboundance of the spirite of God. such was the trayne of them which were tormen­ted, and by the goodnes of God crowned Martyrs in the company of Pamphilus. their holy and happy carkasses were kept aboue grounde by the decree of the wicked President, foure dayes and foure nightes to be deuoured of the beastes of the fielde, and of the foules of the ayre. but when as miraculously neyther beaste, neyther byrde, neyther dogge drewe nighe vnto them, agayne by the grace and goodnes of Almighty God, they were caried away safe and sounde, and committed with solempne buriall after the christian maner, vnto their still graues and resting sepulchres. Further­more when the tyranny and cruelty practised against vs, was bruted abroad, and rife in euery mans mouth: Adrianus and Eubulus of the contrey Manganaea, taking their iourney towards Caesarea, for to visite the rest of the confessors, were taken at the gates of the city, and examined concerning y cause of their voyage into that contrey. afterwards freely confessing the truth they were brought before Firmilianus, he without any more adoe, or farther deliberation, after many torments, and in­finite stripes, gaue sentence they shoulde be torne in peeces of wilde beastes. within two dayes af­ter, being the fift day of the moneth Dystros, about the thirde Nones of March, when the citizens Adrianus be headed. of Caesarea celebrated their wakes, vpon the day of reuells, Adrianus was throwen at the feete of a fierce lion, afterwards slayne with the edge of the sworde and so dyed. Eubulus the thirde day after, about noone, in the selfe same Nones of March, being the seuenth day of the moneth Dystros, when the iudge entreated him earnestly to sacrifice vnto the Idols, whereby he might enioye their free­dome according vnto lawe and order: he preferred the glorious death for godlines sake, before this frayle and transitory life: after he was torne and mangled of wilde beastes he was slayne (as Eubulus be­headed. his fellowe before him) with the edge of the sworde, and being the last he sealed with his bloode all the happy conflicts of the blessed Martyrs of Caesarea but it shall seeme worthy the noting▪ if at length we remember, howe, after what sorte, and that not long after the heauy hande of God lighted vpon those wicked Magistrates, together with the tyrants them selues. for Firmilianus Firmilianus the wicked tyrant was beheaded. who frowardly and contumeliously raged agaynst the Martyrs of Christ, suffering extreame pu­nishment together with the other his parteners in horrible practises, ended his life with the swords▪ And these were the martyrdomes suffered at Caesarea, during the whole persecution.

CAP. XXX.

The pastors of the Churches for their negligence in executing of their office were punished from aboue. The martyrdome of Peleus, Nilus, Patermythius, the punishment of Siluanus and Iohn. The beheading of Nyne and thirty Martyrs in one day.

WHat in the meane tyme was seene to fall out against the Presidents and pastors of chur­ches: and after what sort the iust iudgment of God, reuenger of sinne (in steede of shepe­herds ouer sheepe, and the reasonable flocke of Christ the which they shoulde haue wise­ly and aduisedly gouerned) made them not onely keepers of Camels, a kinde of beast [...]oid of reason, by nature crooked, and ill shapen: but also the Emperours horsekeepers, and this he did for a pu­nishment due vnto their deserts: moreouer what contumelies, what reproches, what diuersity of tor­ments they suffred of the Emperours, Presidents, and Magistrats at sundry tymes for the holy or­naments and treasure of the Churche: what pride and ambicion raygned in many of them: howe rashly and vnlawfully they handled diuerse of the brethren: what schismes were raysed among the confessors them selues: what mischieues certayne sedicious persons of late stirred vp agaynst the members of the Church which were remnants, whilest that dayly with might and mayne (as com­monly we say) they endeuored to excogitate new deuises one after an other: howe that vnmercifully they destroyed and brought all to nought with the lamentable estate of bitter persecution, and to be short, heaped mischiefe vpon mischiefe: all these aforesayd I minde to passe ouer with silence, suppo­sing Cap. 2. it not to be our part (as I haue sayde in the beginning of this booke) eyther to rehearse or re­corde them, in as much as I am wholy bent and carefully minded to ouerslipp and conceale the me­moriall of them. yet if there be any laudable thinges, any thing that may seeme to set forth the word of God, any worthy act, or famous doings florishing in the Churche, I take it to be my speciall and bounden dutie to discourse of these, to write these, often to inculcate these in the pacient eares of the faythfull Christians, and to shutt vp this booke with the noble acts of the renowmed Martyrs, and with the peace whiche afterwardes appeared and shined vnto vs from aboue. When the seuenth yeare of the persecution raysed agaynst vs was nowe almost at an ende, and our affayres beganne by a litle and as it were by stelth to growe vnto some quiet staye, ease, and securitye, and nowe leaned vnto the eyght yeare, in the whiche no▪ small multitude of confessors assembled them sel­ues together at the myne pitts in Palaestina, who freely occupied them selues in the rites and ceremonyes of Christian religion, so that they transformed their houses into Churches: the Pre­sident of the prouince, being a cruell and a wicked man (as his mischieuous practises agaynst the Martyrs of Christ doe proue him for no other) made a voyage thyther in all the haste, and hearing of their doinges, their trade of life and conuersation, made the Emperour by his letters priuey thereunto, paynting forth in the same, such thinges as he thought woulde disgrace, discredit and defame the good name of those blessed confessors. Whereupon the maister of the myne pitts and mettalls came thyther, and by vertue of the Emperours commaundement seuereth asunder the multitude of confessors, so that thenceforth, some should continew at Cyprus, some other at Li­banus, and others also in other places of Palaestina, and commaunded that all shoulde be weryed and vexed with sundry toyles and labour▪ afterwards he picked out foure of the chiefe of them, and sent them vnto the iudge, of the which, two of them, were called Peleus and Nilus, Bishops of Ae­gypt. Peleꝰ burned Nilꝰ burned. A minister burned. Patermythi­us burned. the thirde was a minister, the fourth annexed vnto these was Patermythius, a man wonderful­ly beloued for his singuler zeale towardes all men in Gods behalfe. all whiche the Iudge requested to renounce Christ and his religion, who when they obeyed not, and seeing him selfe frustrated of his purpose, gaue sentence they shoulde be tyed to a stake and burned to ashes. others some againe of the confessors being not fitt, for that labour and seruice, by reason eyther of their heauye olde age, or vnprofitable members, or other infirmities of the bodye, were released and charged to dwell in a seuerall and solitary place. of whiche number Siluanus Bishop of Gaza was the chiefe, Siluanus. who liuely expressed vnto all the worlde, a godly shewe of vertue, and a notable paterne of Chri­stianitie. this man from the firste daye of the persecution, and in maner vnto the laste, duringe all that space, was famous for the sundry and manifolde conflictes he suffered after infinite examina­tions, and reserued vnto that very moment, to the ende he being the last, might seale vp with his bloode all the conflictes of the Martyrs slayne in Palaestina. there were released, and par­takers with him of the same affliction, many Aegyptians, one was Iohn: who also in fame [Page 173] & renowne excelled all the mē of our time. Who although he was blind before, yet the tormētors Iohn a blind man of a sin­guler memo­ry and rare gifts. were so truel, so fierce, & so rigorous, y for his great constācy in professing y name of Christ, they maymed with a burning sawe his left legge (as the other confessors were vsed before) and seared the aple of the eye, bereued already of the sight, with an hott scaldinge iron. Let no man maruell at all, at his good conuersation and godly life, though he were blinde, in so much that his maners deserued not such admiration as his gift of memorie, where he had printed whole bookes of holy scripture, not in tables made of stone (as the holy Apostle sayth) neyther in the [...]ydes of beástes, parchement, or paper, which moth corrupteth & the time weareth awaye: but in the fleshly tables of the hart, that is, in the prudent memory and sincere vnderstanding of the minde: so that when it seemed good vnto him he was able out of the closett of his minde, as if it were out of a certaine treasury of good learning, to alleadge & repeat y Law & the Prophets, sometimes the histories, at other times the Euangelists and workes of the Apostles. I confesse truely that when first I sawe the man stande in the middest of the congregation and assembly: and hearde him recite certaine places of holy Scripture I wondred at him. For as longe as I hearde his voice sounde in mine eares, so long thought I (as the maner is at solemne meetinges) that one read out of a booke: but when that I came neerer vnto him, and sawe the trueth as it was all other stand in compasse with whole, open, and sounde eyes, and him vsinge none other but onely the eye and sight of the minde, and in very deed vtteringe many thinges much like vnto a Prophete, and excelling in ma­ny thinges many of them which enioyed their senses sounde and perfect, I coulde not chuse but magnifie God therefore, and maruell greatly thereat. [...]e thought I sawe liuely tokens, and e­uident argumentes, that he was a man in deed, not after the outward appearance, or fleshly eye of man, but accordinge vnto the inner sense, and secret vnderstandinge of the minde▪ the which ex­pressed in this man, though his body were mayned, and out of fashiō, greater power of his inward giftes. God himselfe reachinge vnto these men (mentioned before and continewinge in seuerall places and executinge their wonted trade of life in prayer and fasting with the rest of their godly exercises) the right hand of his mercy and succor; graunted them through martyrdom to attaine vnto an happy and a blessed ende. But the deuell, enemy and sworne aduersary of mankinde colde no longer away with them, for that they were armed and fenced against him with prayers conti­newally poured vnto God, but went about (as he imagined) to vexe them and to cut them of, from the face of the earth. For God had graunted him that might and power, that neither he in no wise colde be kept backe from his wilfull malice and wickednes: neither these men for their manifolde & sundry cōflicts, should be depriued of their reward & glory. For which cause by the decree of the most wicked emperour Maximinus, there were in one day nine & thirty martyrs beheaded. These 39 Martyrs beheaded. were the martyrdoms suffred in Palaestina, during the whole tearme of eight years, and such was the persecution raysed against vs, which first beganne with the ruine and ouerthrowe of the chur­ches, which also encreased dayly more and more by reason that the emperours at sundry times renewed the same whereupon also it fell out that there were manifold and sundry conflicts of valiāt champions wrastling for the trueth in Christ: and an innumerable multitude of martyrs in euery prouince, reaching from Libya, throughout all Aegypt, Syria, & the Eastern countreys, and euery where, euen vnto the cōfines of Illyricum: And the coasts adioyning vnto the aforesayd countreys: as all Italy, Sicilia, Fraunce, and the VVeasterne coūtreis and such as reach vnto Spayne, Mauri­tania & Aphrike: where they were not persecuted fully two years, but quickely through the mer­cy and goodnes of God obtained peace and tranquillitie, because that the deuine prouidence of al­mighty God, for there faith and innocencyes sake, pitied their lamentable estate. For that which from the beginning was not remembred to happen in the Romaine empire, came now in the end to passe amongest vs beyonde all hope & expectation. The empire was deuided into two partes because of the persecutiō raised against vs. And though in some part of the world the brethren en­ioyed peace, yet in other regions and countreis they suffred infinite conflicts and torments. But when that at length the grace of God shewed vnto vs his louing, his mercifull, his fauorable coū ­tenance, and watchefull care ouer vs, then I say then, the gouernours and magistrates euen they which afore time raysed persecution agaynst vs, remembred themselues somwhat better, altered their mind & song a recantation: quenching the firie flame of persecution flashing among vs with more circumspect decrees & milder constitutions in y christians behalfe. Nowe let vs record vnto the posterity the recantation of Maximinus the tyrant.

The ende of the eyght booke.

THE NINTHE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSEBIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

Though Maximinus went not seriously about to succoure the christians and to relent the persecution, yet it profited, & Sabinus published abroade his letters in the behalfe of the christians so that peace was restored.

THis recantation set forth by the commaundement of the emperours, was published euery where throughout Asia and all his prouinces which thing being done, Maxi­minus the Eastern tyrant, most impious of all & chief enemy to y seruice of God, not pleased w t these proclamations in steade of y wryttē edict, commaunded his princes by word of mouth y they should make league w t the christians. And because he durst none other but obey the sentence of the higher power, he begāne to imagine howe to conceale the decree already proclaimed & to prouid lest that it were made manifest vnto the countreis of his dominiō, & by this aduise he commaunded his inferior magistrats by word & not by wryting: that henceforth they should persecute vs no more. But they certified one an other of this commaunde­ment, & Sabinus who then among them was in highest dignity certified by epistle wrytten in the latine tongue, the seuerall presidents of the prouinces of the emperours decree by translatiō thus: The maiesty of our Lordes and most noble emperours hath decreed nowe a good while agoe Sabinus vn­to the presi­dēts through out the do­minions of Maximinus. with great care & deuotion to induce the mindes of all mortall mē vnto the holy & right trade of liuing, to the ende these also whiche haue alienated them selues from the Romaine maner, should exhibite due worship vnto the immortall gods: but the stubburnes of some, & the mind of all other most obstinate, so farre resisted, that they could be vvithdravven from theyr purpose nether by ryght nor by reason, neyther be terrified vvith any tormēt that was laied vpon them. For as much as therefore it fell out by this meanes that many putt themselues in great perill, the maiesty of our lieges, & most puysant emperours, after their noble piety (iudging it a thing farre from their most noble purpose, for such a cause to cast men into so great a daunger) gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto your industry. That if any of the christians be founde to vse the relligion of his owne sect, you neyther grieue nor molest him at all, neyther thinke any man for this cause worthy of punishment when as it appeareth in so long a tract of time, they can by no meanes be induced to sursease from such a pertinacy. Your industrie hath therefore to write to the liuetenāts, captaines & cōstables of euery citie & village that they passe not the bounds of this edict to presume any thing contrary to the same. The presidents through out the prouinces, hauing receaued these letters thinking this to be the true meaning of the emperour, in these lettres contayned, declare forthwith by their epistles y emperours decree vnto y e liue tenants, captaynes and vnto such as gouerned the common people of the countrey. Neither were they onely satisfied with the sending of letters, but rather by the deed doing it selfe to bring about the emperours will, brought forth and sett at liberty, such as they held captiues in prison for the confession of christian religion, yea releasinge them also which for punishmentes sake were com­mitted to y e mine pitts & digginge of mettalls, for they being deceaued thought this would please the emperour. These things being thus brought to passe, immediatly after the sonne beames of peace shined brightly as if it had bene after a darke or mysty night. Then might a man haue seene throughout euery city, congregations gathered together, often synods and there wonted meeting celebrated. At these thinges the incredulous heathen were much dismaied and wondering at the maruelous straūgnes of so great a chaūge, shouted out, that the God of the christians was y e great Such as fell in persecutiō repented thē of their fall. and onely true God. Some of our men which faithfully & manfully endured the combatt of perse­cution, enioyed againe there liberty amōg all men: but others some faynting in the faith, of abiect mindes in the storme of persecutiō, greedely hastened vnto their salue and sought of such as were [Page 175] strong and sound, y e forewardnes of health and destred the Lord to be mercifull vnto them. Againe the noble champions of godlines beinge sett at liberty from the affliction they suffred in the mine pitts returned vnto their owne home, passing throughout euery city with valiant and chearefull courage, w t vnspeakeable ioy, and replenished with inexplicable liberty of mind. They went in y voyage and returne lauding God in songs & psalmes throughout y midd high wayes throughout the market places and frequented assemblies. There mightest thou haue seene them who a little before after most greuous punishments were fettred, and banished their natiue soyle to receaue & enioy their proper houses, w t a cherefull and mery countenance, in so much that they which afore time cried out against vs, nowe reioyced together with vs at this wonderful sight, happening be­yond all mans expectation.

CAP. II.

Maximinus againe shewing his hatred against the christians forbiddeth the assemblies in churchyards and goeth about to banishe them Antioch.

THe tyrant enemy to all honesty and chiefe practiser of wicked counsell against all y godly, whome wee sayde to haue borne rule in the Easterne partes not well brookinge these things: permoited them not to continewe in the same state, no not six whole moneths. wherfore he putteth in vre euery mischiuous practise to the ouerthrowe of peace and tranquillity: first by a certaine pretense he goeth about to barre vs our liberty of meeting in churchyardes, next by sending certaine malicious men, he pricked and prouoked against vs the citizensof Antioch, that they should begg of him for a great benefitt, y he would permitt no christian at all to dwell within his dominiōs. This he assayed by y aduise of others, y e author of all which mischief, was Theotec­nus, who solicited the cause, and egged them of Antioch forewards, a man he was of authority, an inchaunter, very spitefull and farre from the signification of his name, who then was liuetenante of that city.

CAP. III.

Theotecnus goeth about to mischiefe the christians, he incenseth the tyrant against them, and setteth vp an Idole at Antioch.

THis Theotecnus therefore when he had vehemently impugned vs and procured euery kind of way that the christians should diligently be sought out of their dennes and apprehended for haynous robbers: and had imagined all meanes to the end we should be charged and ac­cused: and had bene the cause of death to an infinite number, at length he erecteth the Idoll of Iup­piter Iuppiter phi­lius. as of the God of frendship, with certains inchauntments and sorceryes: and inuenteth there­unto impure ceremonyes, execrable sacrifices & detestable oblations: & causeth report to be made vnto the emperour of the straunge things the Oracle seemed to vtter. This Theotecnus also, being a flatterer (wherwith he seemed to please y emperour) raysed a wicked spirit against the christiās and sayd: God so commaunded that the christians should be banished out of the citie, and the liber­ties thereof, For that they were rebells and traitors to the crowne.

CAP. IIII.

Maximinus againe raiseth persecution by his decrees.

WHen that Theotecnus first of all had done this of his owne accorde, all the other magi­strats inhabiting the cities of his dominion promulgated the like sentence: & when as the presidents throughout the prouinces sawe this pleased the emperour, they egged the subiects also to do the like: & y tyrant very promptly consented by his rescript vnto theyr ordi­nances, so y t againe y e heate of persecutiō was blowen against vs & that againe Idol priestes were ordained by the decree of Maximinus throughout euery city & village and moreouer high priests which specially excelled in pollicies and passed others in all thinges who also were zelous fo­lowers of their religion and bestowed greate labor about the seruice of them whome they wor­shiped. Wherefore the emperours superstition and Idolatricall minde was againe as it were a fresh incensed against vs, & that I may vtter the whole in fewe words he brought all his dominiō both magistrats & inferior subiects, to practise euery kinde of mischiefe for his sake against vs, & to thinke they requited him fully and shoulde haue great fauour asmany as desired to obtaine any benefit at his hand, if they oppressed vs w t slaughter & executed certaine new mischiefs against vs.

CAP. V.

The heathens goe about to defame christian religion fayning blasphemyes against the actes of Christ and Pilate, and with certaine womens confession extorted from them by the gouernour of Damascus.

AGaine they forge certaine actes as of Pilate and our Sauiour, full of blasphemy against Christ, the which by consent of the emperour they sende abrode throughout his dominions cōmaunding by their letters y y same throughout all places both city & countrey should be expounded & deliuered to y youth by scholmaisters, to be committed vnto memory in stead of their indited vulgars & exercised discipline. These things being thus brought to passe a certaine ruler of the host, whome the Romaines call a captaine, drewe from the markett place of Damascus in Phoenicia, certaine infamous women and brought them by threates of torments to that passe that after a register or recorde was shewed they shoulde confesse them selues somtimes to haue beene christians & priuey to the wicked and lasciuious actes which y christians committed amonge thē selues at their solemne meeting on the sundayes: & what other things it pleased him they shoulde vtter to y sclaunder of our religion, the which words were registred, copied and lent to the empe­roure who also commaunded the same euery where, in euery place and city to be published.

CAP. VI.

The confusion of the captaine of Damascus: the commendation of certaine martys and the places where they florished.

BUt this captaine in a while after procured his owne death with his proper hād & suffred pu­nishment due for his malicious deserte. Then againe banishment & greuous persecutiō was raised against the christians, & againe the presidents of seuerall prouinces beganne vtterly Three chri­stians deuoured of beasts Siluanus martyrd. Petrus. b. of Alexandria beheaded. Lucianus martyred. to rebell against vs, so y diuerse of them which excelled in y e doctrine of Christ Iesu, bare away the ineuitable sentence of death. of which number were three christians in Emisa a city of Phoenicia, who of there owne accord professed christianity & were deliuered to be deuoured of rauening bea­stes. Among these also was Siluanus a byshop, farre stroken in years, hauing executed y functiō of the ecclesiasticall ministery y space of forty years full. About y time Petrus who notably gouerned y churches of Alexandria, excelling all other godly bishops, for his vertous lif & godly exercise of preaching; for no other cause thē you heare without hope of any reward, sodainly & vnaduisedly by y commaundement of Maximinus was beheaded: & together w t him after y same maner, many Ae­gyptian bishops were executed. Againe Lucianus a notable man, for his continency of lif, & for his skill in holy Scripture highly cōmended, being an elder of y church of Antioch was brought to Nicomedia in which city y emperour thē abode. & after he had exhibited vnto the emperour (ene­my to all goodnes) an Apollogie in defence of y doctrine which he taught & where with he bare rule, was cast into prison and shortly after executed. This Maximinus in shorte space exercised so great a tyranny & crueltye towards vs, that the later persecutiō seemed farre more greuous vnto vs then the former.

CAP. VII.

The Edict of Maximinus against the christians and the calamities which ensued after the publishing thereof and daunted the braggery of the tyrante.

IN the midds of euery towne (which before was neuer seene) y decrees of cities & besids them y copies of y imperiall edicts engrauen in brasen tables were nayled vp. And children in scholes sounded euery day Iesus & Pilate & other what so euer for farther contumely cold be forged. It seemeth very expediēt, for this place to annexe the coppy of the edict, which Maximinus nayled to pillers so that the insolent & arrogant temerity of this man: his spite towards God: his euidente contumacy: and againe y vigilāt iustice of God against impious persons, which immediatly ouer­tooke him according vnto the celestiall wisedome of God, may be reuealed: wherewith he beinge prouoked though he imagined not mischiefs very long against vs, yet at that time he confirmed them with publique edicts. The coppy whereof was thus:

The coppy of Maximinus translated edict, ratifying the decrees published against vs and borowed of that which was nayled to a post at Tyrus. Maximinus against Christians.

At length the weake resistāce of mans mind laying a side & scattering all obscurity & mist of [Page 177] error which hitherto possessed the witts as wel of impious & miserable mē, wrapped in the per­nicious darknes of ignorāce, hath beneable to discerne, that the same is gouerned by the proui­dēce of the immortal gods, embracīg goodnes, the which thīg may not be expressed, how accep table, hovv pleasing, & gratfull it vvas vnto vs, and hovv greate a try all it shevved of your godly He cōmen­deth the su­perstition of the Tyrians, & their cru­elty against the Christiās will, vvhē as also afore time euery mā knew your disposed diligēce & piety towards the immor­tal gods, whose faith is made manifest, not by naked & fruteles words, but by firme & wōderful vvorks. vvherfore your citie may iustly be called the seate of the immortal gods, & by many exā ­ples it is apparēt hovv she florisheth hauīg the celestial Gods present with her. For behold, your citie laying aside all the thīgs which specially cōcerned her, & despising the thīgs vvhich chiefly should haue bene sought for her vvealth, vvhen as she perceiued, that cursed vanitie, agayne to creepe & like cōtēned & couered sparcles of fire by blowing againe to sēd forth mighty flames, immediatly without further deliberatiō you hau [...]g recourse vnto our grace as vnto the metropo litane of all deuine worship haue made supplicatiō for remedy & ayde: the vvhich soūd mind, it is manifest, the gods for your trusty seruice, haue ingraffed in you. He therfore I meane the most hygh & mighty Ioue, vvho ruleth your most renovvmed citie, to the end he might deliuer your cōtrie gods, your wiues, your childrē, your houshould gods & houses frō all vtter corruptiō, hàth inspired your minds with this wholsome coūsell, shewing & declaring how excellēt, & notable a thing it is to embrace the religion & sacred seruice of the immortall gods with devv worship. who may be found so bereaued of all his witts vvhich cānot vnderstād this thing to happē vnto vs by the fauorable care of the gods, that neither the earth denieth the seede she receaued frustra tīg the hope of the husbād mē by vaine expectatiō: neither is that shew of wicked warr on earth strēgthened without offēce: neither doth the noisome tēperature of the aire dispatch with death the corrupt bodies: neither is the sea swollē with vnportunate winds, ouerflowen the banks, nei­ther do the stormes which fall downe vnloked for, sturr vp pernicious tēpest: neither is the earth which is fostrer & mother of all, drowned in her owne bottomlesgulfs by terrible earthquakes: neither the moūtaines setled on earth swallowed vp by rēting of the earth asuder: al which euils A sclaunder. yea greater thē these, who knoweth not often to haue happened heretofore. Yet all these things came to passe, because of the meere folly of those wicked mē, whē as that shamefull spot ouer­shadowed their minds & welnigh as I may so terme it, preuailed ouery vvhere. Againe a litle af­ter he addeth: Let them behold the wide & broade field, the florishing corne, and ouerflovving eares, the pleasaunt medowes clothed with herbes & flowers moistned vvith shoures from hea­uē, & the weather become tēperate & calme. againe let al reioyce, because that the might of the most potēt & sturdy Mars is pacified through your seruice, sacrifices & worship. let thē reioyce because that therfore cōstantly we enioy quiet peace, & as many as left that blind error & retur­ned vnto the right & best minde, may the rather be glad for that they are deliuered frō that so­daine storme & greuous disease, & hēceforh attained vnto the sweetnes of a pleasaūt life. But if they persist in that execrable vanitle, our will & pleasure is (according vnto your request) that they be seuered & banished farre from your city & the bordering regions, that your citie by this meanes after your laudable industry beīg made free frō all impurity may busily occupy her selfe according vnto her disposed minde in offeringe of sacrifices with dew honor of the immortall gods. & that you may throughly vnderstād how gratefull your request in this behalfe hath bene vnto vs (yea without intreaty or great sute) volūtarily our most prōpt mind to promote good en­deuers hath grāted vnto yourdeuotiō, that what gift so euer of our boūtifulnes ye list, ye craue it of vs in cōsideration of this your godly purpose. & that this thīg may be accōplished forthwith, aske & haue, which being done, shalbe a perpetuall testimony vnto your citye of piety towards the immortall gods, & shalbe a proofe vnto your sonnes & posteritie, how that you haue bene vvorthely revvarded by our goodnes for this your desire to leade a right life.

Whē these things were nailed to pillers throughout euery prouince they bereaued vs of all hope of better succes, as much as lieth in mā, so y welnigh accordīg vnto y deuine sayīg of Christ, The elect thē selues (if it Ma [...] 24. cold possiblye) had bene offēded at these thīgs. but whē as in maner y hope of many lay for dead, immediatly while they were yet in their iorney, which were authorized to publish in certaine pla ces y foresayd edict: God y defender of his church, not only resisted y insolēt outrage of this tyrāt, but shewed vnto y world his celestiall ayde in our behalfe. For showres & rayne in winter season, seased frō their wōted streames in watrīg y e earth: & famine vnloked for oppressed thē, after this en sued y e pestilēce & a certain greuous disease, in forme of a botch, termed for y feruēt burning therof▪ [Page 178] a carbuncle. this spredding it selfe ouer the whole bodie, brought such as therwith were infected into doubtfull daunger of their liues, but specially taking them about the eyes, it blinded an infi­nit number both of men, women and children. Moreouer there rose warre betwene the tyrant and the Armenians, who vnto that time from the beginning were friendes and fellowes of the Ro­maines. These Armenians when as they were Christians and carefull about the seruice of God, the tyrant (enemie to God) endeuoured to constraine them to do sacrifice vnto idols and deuills, & in stede of friends he made them foes, in stede of felows, enemies. These things sodainly meeting together in one and the same time haue quelled the boasting of the presumptuous tyrant againste God, wherwith he gloried that neither famine, neither pestilence, neither warre, fell in his time, for that he carefully worshipped idols and impugned the Christians.

CAP. VIII.

Of the grieuous famine and pestilence in the tyme of Maximinus, & of the godly affection which the Christians shewed to their heathen enemies.

THese things running in a heape and together, contained foresignes of his death. for he to­gether with his army was sore vexed with the warres against the Armenians, and the rest I meane the inhabitors of his cities sore pined away with famine & pestilence, so that one measure of wheate was solde for two thousand & fiftie A [...]icks. An infinite number dyed through out the cities, but more throughout the cōtries and villages, so that nowe the sundry and auncient sised valuations of husbandmen were in maner quite done awaye for because that all sodainely through want of foode & grieuous maladie of the pestilence were perished. Many therfore sought to sell vnto the welthier sort, for most sclender foode, the dearest things they enioyed. Others sel­ling their possessions by peeces fel at length into the miserable perill of extreme pouertie, others gnawing the small shreded toppes of greene grasse and withall confusely feeding on certaine ve­nemous herbes vsed them for foode, whereby the healthie constitution of the bodie was perished and turned to poyson. diuers noble women throughout the cities, driuen to extreme neede and ne­cessitie went a begginge into the contrey, shewing forth by their reuerend countenance and more gorgeous apparell an example of that auncient and free maner of feeding, certaine others whose strength was dryed vp tottering to and fro, wending and slyding much like carued pictures with­out life, for that they were not able to stand fell downe flat in the middest of the streets, groueling vpon the grounde, with their faces vpwarde and stretched out armes, makinge humble supplica­tion that some one woulde reache them a little peece of breade, and thus lying in extremitie, ready to yeelde vp the ghost, cryed out that they were hungrie, beyng onely able to vtter these wordes: others which seemed to be of the wealthier sort, amazed at the multitude of beggers, after they had distributed infinitely they put on an vnmercifull and sturdye minde, fearinge lest they shortly shoulde suffer the like neede with them that craued. Wherefore in the myddest of the markett place and throughout narrowe lanes the deade and bare carcasses lay many dayes vnburyed and cast a longe, which yeelded a miserable spectacle to the beholders. Yea many became foode vnto doggs, for which cause chiefely such as lyued, turned them selues to kill dogges, fearing lest they should become madd and turne them selues to teare in peeces and deuoure men. And no lesse truly did the plague spoyle euery house and age, but specially deuouring them whome famine through want of foode could not destroy. Therfore the ritche, the princes, the presidents, and many of the magistrats as fitt people for a pestilent disease (because they were not pinched with penury) suf­fred a sharpe and most swift death. All sounded of lamentation, throughout euery narrowe lane, the market places and streetes, there was nothing to be seene but weeping together with their wonted pipes and the rest of minstrels noyse. death after this sort waging battaile with double armour, to wete, with famine and pestilence: destroyed in short space whole families, so that the dead carcasses of two or three were seene borne to the graue in one funerall. These were recōpen­ces for the bragging of Maximinus, & the edicts which he published aganst y Christiās through­out The Christi­ [...]ns alone [...]ere endu­ [...]d with com [...]assion. the cities, when as by manifest tokens it appeared vnto all men how seruiceable & godly the christians were in al things. For they alone in so great an ouerflowing of mischiefe shewed forth true compassion, and studious curtesie, euery day some busily occupyed them selues in curing and burying the deade, wheras infinite were otherwise despised of their owne friends: others gathe­ring together throughout the whole city, into one heape and place, the multitude of them which were in great daunger by reason of famine, distributed breade vnto all: to the end they myght make [Page 179] that benefite manifest & famous vnto all men, wherby they might glorifie y God of the Christiās, & cōfesse that they alone were godly in deede, and sound by their works to be the only worshipe [...] of God. These things being thus [...] might to passe, the great & celestiall God defender of y Chri­stians, which by the aforesayd calamities shewed his wrath & indig [...]iō against mortall men [...] because they had vexed vs aboue measure, made the bright countenance of his prouid [...]e towards vs, placable & cōfortable, so that therby peace shined with great admiratiō vnto vs like light vnto such as sate in darknes, & made manifest vnto all men that God him selfe is the continewall ouer­seear of our affaires, which chastiseth his people and exerciseth them with calamities for a season▪ yet after sufficient correction appeareth againe tractable and mercifull vnto such [...] trust in him.

CAP. IX.

The victory of Constantinus against Maxentius, the Edict of Maximinus in the behalfe of the Christians.

WHerfore Cōstantinus whome we haue termed emperour, sonne of an Emperour, godly of a most godly mā, & gracious in all things, being raised vp by the highest king y god & sauiour of all, against these most impious tyrants, waging battaile with thē by law of armes and boulstred with the ayde of God, ouerthrewe miraculously Maxentius at Rome, and foyled him vtterly. Maximinus also in the east, suruiuing a litle after his depare [...]e one of this [...]f [...], dyed a most shamefull death procured by Licinius, who thē as yet had not raged against vs, nethe [...] turned him selfe to persecute the christians. but the forsayde Constantinus, who was [...]st in honor and possession of the empire, tendering y Romaines estate, whome the tyrant oppressed, made sup­plication vnto the celestiall God & his word, euen to visus Christ the sauiour of all y world for aide & succour, to the end he might deliuer vnto the Romaines the libertie they enioyed from their fore­fathers, and girded him selfe to battaile together with his whole host, while that Maxētius in the meane space trusting more in his magicall arts, thē in y good will of his subiects, durst not march forwards to meete him, no not out of y towne walls, but fortified euery place, euery [...]ast and city with innumerable multitudes of armed souldiers, infinite garrisons full of fleight placed here and there on euery side throughout all Italie & the other contries of his dominion. wherfore Costātinus the emperour being ayded from aboue, set vpō the first, the second, & third band of the tyrāts host, valiantly ouercame all, & so cōquering y chiefe part of Italy draweth nowe nigh to Rome. & lest he shold be cōstrained for y tyrāts sake to assault the Romaines, God draweth forth very far without the gates of y citie the tyrant him selfe as if he had bene bound with certaine chaines & setteth forth & cōfirmeth againe, that auncient power against impious persons, incredible and fabulous perad­uēture vnto many: but vnto y faithfull, certaine & ingraffed in holy scripture, wōderfully with the eyes thē selues to be beheld, (in trueth it selfe) of all (and that I may speake in fewe wordes) both faithful & infidels. euen as therfore vnder Moses & that aunciēt & godly nation of the Hebrevves, he Exod. 14. ouerthrew the chariots of Pharao & his host, & couered with the waues of the sea the chosen hors­men, & drowned the souldiers in the running streames of the read se [...] Maxentius and his armed souldiers, and whole troope descended like a stone plunginge into the deapth of the water, when as he went about to auoyde and flie away from the power of God (by whome Constantinus was assisted) and to passe ouer y water, y which he had carefully ouerlayd with cockboats, like bridges linked together and prepared to his owne destruction. wherfore then also it might haue bene said, He made a pitt & digged it vp, & fell him selfe into the destructiō he made for other, for his tra­uell Psal. 7. shall returne vpon his ovvne head, & his vnrighteousnes shall light vpō his owne pate. For the bridge which was made vpō y riuer being ouerthrowen, y passage was hindered, & the boates forthwith together with the men in thē suncke into the bottome, & first of all y most impious tyrāt him selfe, next his gard which were w t him, according vnto y foresaying of holy scripture, plunged like lead into y depth of y rūning streame. so y very well, this victory being obtained by y helping hand of God, y selfe same which of old was sayd against y impious tyrāt, though not in word yet in dede euen as they which were w t Moses the great seruāt of God, might haue bene song and sayde after this sort: Let vs singe vnto the Lorde, he is gloriously magnified, he hath ouerthrowen the Exod. 15. horse and rider in the sea, he is become my helper and defender, so that I perishe not. And vvho is like vnto thee o Lorde amonge the Gods, vvho is like vnto thee. glorified in the sainctes, vvonderfull, & gloriously bringing straunge thinges to passe. When Constantinus had songe by his works these & others to the like purpose vnto God the prince whose power reacheth ouer all [Page 180] and author of y victorie he came conquerour to Rome, where immediatly with cheerefull counte­nance and from the hart he was receaued of all both men, women, and children, senators and other noble personages, and of all the people of Rome with gladsome shouts and vnspeakable ioye, as a deliuerer from oppression, defender of the city, and general benefactor vnto all. but as one hauing the seruice of God engrassed within him, not moued with these triumphant acclamations, nei­ther puffed vp with prayses, yet priuey well inough to the ayde of God, commaunded immediatly the banner of the Lords passion should be set vpon the ryght hand of his picture, so they set it vp in the most famous place of Rome, holding in his right hande the holsome signe of the crosse, in the which he commaunded this superscription to be ingrauen in Romaine letters. In this wholsome signe, the true conizance of fortitude, I haue deliuered our citie from vnder the tyrants yoke, & haue sett the senate and people of Rome at libertie, restoring them to their auncient honor and renowne. Moreouer whē as Constantinus him self & also Licinius y Emperour together with him, (who as yet was not fallen to tyrannie and madnes, whereof afterwardes he was gyltie) both to­gether pacified God the author of all goodnes: with one minde and will they make a lawe in most absolute and ample wise in the behalf of the Christians: they send notice also vnto Maximinus who as yet ruled in the east, howe wonderfully God wrought with them, and the victorye againste the tyrant and the lawe it selfe, and the friendship hypocritically he pretended towards them. but he like a tyrant acknowledging these thinges to be most true, became very sorowfull, next, lest he shoulde seeme to yelde vnto others, and againe about to swarue from the edict, for feare of them which had ordayned this lawe, as of his owne accord and authoritie he gaue forth vnto the presi­dents of his dominion this edict necessarily in the behalfe of the Christians, in the which craftely against him selfe he fayneth the things that neuer were done by him.

Acoppie of Maximinus the tyrants epistle in the behalfe of the Christians.

Iouius Maximinus, Augustus vnto Sabinus sendeth greting. I hope it is well knowen vnto your Maximinus in the behalf of the Chi­stians. wisdome and to all mortall men, our lieges and lordes Diocletian and Maximinian, our fathers, to haue notably decreed, whē as they saw in maner all men laying aside the seruice of the gods, and ioyning them selues to the Christian nation: that as many as seuered them selues from the seruice of the immortall Gods, shoulde be called againe vnto the religion of the gods with vn­doubted An impudēt lye. he shew­ed no such curtesie. paynes and punishments. I truely first of all when that happely I came into the east & vnderstoode of many men which might haue profited the cōmon wealth, and were banished by the Iudges for the aforesayd cause, gaue this to euery Iudge in charge: that none of them thenceforwards should deale seuerely with them of their prouinces, but call them backe vvith faire speaches & exhortations vnto the worship of the Gods. VVhen these thigs then according vnto our will were accomplished, it fell out that none of the easterne partes, eyther was bani­shed or found obstinate, but by reason that nothing was greuously or seuerely practised against them, they might be reuoked vnto the seruice of the Gods. VVhen as the last yeare prosperously I came to Nicomedia, and there made my abode, the citizens of Nicomedia came vnto me to­gether with the images of their gods, crauing earnestly that in no case I shoulde permitt such a nation to inhabite their contrey. But forasmuch as I knevve very many men of that religion to dvvell in those parts, I framed them an ansvvere in this sort: that I liked vvell of their petition, but I sawe that all did not request the same. VVherefore if any continewed in that superstition, (our will was) that euery one should be left to follow the free purpose of his vvill, so that they vvould acknowledge the seruice of the gods, in like sort they should enioye the same city toge­ther with the citizens of Nicomedia and the other cities also, vvhich made the like request vnto me, that not one of the Christians might dvvell among them. It vvas needefull that I should an­svvere them friendly and louingly, the vvhich all the auncient Emperours obserued and is of the gods them selues approued, through whome all mortall men and the gouernment it self of the commonvvealth doth stande. It pleased vs then to ratifie so great a request made vnto vs in the behalfe of the seruice of their hygh God. VVherefore though chiefely heretofore also vve haue vvritten vnto your vvisdome & commaunded the like, that nothing seuerely were done against them of the prouince vvhich vvent about to succour such a nation, but shoulde paciently be o­beyed, and that they should suffer contumelies and vexations neither of the officials neither of any other vvhatsoeuer. I haue thought good by these my letters to admonishe your prompt [Page 181] minde, that vvith fayre speaches and exhortations you brynge them of our dominions to ac­knovvledge the carefull prouidence of the Gods. VVherfore if any of his ovvne accorde thinke good to acknovvledge the seruice of the Gods, such a one is vvorthie to be embraced: but if some vvill cleaue to their peculier religion, lette them do it at their free vvill and pleasure. Your vvisdome hath therefore to obserue that vvhich is decreed of vs, that none henceforth haue this povver giuen him to oppresse vvith contumelies, ratling speaches, & shaking troubles, our lo­uing subiects, sithen that as it is vvritten before, it behoueth vs rather vvith faire speaches and milde exhortations to reuoke them vnto the seruice of the immortall gods. And to the ende this our commaundement be knovven of all our prouincials, our vvill is that you publishe by pro­clamation directed from yourselfe, that vvhich is commaunded by vs

When Maximinus being constrained of necessitie & not of his owne accord had cōmaunded these things, for all this was he not of all men thought true in his dealing, either worthy of trust, for because that afore time after the like graunt, he shewed a turncoate, a wauering mind, & a lying mouth. There durst none of vs gather a synode together or medle with publique affaires, for these letters licenced not this: but onely commaunded: that we should not be afflicted with any violence or contumelie, it commaun­ded not that conuenticles should be made, that churches should be buylt, or the rest of our wonted ceremonies should be retained. although Constantinus & Licinnius princes of peace and piety, had written vnto Maximinus that he should graunt these things and permitted the same vnto all their subiects by Edicts and decrees: yet the most wicked woulde not hitherto haue remitted his ty­rannie, had not he by deuine iudgement bene compelled and brought at length against his will to this passe, for such a trouble besett him as followeth.

CAP. X.

Maximinus wageth battayle with Licinnius, and is ouercome, he rageth against his inchaunters, he publisheth an Edict in the behalfe of the Christians, at length dyeth miserably.

WHen as he was no longer able to sustayne the weyght of the Empire, which vnworthe­ly he had chalenged vnto him selfe, but went about his affaires otherwise then became him, through want of skill beynge voyde of a moderate minde required in an Empe­rour, and vnaduisedly puffed in minde with ouerflowinge arrogancie and pride: he presumed to waxe stately against his fellowe Emperours, farre excellinge him in lynage and learninge, in worthinesse and wisdome, but especially agaynst him which passed all other in wisdome and pie­tie towardes the true God, and to chalenge vnto him selfe the maiestie of the chiefe Emperour. He became so furious and madd that he broke the league made with Licinnius, and raysed an irre­conciled Maximinus wageth bat­taile with Li­cinnius. battaile. In short space therfore with all might, he molested in maner euery cytie, and hauing gathered all his host together, and mustred a multitude of many millions of souldiers, he marcheth to battayle and directeth the forefront of his bande agaynst him, trustinge in deuils whome he tooke for gods, and was arrogant because of his infinite multitude of armed souldiers. But in the skirmishe it selfe, he is destitute of Gods helpe, and God the one and the onely ayder & succourer of all mē, giueth the victory to Licinnius: & first of all the force of armed souldiers wher­in he trusted fayleth him, afterwardes he was left alone, destitute of all companie, forsaken of the souldiers that were about him which fled vnto the cōquerour, the vnhappy man put of quickly the imperiall attire not pertayning vnto him, timorous, cowardy, and effeminate, he ioyneth him self to the multitude and flyeth away, and hiding him selfe in fields and villages, he hardly escaped the hand of the enemy, while by all meanes he sought to saue his life, in very deede notably approuing the holy scripture, & shewing for manifest trueth where it was sayd: There is no king that can be Psal. 33. saued by the multitude of an host, neither is any mightie man deliuered by much strength. A horse is counted but a vaine thing to saue a man, neither shall he deliuer any man by his greate strength. Beholde the eye of the Lorde is vpon them that feare him, and vpon such as trust in his mercy that he may deliuer their soules from death. After this sort the tyrant subiect to most vile shame and reproche came to his owne coasts, and first of all being stroken with rage & madnesse, he slewe many priests and prophets of their gods, whome before he had suspected, and by the pro­curement and trust of whose oracles he had taken armour vpon him to wage battaile▪ as inchaun­ters & deceauers, which also had villanously betraied his person, afterwards whē he had glorified the God of the Christians, and ordayned a most perfect and absolute decree in the behalfe of their [Page 182] libertie, sodainly vexation ended his life, so that there remained no time afterwards for him to de­liberate, the lawe which he published was thus.

The coppie of Maximinus the tyrants constitution in the behalfe of the Christians translated out of Romaine letters into the Greeke tonge.

The Emperour Caesar, Caius, Valerius, mighty, lord of Germanie, lorde of Sarmatia, gratious, Cap 10. in the Greeke. Maximinꝰ in the behalfe of the Chri­stians. He dissem­bleth with his subiects. fortunate, puissant Augustus. It is requisit that without ceasing we prouide for the prof [...] of our prouincials & by all meanes that we be willing to exhibit those things vnto them whereby they may obtaine such things as may chiefly profit thē. The things which auaile for publique profit & cōmoditie, the aduātage of the cōmō wealth & pleasing vnto euery mā, we are well perswa­ded that there is none but knoweth thē very well▪ that euery one hath recourse vnto that vvhich is done, & that euery wight in the world vnderstādeth of our affaires. whē as afore time it came to our knowledge, that for the same cause (for the which it was cōmaūded by Diocletian & Ma­ximinian, our progenitors of famous memory, the synodes & assēblies of the christians should be cutt shorte) many were troubled & spoiled by the officials, & the same as yet we perceaue to be further practised against our louig subiects, whome chiefly as reasō requireth we ought to pro­uide for, whose substāce was takē away. by our letters sent vnto the presidēts throughout euery prouīce of our dominiōs the last yere we haue decreed: that if any were disposed to cleaue vnto such ceremonies, or to addict thē selues vnto the obseruatiō of that religion, it might be lawfull for thē without offēce to follow their owne wil, & that they should be hīdred or forbiddē by no mā. our pleasure was moreouer that without feare & suspitiō they should vse that seruice which pleased euery mā best. Neuertheles you can not be ignorāt of this, that certaine iudges despised our decrees & made our subiects vncertaine of our edicts, & to haue done it of set purpose, that they might the lōger abide in those rites which pleased thē better. That therfore hereafter all su­spiciō, doubt & feare may be remoued, we haue decreed to publishe this edict, wherby it may appeare manifest vnto all mē that it may be lawfull for thē as many as will follow that opinion & religiō, by this our gracious gift & letters patēts, as euery one listeth & is delited, so to vse that religiō which him pleaseth, & after his owne maner to exercise the same. Besides this also is per­mitted vnto thē that they may buyld places of praier for the lord. last of al that this our gyft may be the greater, we haue voutchsafed to decree that also: that if any house or manours heretofore belōging vnto the christians title, by the cōmaundement of our auncetors haue passed vnto the crowne, either presently enioyed by any citie either otherwise soulde, or giuen to any man for a reward, all these we haue cōmaūded, they should be reuoked, to the aunciēt right of the chri­stiās, wherby all may haue experiēce of our pietie & prouidēce in this behalfe.

These words of y tyrāt, not one yeare being fully past, followed y e edicts which against y christiās were ingrauen in pillers▪ & to whome a litle before we seemed prophane, impious, & the plague of all mankind, so y he forbad vs to dwell not only in y cities but also in y e fields, yea & in y e desert: by y same mā, edicts & iniunctiōs are decreed nowe in y e behalfe of the christians: & they which of late were in perill of fire & sword, & the rauenous deuour [...]g of beasts & [...]oules of y e aire before y tyrāts face, & suffred all sort of paines & punishmēts, & miserable ends of this life as prophane & impious persōs: vnto thē now it is permitted, opēly to exercise & vse y e christiā religiō, & to buyld places for praier vnto the Lord, againe y tyrāt affirmeth this vnto thē y t they may enioy certaine rights & priuiledges. whē The death of Maximinus the tyrant. God plagued Maximinus. Famine. Inward bur­ning. Hewme. he had proclaimed this his protestatiō therfore in y e ende he receaued this, in stead of recōpence, y endurīg y lesser tormēt which by right he shold haue suffred, he being strickē of God w t a sodaine plague frō aboue, should die in y second skirmishe of y battaile. he dyed not as captaines in warre fighting mātully in battaile for their cōtry, for vertue & their friends, are commōly wōt to endure couragiously a glorious death: but like an impious persō & a rebell to God (his army as yet lyīg in y e field, & he tarying at home & in secret) he suffreth dew punishmēt, being strokē with a sodaine plague of God ouer all his body so y t he was vexed w t great torments & griefes, pyned away with hūger, fell downe frō his bed, his fleshe altogether wasted by inuisible fire sent from aboue, so y t it consumed, dropped away, & lost al y e fashiō of y e old forme, whē as there remained nothīg vnto him saue onely the bare bones like a paynted image, dryed vp of a longe time. Neyther did the behol­ders take his bodie for other then the sepulcher of the soule, buryed in a body that was nowe dead, and all together consumed. When that as yet he burned more vehemently then the boyling bathes are wōt, out of y e inward closets of y e marow, his eyes lept forth & passing their bounds left Blindnesse. His last con­fession. [Page 183] him blinde. but he breathing as yet in these torments making his confession vnto the Lorde, cal­led for death, and at length confessing himselfe to haue suffred these thinges iustly, and in steede of reuengment, for the madnesse he presumed and practised against Christ Iesu, gaue vp the ghost.

CAP. X [...].

After the death of Maximinus, the Christian affaires beganne to be in better estate. the executors of Maximinus tyrannie are punished. Constantinus and Licinnius are proclaymed Emperours.

WHen Maximinus had thus departed this life, who alone continewed of all the tyrants the vtter enemy to all pietie and godlines: the churches through the grace of almighty God were buylded againe and erected from the fundations: the Gospell of Christ Iesus shining vnto the glory of the vniversall God, receaued greater libertie then aforetime: but the im­pietie The ignominy that befell Maximinꝰ af­ter his death. of the sworne enemies to godlinesse was subiect to extreme shame and ignominie. For the sayd Maximinus was declared by publique edicts the firste most deadly enemie of all the Empe­rours, the most impious, the most ignominious, and a tyrant that was abhorred before the face of God. And what monument so euer of letters or proclamations stoode throughout euery citie to his or his childrens honor, they were partly worne and throwen from aloft vnto the pauement, partly so ouerlayd & darkened with so blacke a colour, that they became vnprofitable for publique sight. Likewise the pictures, as many as were erected to his honor, being throwen downe after the same sort, and defaced, were sett forth to the laughter and derision of such as woulde vse them The execu­tors of ty­rannie are plagued. both ignominiously and contempteously. Afterwardes all the ensignes also of others that were e­nemies to pietie and christian religion were taken downe, all the persecutors as many as fauored Maximinus were executed, specially such as by him were honored in the heade cyties, and to the ende they might flatter him, hated more deadly our doctrine and religion, of which sort of people Peucetius a wicked ma­gistrate. Culcianus a wicked ma­gistrate. Theotecnus Peucetius was one, whome before all other he esteemed for most honorable, most reuerend, and of all his friends best beloued, twise, and the thirde time Consull, and had appointed him the chiefe gouernour in all his affaires: next was Culcianus enioying the authoritie of euery degree and of­fice, who also hauinge shedde throughout Aegypt the bloode of an infinite number of Christians, was of greate fame: besides others not a fewe through whome chiefly the tyranny of Maximinus preuayled and tooke encrease. Moreouer also bengeance lyghted vpon Theotecnus, not forgetfull of the things he had committed against the Christians, who because of the image & idol he erected Inchaunters & idolatrer [...] punished. at Antioch became famous, and was also made president by Maximinus. Licinnius after his com­ming to Antioche, to the ende he might finde out the inchaunters which had foully deceaued him he punished with torments the prophets and priests of the late erected image, & made inquisition in what sort they cloked y deceate. When as they driuen by torment could not conceale y e trueth, they reueled the whole secretie to be a deceite wrought by the subtletie of Theotecnus. Wherfore Maximinus children, and kinsmen, re­ceaued theyr deserts. he rewarded all with punishment dewe for their desert, and first of all Theotecnus him selfe, after­wards the other cōpaniōs of inchauntments when he had first diuersly tormented thē, he executed to death. After all these the next turne lyghted vpon the children of Maximinus, whome he had made companions of the imperiall honour, of the pictures and publique ensignes. Last of all the kinsmen of the tyrant, who afore time by their insolencie oppressed all men, together with the aforesayde tyrant now suffred punishment with vtter shame. For they receaued not the discipline, they knewe not neither vnderstoode they the admonition which speaketh in holy scripture: Putt Psalm. 146. not your trust in princes, nor in any child of man, for there is no help in them. VVhen the breath of man goeth forth he shall returne againe to his earth, in that daye all his thoughts and deuises shall perishe. The impious persons after this sort being bereaued of their liues, the empire stood Cōstantinus & Licinnius Emperours. very stable voyde of all enuie vnto Cōstantinus and Licinnius alone. These men (when as before all things they had wiped out of this life the enemies of God) ioyfully possessinge benefits and gra­ces from aboue, shewed forth the studie of vertue and of godlines, pietie and thankfulnes of minde towards God, by a constitution published in the behalfe of the Christians.

The ende of the nynth booke.

THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF EVSE­BIVS PAMPHILVS BISHOP OF CAESAREA IN PALAESTINA.

CAP. I.

The thankefulnes of the Christians for the peace graunted vnto them from aboue after the great storme of persecution.

MAny and infinite thankes be geuen in all thinges vnto God almightie and kinge of He beg [...]neth with thankes vnto God for the peace after perse­cution. all kings, and to Iesus Christ the sauiour and redemer of our soules, through whome we wishe vnto vs continewally the preseruation of such thinges as concerne peace, both from outward vexations, as also firme and immouable inwardly in our minds. Seeing that hitherto we were furthered by thy prayers, and nowe hauing finished nyne bookes of the ecclesiasticall historie, we annexe the tenth and dedicate it vn­to thee, most holy Paulinus, sealinge and shuttinge vp the whole worke with the publishinge a­broad of thy prayse. Justly therfore we place heere in a perfect number the absolute and solemne sermon gratulatorie of y e repayring of the churches, obeying no doubt herein the holy ghost com­maunding Psalm. 98. after this sort: Singe vnto the Lorde a nevve songe, because he hath done maruelous things. with his ovvne ryght hād & with his holy arme hath he gotten him selfe the victory. The Lord hath shewed his saluation: in the sight of the heathen hath he openly declared his ryghte­ousnes. Insomuch that these words of y e Prophet require a new song, of duety then we must haue a songe in our mouth, because that after vglesome and darke spectacles, after thunderinge and terrible threates, we haue bene thought worthie nowe to see such thinges, and to celebrate such solemnities, such as I saye before vs manie iuste men and Martyrs of God haue desired to see vpon earth and haue not seene, to heare and haue not hearde. But they passinge very speedely, haue possessed farre more myghtie ioyes, beynge taken awaye into the heauens them selues vnto the celestiall Paradise and to deuine dayntyes: but we confessinge these present thinges to be greater then we deserued, do honor aboue measure the grace of Gods greate goodnesse. We honor him iustly, reuerencinge the same with all the myght of our mindes, and testiflyng truely accordinge vnto the prophecies written where it is sayde: Come and see the vvorkes of Psalm. 46. the Lorde, vvhat maruelous thinges he hath done vpon earth, he maketh the vvarres to ceasse vnto the endes of the vvorlde. He breaketh the bovve, bruyseth theyr armour, and burneth theyr chariots vvith fyre. Reioycinge therefore together in this sorte because of these thinges which in vs manifestly are fufilled, we wyll ioyne this booke to the other former treatyses. For the whole rable of the hatefull persons and enemyes to God was wyped awaye, and so so­daynly taken out of the sight of men, that agayne the worde of God was fulfilled, sayinge: I savve the vvicked lyfred vp and exaulted lyke the ceders of Libanus, and I passed by and be­holde Psalm. 37. he vvas not, I sought his place and it coulde not be founde. This daye beynge lyght­some and cleare, caste ouer with no darke cloudes, hath shyned to all the churches of Christ throughout the worlde, with the sonne beames of celestiall bryghtnesse. Neyther dyd any forey­ner enuie at our ioyfull assemblyes, or at the enioyinge of the same gracious benefites, but all mortall men beynge deliuered from tyrannicall oppression, had libertie to communicate with vs in the thinges gyuen vs from aboue.

CAP. II.

The heathens are gladd of the Christians successe, the churches are repayred, and the Emperours shewe themselues liberall and bountifull.

[Page 185] [...] heathen being deliuered & [...] the only true [...] was y defender of the god [...] ioy, which wi [...] gladnes inspired all, seeing the places a litle before [...] [...] [...] [...] of the tyrants▪ to be raysed vp as it were out of a long and deadly calamitie, and the [...] [...] from the foundations to be e­rect [...] The temples builded a­gayne. [...] an vn [...]eas [...]able height▪ and to receaue greater [...] then euer they enioyed before their destruction. Moreouer the most puysant Emperours by their often [...] published in the behalfe of the Christians, haue [...] and enlarged the [...] graunted [...]e by the [...]ee [...]o [...] ­tifulnes of God, vnto the Bishops also [...]ere came fauorable letters from the Emeprour, dignities were bestowed, [...] of money and presents were sent them, the [...]oppy of which letters translated out of the Romayne into the greeke tongue, it shall not be amisse in his proper place to annexe it vnto this present history as vnto a certayne piller, to the ende they may be committed to the memo­rie of all posteritie to come.

CAP. III.

Of the dedication of the temples then euery where celebrated, and their festiuall orations.

THen the wished and desired sight was seene of vs, to we [...]e the celebrating of the dedications, Consecrati­ons and the dedications of temples. throughout the cityes, and consecrations of oratories lately buylded: the meeting of Bi­shops: the comming together of them which being farre seuered asunder, [...] in forreyne contreyes: the loue of nation towards nation: the knitting together of the members of Christ, clo­sing into one harmonie. so that according vnto the foreshewing of the Prophet signifying mystical­ly before, the thing which should come: bone was ioyned to bone▪ ioynt to ioynt, and what so euer Ezech. 37. An vniforme consent of the Christi­ans. other thing the saying of the Prophet though darkly, yet truely foretold vs. One power of the diuine spirite wrought in all the members: all had one minde, and the same readinesse of fayth: the ce­lebration of the diuinitie amonge all was one: Moreouer the orderly seruice of such as gouerned the Churches and publique ministration of the holy thinges appoynted of them for the purpose: comely rites and ceremonies of the Churches were celebrated, [...]e, with psalmodies and other songes of praise deliuered vs from aboue, there, with diuine and misticall ministration as the secret pledges of the Lords passion were solemnized, and withall men and women of euery age, with all might that in them lay, with cheerfull minde and will, in prayer and thankesgeuing, honored God the autor of all goodnes. to be short, the gouernours of the Churches as many as were present with solemne Sermons euery one as much as in him lay, set forth and extolled the solemne meeting and assemblies. There went vp into the pulpitt one among all the rest, counted very sage, expert in the words of God, well exercised in preaching, who chose a parcell of Scripture, discoursed at large as it were in the gathering together of the members and vniting of the congregations, whome many learned clerkes and famous Bishops hearde with quiet and atte [...]ti [...] eare. This preacher there­fore in the presence of Paulinus a Bishop that passed all other for rare and singuler gifts: by whose meanes and procurement also the famous temple of Tyrus in Phoenicia was buylded with moste gorgeous furniture vttered this Sermon in such sort as followeth.

CAP. IIII.

A solemne Sermon in prayse of the buylding of the Churches, but expressly di­rected vnto Paulinus Bishop of Tyrus.

OYe friendes and Priestes of the most high God, which are bewtified with holy robes and the heauenly crowne of glory: with the sacred oyntment and priestly atyre of the holy ghost: and thou the ornament of the newe holy temple of God, which art honored of God him selfe He prayseth Paulinus the Bishop. with wisedome of auncient yeares, yet hast brought to passe noble deeds and enterprises with fresh and florishing vertue, to whome God him self comprehending the whole world hath graunted this great honor, that thou shouldest build and repairs on earth this house, vnto Christ the onely begot­ten and his first begotten word, vnto his holy and noble spouse whome one may very wel call ether Beseleel. Solomon. Zor [...]babel. a new Beseleel, chief builder of Gods tabernacle, or Solomon king of a new and more mighty Ieru­salem, or else a new Zor [...]babel: which hast purchaced farre greater glory vnto the temple of God [Page 186] then it had before: and O you the sucklinges of the holy stocke of Christe, the house of good lite­rature, the schoole of wisedome, the honest and godly audienc [...] of pietye: It was lawefull for vs of olde to laude God with hymnes and songes, which haue he [...] out of holy Scripture the maine­lous wonders of God, and the miraculous bountifulnes of the Lorde shewed towards mankind be­ing to this ende instructed that we should say▪ O God vve haue heard vvith our eares, our fathers Psal. 44. haue declared vnto vs the vvorkes thou hast vvrought in their dayes of olde: but nowe haue we learned it not by hearing, neither by reheatsall and rumor of the high arme, and heauenly hande of our God and high King, but by deedes, and (as I may so say) with the eyes them selues, beholding the thinges of olde to be certayne and true, we may sing an mother hynme of victory and to good pur­pose shoute and saye: like as vve haue hearde so haue vve seene, in the citye of the Lorde of hosts, Psal. 48. in the citye of our God▪ I meane in an other citye, then this lately buylded and exected vnto God, vvhich is the Churche of the liuing God, the piller and grounde of all trueth, of the which 1. Timoth. 3. a certayne other testimony of holy Scripture thus happely reporteth: Glorious thinges are spo­ken Psal. 87. of thee, o thou citie of God. In so much as then we are gathered by the benefitt of Almighty God through the grace of the onely begotten vnto this Churche, let euery one of vs here present­ly assembled together prayse and laude God, and with all crye and saye: I vvas glad vvhen they Psal. 122. Psal. 26. sayd vnto me vve vvill goe vp into the house of the Lorde. and agayne, Lorde I haue loued the bevvty of thy house, and the place vvhere thine honour dvvelleth. And not onely he which sitteth but also altogether, with one spirite and with one minde honoring the Lorde, let vs then singe and saye: greate is the Lorde and vvorthy to be praysed, in the citye of our God, euen vpon his ho­ly Psal. 48. hill. for he truely is greate and his house greate, highe wide and bewetifull in comparison of the sonnes of men. greate is the Lorde vvhiche alone doth vvonderfull thinges, greate is the Psal. 113. Lorde doing greate thinges, vnsearcheable things, glorious and excellent things vvhereof there is no number great changing moments and times, remouing and ordayning things, raysing the poore out of the dust, and lifting the needy out of the myre, he hath deposed the mighty from their seates, and exalted the meeke out of the earth, he hath filled the hungry vvith good things, Luc. 1. and hath broken the armes of the proude. thus hath he confirmed the memory of the thinges re­hearsed of olde not onely to the faythfull, but also vnto the Infidels: it is the Lorde of all, the maker of the whole worlde, the Almighty, the moste excellent, the one and the onely God, which doth wonderfull and greate thinges, vnto whome we obediently doe singe a newe songe euen vn­to him vvhich alone doth maruelous thinges, because his mercy endureth for euer: vvhich smote Psal. 106. Psal. 107. Psal. 136. Psal. 105. great Kings & slevv mighty Kings, because his mercy endureth for euer: because that vvhen vve vvere brought lovve the Lorde vvas mindefull of vs, and deliuered vs from our enemies. with these prayses let vs not cease to celebrate God the vniuersall father, but also the seconde person, au­thor of all goodnes exhibited vnto vs, the bringer of the knowledge of God, the teacher of true pietye, the rooter out of the wicked, the dispatcher of all tyrants, the gouernour of our whole life, let vs (whose case was lamentable) honour him sounding continewally with mouth and minde, I meane our Sauiour Iesu. for he alone the onely most excellent sonne of the most excellent father, according vnto the will of his father, wherewith he loued man, most willingly like a passing cun­ning Phisicion for the health of the pacients, tooke vpon him our nature whiche laye as it were in a bottomlesse pitt of perdicion, the beholding of whome in this case was very greeuous, and the handling vnpleasant: and of the miseries of others he heaped vnto him selfe greate miseryes, he saued not onely such as were sicke with fore botches and festered woundes: but also such as laye amonge the deade, he him selfe by him selfe hath deliuered vs from the moste darke dunge­ons of death. there was not so much power geuen to any other in heauen whiche coulde without offence and vndoubtedly minister the saluation of so many castwayes, but he alone tooke vpon Esay 53. him our perdicion, subiect to many greeuous passions, he alone tooke vpon him our troubles, he alone tooke vpon him the punishments due for ourimpietye, and he saueth vs whome he founde not onely halfe deade, but to be abhorted, nowe stincking in the graues and sepulchres them selues, heretofore & presently also with the carefulnesse of his good wil, beyond all other mens expectation, yea and ours to: and deliuereth vnto vs the greate aboundance of his fatherly good­nes being our quickner, our day starre, our greate Phisicion, our Kinge and Lorde the Christ of God. When all man kinde was then ouershadowed, with the night all cloudy and palpable dark­nes, with the wilines of seducing deuills, and the working of spirites hatefull to God, he a­lone appearing vnto vs, loosed with the sunne beames of his heauenly light the knobbye fetters [Page 187] of our sinnes: but nowe after that for so greate [...] and [...]lnes, spyte being greeued Satan the e­nemy of mà­kinde & worker of all mischiefe. with all goodnes, and the deuill himselfe busily going about all [...]ele, onely not b [...]sting for grie [...]e, hath raysed eruell warre agaynst vs with all [...]ly [...], and fi [...]s [...] after the maner of a ma [...]d dogg [...], whiche gna [...]th with his [...]h [...] the st [...]es flo [...] [...] him, and p [...]reth out the rage of reuengem [...]t vpon the dar [...]s which [...] haue no life: he sett vpon the [...] o [...]s of the oratoryes and the senselesse buylding of the houses with s [...]adge woodnes, to the ende he might bring in as he s [...]pposed a waste desert of Churches: agayns he sent out cruell [...] & and poysored speaches pattly by the threats of wicked tyrants, and partly by the decrees of prophant Princes: moreo­uer so [...]ing out his death he hath i [...]ted with his [...]e [...]mous and [...]dly poys [...]n the soules which he caught in his snare, and slewe them with the dai [...]able sacrifires of dead images, and raysed a­gaynst vs all sortes of b [...]astes coueted with m [...]s skin [...]e and all kind [...] of [...]: agayne the Christ aideth the comfort­lesse. Angell of greate counsell, the greate g [...]au [...]d [...]ap [...]ayne of God, after sufficient [...] the whiche the moste valiant souldiers of his kingdome endured throughly with [...]ible pacience and sufferance, had eftsones shewed him selfe, he destroyed the hurtfull and [...] thinges and brought all to nought, as if they neuer had be [...]e named, but vnto him selfe he made all acceptable and peculier, aboue all glorye, not onely among all men, but among the heauenly powers them selues, the sunne, the moone, the starres, all heauen and earth together. so that nowe which other­wise neuer any where came to passe, the most excellent Emperours, considering the honour they receaued of him, haue detested the sight of dead images and troden vnderfoote the vnlawefull ser­uice of deuills: they haue sett at nought the seducing of olde tyme receaued of the Elders: they haue knowen one onely God, the common benefactor of all: they of them selues consessed Christ the sonne of God supreame Kings of all: vpon pillers they haue intitled him a Sauiour: for euerlasting memorie they fastened his vertues and victories agaynst the wicked in the middes of the citye whiche had dominion vpon earth vnto the imperiall armes, that Jesus Christ our Saui­our alone of all the men from the beginning of the worlde, yea of the heade Princes of the whole worlde, was honoured not as a common Kinge, treated of men, but adored as the naturall sonne of the [...]uersall God and God himselfe. and not without iust cause. What Prince of all them that euer were, brought so much power, that by the appeliation of his name he shoulde fill the eares and mouthes of all mortall men throughout the whole worlde? What Kinge hath ratified so godly and so wise lawes decreed by him that they might sufficiently and durable he read to the hearing of all men from the endes of the earth to the boundes of the whole worlde? Who hath wyped away the barbarous and sauadge maners of the Gentiles with his louing and tractable lawes? who euer since the beginning of the whole worlde, being impugned of all men hath she­wed power passing the reache and strength of man, so that he seemed dayly to florishe and through out all his whole life to waxe yong? who hath ordayned and planted a nation not hearde of from the firste beginninge, not secrete in some corner of the earth, but throughout the whole com­passe vnder heauen? Who hath so fenced his souldiers with the bright armour of godlines that they were founde in their fighting agaynst their aduersaries of courage harder then the Adamant stone? What King after his desease so gouerneth, and warreth, and trecteth signes of victories a­gainst the enemyes, and filleth euery place, coast and contrey as will of the Grecians as Barba­rians with his princely pallaces and consecrated temples? as these ornaments and dedicated [...]ew­ells The orna­ments of the temple, and the meaning thereof. Psal. 33. Psal. 148. of this temple are gorgeous, whiche being royall and notable in deede, are worthy of won­dering and admiration and as it were certayne and manifest tokens of our Sauiour (for nowe al­so: he spake the vvorde and they vvere done, he commaunded and they vvere created, for who will with stande the beckning of the worde of God the supreme King and gouernour of all) which require speciall rest and conuenient leasure that they may diligently he considered and expounded, wherof also proportionally the readines of the workmen is to be weyed, in presence of him whom we celebrate with diuine prayses, whiche considereth the spirituall temple of vs all, and beholdeth the house builded with liuely and growing stones which being soundly and securely layed vpon the fundation of the Apostles and Prophets hath Iesus Christ him selfe to the corner stone, whome the wicked head builders of mischiefe haue reiected not onely of that building which now is aun­cient and hath no longer contine wance: but also of that presently consisting of many men. but the father hath alloweded him for heade of the corner of our common Church, both then and now also. Therefore this liuely Churche of the liuing God buylded of our selues, I doc call that chiefe ve­strye seruing for the worde of God, whose inwarde chauncells not seene of many, holy in deede [Page 188] and most holy places, who by beholding of them euer durst presume to explicate? yea who coulde beholde the inner parts of the halowed po [...] but the onely greate high Priest of all to whome onely it is lawefull to searche the secretes of euery reasonable soule? per aduenture it may be possible for some one or other of his equalls to enioye the seconde place next after him to we [...]e, for the President and Captayne of this warrefare, whome the chiefe and greate highe Priest him selfe hath or [...]ayned a shepeherd of this your holy flocke, enioying the seconde honour of these holy thinges, taking in charge your people by lott and appoyntment of the father as his ser­uant and interpreter, like a newe Aaron or Melchisedech likened vnto the sonne of God, re­mayning and preferued by him for euer by the prayers in common of you all vnto this man therefore onely be it lawefull next after the chiefe and greatest highe Priest to see and to be­holde; if not the chiefe thinges, at least wise the seconde closset of the inner contemplation of your soules, when he hath exactly sifted euery one of you by experience and proliritye of time, and when as with his owne industrye and care he hath enstructed all you of the worlde, in ho­nestye and the doctrine which is according vnto godlines, and hath bene made mighty, aboue all others, to sett forth with workes agreeable to his calling that doctrine, which by aide of the diuine power he hath gotten. the chiefe therefore and our greate highe Priest, the thinges vvhiche he Iohn. 5. seeth the father doe, the same likevvise (sayth he) doth the sonne: but this man secondarily, e­uen him selfe, beholding with the cleare eyes of the mynde the firste as a teacher, whatsoeuer thinges he sawe him doe, vsing as it were the first framed paternes, the portracture of them as much as laye in him to the like resemblance, as a workeman he wrought the thinges whiche you see with your eyes, differing not a [...]ote from that Beseleel, whome God him selfe endued with Beselc cl. the spirite of wisedome and vnderstanding, and other industrye and skylfull knowledge, whome he called and ordayned the workeman of the buylding of the temple by formes of the celestiall types. after this sorte this man, garnishing and bewtifying whole Christ, the worde, the wise­dome and light in his minde, it may not be tolde with what courage of minde, with what plen­teous and vnsaciable power of the minde, and with what greate liberalitye of you all and earne­stly contending with largenesse of giftes, lest by any m [...]aues you shoulde slyde away from his purpose: he hath ordayned this moste renowned and moste excellent temple of the highe God, as a visible paterne agreable with nature, resembling y better inuisible temple. This quyre, wor­thy The clensing of the pollu­ted temple. to be spoken of, though firste of all it were couered through the wiles of the aduersaries with the sincke of all filthines, he despised not, neyther yealded vnto the cruell spyte of them whiche were authors of that mischiefe, for if his pleasure had bene to haue passed vnto some other place, (a thousande others had bene easily sought in this citye) he had founde greate ease of his labour, and had bene ridd of so much busines. but firste of all he styrred vp him selfe to this worke, next all the whole people being settled with readinesse, and made of all as it were one will, firste he tooke this labour in hande: to the ende that he might specially restore her that was destroyed by the enemye, whiche afore tyme had endured greate trauells, and before our tyme the same persecution whiche we suffered, I meane the Churche like a mother depriued of her chyldren, he thought good that she altogether with vs shoulde enioy the magnificency of our gracious God. for as much as the great shepeherd hath voutchsafed to gather into one folde his children, the bea­stes and wolues driuen away, and euery sorte of cruell and sauadge creatures put to flight, the Psal. iavves of the Lions he hath broken, as the holy Scripture doth testifie, he hath also most iustly restored agayne the very folde of his flocke, that he might still the enemye and auenger, and re­sist Psal. 8. the rebellious enterprises of the wicked agaynst God. and nowe they are not hated of God, no more were they then. but after that in shorte space they molested, and were also molested them selues, they suffered punishment due for their desert, and were vtterly destroyed them selues, their friendes and families, so that the prophecyes written of olde in holy Scripture they haue in very deede confirmed, where among other things the holy Scripture truely pronounceth these things of them: the vvicked haue dravven their svvord, bended their bovv that they may shoote Psal. 37. at the poore and needy, and sleye the pure of harte. their svvorde shall pearce their owne harte, and their bovve shall be broken. and agayne: the remembrance of them is perished vvith a sounde, and their name hast thou vviped avvay for euer and euer. and vvhen they vvere Psal. 9. Psal. 18. in misery they cryed, but there vvas none to deliuer them. vnto the Lorde, and he hearde them not. they stumbled and fell, but vve rose and stand vp. and this that was foretold of them (Lord in thy citye thou shalt bring their likenesse to nought.) is nowe in all mens sight founde true. Psal. 73. [Page 189] but they after the maner of the giauntes, goinge about to warre with God, purchased vnto them selues suche an ende as berewed them of theyr liues & but she that was desolate and bewailed a­monge men, obtained such an ende of her pacience in God, as is nowe to be seene, that accor­dinge vnto the prophecye of Esay it may be tried vnto her: Reioyce thou drie desert, let the vvil­dernes Esay. 35. be glad and florishe like the [...]y, the vvast places shall bring forthe and reioyce. You loose handes and dissolute knees ye shall be strengthened. Comforte your selues, you faynt harted, you shall be strenthened feare not. Behoulde our God hathe restored iudgement and vvill requite. He vvill come and saue you. For sayth he the vvaters shall flovve in the deserte and the valleyes in a thyrsty lande, and the dry lande shall beturned into marishe, and the fountaynes of vvaters into drye lande. And these thinges of olde time foretolde by wordes were graffed in holy Scripture, but the things nowe brought to passe, are not onely deliuered vnto vs by hearesay but by workes themselues. This desert destitute of water, this widowe and desolate (whose gates with axes like timber in the woodes they haue hewed downe, For they haue broken her in peeces vvith axes and hammers: Whose bookes they haue destroied, And Psal. 74. burned vvih fiere the Sanctuary of God, for they haue throvven to the grounde the tabernacle of his name: vvhose grapes they haue gathered as many as passed this vvay & throvven dovvne her hedges, the vvhich the vvilde bore out of the vvoode hathe rooted vp, and the vvilde beaste of the fielde deuoured) By the wonderfull workes of Christ, presently where it pleased him is Psal. 80. Prouerb. 3. Heb. 12. become like the lily. For then by his commaundement accordinge vnto the prouidence of the fa­ther she was chasticed (VVhome the Lorde loueth he chasticeth, he scurgeth euerye childe vvhome he receiueth) and after due measure conuerted, she is commaunded to reioyce from a­boue & now florisheth like the lily & breatheth vnto all mē an holy sweete smelling sauor. for sayth he the vvater shall flovve in the desert, they to wete which are holy, of the sauinge fountaine of newebyrth. And now that whiche a while agde was desert is turned to marishe, and the well­springe of the water of lyfe issued out into thyrstie lande. And to say the truthe, the handes before loose are strengthened, these workes also which we presently beholde are greate and famous to­kens of the wonderfull power and handy worke of God. Moreouer the knees of old withered and weakened, hauinge recouered theyre strength and wounded paces, doe enter the right and highe way of deuine knowledge and hasten vnto the flocke of the high sheepherde. But if theyr mindes haue bene amazed with the threates of sundry tyrantes, neither hath the worde of saluation con­temned the cure of them, but healinge them notably, leadeth them vnto heauenly comforte, saying Comfort yourselues you faint harted be strong feare not. and because it behoued this wildernes wrought for God to enioy these benefits, this our newe and passing Zorobabel, endued with that Esay. 35. readines of mind he is of, to geue eare, obeying the sayings of the prophets, after that bitter captiuity and abhomination of desolation, despised not this deade carcase, but before all thinges paci­fying God the father with prayers and supplications together with the consente of you all: & ta­king him for a helper and fellowe worker which alone quickeneth the deade, raised her being fal­len, after that he had purged and cured the mischiefs which were wrought: and gaue her a stole, not wherewith she was cladd of old but that which she learned againe of holy scripture which te­stifieth thus: And the later glory of this house shall passe the former. Wherefore enlarging this The wall of the church. quire with farre greater rowme, he hath fortified the outer compasse of the whole buylding with a wall, that it might be a most safe hedge of all the whole work: next he hath erected a great porch, reaching very high eastwardes vnto the sunne beames, so that vnto them which stande a farre of The porch. without the halowed walls it yealdeth a cleare shewe of the artificiall worke contayned within them, and with all turning, or entising the countenance of foreyners toutching the fayth vnto the first entrance, so that none passe by, which is not pricked in minde first with the remembrance of the former desolation past, next with the sight of this wonderfull worke (vnto such as were hoped and wished for) a pricke paraduenture to draw men and by the beholding thereof to entice mē to A space be­twene the Sanctuary the porche. enter in: them also who already are entred within the gates he suffreth not with foule and vnwashed feete to drawe nigh vnto the inner partes of the most holy places. For making a separation with great distance betwene the temple it selfe & the first entrance he hath bewtified this place on euery side with foure ouerthwarte porches, and after the forme of a quadrangle he compassed them about one euery side with highe pillers, the distance whereof he hathe shutte with latice like netts, made of wood and measured after the breadeth of the place, the open middle he left free that the gorgeous skie mighte be seene, and that it might yeld the aere tempered with the bright [Page 176] beames of the sunne. Hither hath he referred pleadges of holy purgations, to meete welsprings lying ouer against the temple which with great plenty of water graunte licence of purifying vnto Welspringes cockes or cund [...]s. such as enter into the holy cloysteres. The first exercise for such as enter yeldeth vnto euery one bewty & brightnes, to were the washing of their handes & clensing of their body, but vnto thē that desire the knowledge of the chiefe principles of our religion a fi [...]e mansion place to continewe. Moreouer when he had wonderfully garnished the sight of these he proceeded on & made the en­traunces of the temple wide open, as yet w t more artificiall porches wrought within side. And a­gaine he placed three gates of the one side subiecte to the sunne beames, the which he made to ex­cell, Gates. w t the midd distāce of both sids, by reason of the biggnesse and breadth thereof, the which also he notably sett forth with bowes of brasse, linked with iron and sundry kinds of carued worke, and substituted them vnto it as gardinge souldiers vnto a queene. After this maner he added the same number of porches vnto the galeryes on euery side of the whole temple, and ouer thē from aboue Porches. Windowes. he inuēted sundry falles of greater lights vnto the whole house & the setting out or fronte of thē he hath diuersly wrought ouer, with carued timber. But the princely pallace he hath fortified w t more precious & more gorgeous stuff, vsing for this more plēteous liberality of expēces. It seemeth vn­to me herein a thing superflous if y I would describe the length & breadth of this house, these gor­geous ornaments, the vnspeakable greatnes, y glistering shew of the worke, the height reaching vnto y heauens, & if that I would extoll with speach the precious cedre trees of Libanus hanging ouer, the which holy Scripture haue not passed ouer with silence, saying: The trees of the Lorde vvill reioyce, and the cedres of Libanus vvhich the Lord hath planted. To what end shall I en­treate Psal. 104. more curiously of the most wise and chiefe deuised disposition of the building, and againe of the excellent ornature of euery seuerall parte, when as the testimony of the eyes them selues pas­seth and excludeth that knowledg which pearceth the eare. But this man hauing finished the tem­ple and the most high seates for the presidents honor, againe hauinge placed the vnderseates in a passing good order, and last of all the most holy place, the alter beinge sett in the middest: agayne he so compassed these things wyth wooden rayles wrought vp to the toppe wyth artificiall car­uynge, that many might not come therein, yeldinge a wonderfull bewty to the beholders. Nether The floore or pauement hath he negligētly strawed the pauement. This he gorgeously bedecked with marble stone & now consequently he tooke in hād the vtter partes of the temple, he builded seates and goodly chapels one ether side very artificially and ioyned thē to the temples side, he beat out windowes & coopled them to the doores of the middle temple, the which things also our Solomon an earnest maintainer of peace, & builder of this temple hath brought to passe, for such as yet want the sacrifice & sprink­lings done by water and the holy ghost. So that the prophecy aboue mentioned, consist no longer in words but is accomplished in deede it selfe. For as yet, as it is most true, The later glorie of this house passeth the former. For it behoued and most meete it was, In so much that the Lorde had bene in agony & had once embraced death for her, and after his passion, the foule body (which for her sake he putt on) being translated vnto brightnes and glory, and the flesh it selfe after disso­lution, ledd from corruption to incorruption: that shee in like maner shoulde enioye the gracious goodnes of our Sauiour. Although she had promisses of the Lord himselfe of farre more excellēt gifts, and desireth incessantly to obtaine a greater glory of newe birth at the resurrection of the incorruptible body, together with the glisteringe brightnes of the Angelicall quire aboue in the heauens & pallaces of God, with Iesus Christ him selfe the chiefe benefactor and Sauiour in the world to come: yet in the meane space, in this present life, she which of old was a widowe and soli­tary nowe adorned by the grace of God with these flowres and become in deede like the lily, according vnto the sayinge of y prophete she hath put on her weddinge robe & is compassed about with a crowne of bewty & as it were instructed by Esay to daunce for ioy. let vs heare of her how she of­freth with reuerence, thanksgeuing vnto God the king with the voice of praise when she sayeth: Let my soule reioyce in the Lorde. For he hath putt vpon me the garment of saluation, & coue­red Esay. 61. The church [...]ioy [...]eth. me vvith the mantell of righteousnes. He hath bedecked me like a brydgrom vvith a crown & like a bryd vvith ornamēts: for euē as the earth multiplieth her flovvrs and like as the gardene shooteth forth her seedes, so hath God caused righteousnes and praises to florishe before all the heathen. With such sayings doth she triumphe, but heare with what words, the brydgrome, the celestiall word, Iesus Christ himselfe doth answere her, the Lorde himselfe saying: Feare not be­cause Esay. 54. thou vvast confounded, neyther be thou ashamed because thou hast bene sett at nought. The Lord hath not called thee as a vvoman forsaken and faynt harted, neyther as a vvoman ha­ted [Page 201] from her youth vp, sayth thy God. A litle vvhile haue I forsaken thee, & in great mercyes will I pitie thee: whē I vvas a little vvhile angry I turned my face from thee but in great mercies will I pardon thee sayth the Lord thy redemer. Awake, awake, thou that frō the hād of the Lord hast Esay. 51. dronke the cupp of his wrath. Thou hast dronke of, and emptied cleane the cupp of destructiō, the cupp of my wrath. There was not of all thy sonnes whome thou hast begotten not one lefte to cōfort thee, not one vvhich might hould thee vp with the hand behold I haue taken the cupp of destruction out of thy hand, euen the cupp of my wrath & henceforth see thou drinke of it no more & I will putt it into theyr hand vvhich vvrongfully troubled thee & vvhich haue humbled thee to the dust. Avvake, avvake▪ putt on thy strength, put on thy glory. Shake from thee the dust Esay. 52. Esay. 49. arise & sitt vp▪ plucke out thy necke from the collar▪ lift vp thine eyes and looke about thee & see thy sonnes gathered about thee. Behold they are gathered together & come vnto thee. As truely as I liue sayth the Lorde, thou shalt put them all vpon thee as an apparell, and gird them vnto thee as a bride doth her ievvels▪ as for thy land that hath layen desolate vvasted & destroyed: it shalbe frequented of thine inhabitors & they vvhich haue deuored thee shalbe farre of. For the sonnes vvhich thou hast lost shall say in thine ears: this place is narrovve for me, prouide a place vvhere I may dvvell, and thou vvilt say in thine harte: vvho hath begotten me these? I vvas barrē and a vvidovve, but vvho hath nurished these for me? I vvas left alone, but vvhence come these vnto me? These things hath Esay prophecied▪ these things of old were graffed in holy Scripture cōcerning vs & requisit it was that somwhere we should behold y trueth thereof shewed in works thēselues. Wherfore because the bridgrome, the word of God hath thus spoken vnto the spouse his most holy church, very well hath this chiefe solemnizer of the mariadge raised & restored this desert lying after the maner of a dead carcase, destitute and voyd of all hope of man, by the commō prayers of you all & the true hands stretched forth at the commaundement of the vniuersall king & by shewing of the power of Iesu Christ: & beinge raised ordained her such a one as he had learned by the description of holy scripture. This miracle then passeth & is aboue measure to be wondred at, of them specially which only make the shewe of outward things. The chiefe typs & foreshewes spirituall of these do excede all maruelous & miraculous things, y intellectual & theologicall pat­terns, to wete the renewing & repayring of the deuine & reasonable building in the souls, y which y sonne of God according vnto y likenes which he made of him self, made it in all things like vnto God, to wete an incorruptible nature, an incorporeall a rationall, seuered frō all earthly substāce & a selfe spirituall essence▪ which at the beginning ordained y it should be of that which was not & made vnto him selfe & to y father, an holy spouse & a most sacred temple which he sheweth affir­ming manifestly when he sayth: I vvill dvvell in them & vvalke among thē. I vvilbe their God & 2. Corinth. 6. they shalbe me people. And in deede the mind of man was perfect & purged & so prepared frō the beginning, that it might bewtifie the heuenly word and fructifie in it selfe: but it became enuious and by the motion of the malicious deuell, subiect of his owne accorde to passions & sett on malice that it was forsaken of God, and destitute of his helpe, vnarmed, sett forth and left to the snars of them which of old haue spited & enuied at his saluation, ouerthrowen by the terrours & sleyghtes of the [...]uisible and spirituall enemyes: hath fallen with suche a fall as maye not be recouered, so that not one vertuous stone cleaued to an other in it, but lay all prostrate vpon the earth and dead, be re [...]te of the naturall vnderstanding of God. And beinge fallen which was made after the likenes of God, no wild bore out of the wood as is visible among vs, rooted it vp: but some perni­cious deuell and spirituall wild beaste which haue sett it a fire with theyr passions as with the fi­rye darts of theyr malice: burned with fire the true Sanctuary of God: & throwen to the earth the dwelling place of his name & troddē it, thus miserably lying ouercast with a great heape of earth for euer to dispaire of saluation. But the holy word of saluation, carefull hereof, obeing the boun­tifullnes of his most gracious father, reuenged him of the sinners with punishmente due for their desert. First of all then by takinge away the liues of the most impious and pernicious of all, the moste greuous and hated tyrauntes of God, he purged the whole worlde with the industry of the most godly princes: next he brought vnto the open face of the world; men well knowen of him de­dicated and consecrated vnto him of olde in godly life and protected by him, thoughe in secrete (the troublesome times then drawing nigh) them againe hath he honored sufficiētly with plente­ousnes of his spirit, and by the meanes of these hath he wiped and clensed the soules a litle before infected, oppressed with all kinde of filthe, and heapes of impious decrees, with reprehensiue leasons of Discipline as it were with digginge and deluinge instrumentes, as spades, and the [Page 202] company of your minds garnished and made glorious he hath deliuered vnto this most wise cap­taine and beloued God: who otherwise preuailinge in iudgemente and industry of inuention kno­wing and discerning the dispositiō of the soules commited to his charge, beginning as I may say from the first day to build hath not yet vnto this day rested, one while framinge in you all gliste­ring gold, an other while, tried, and purified siluer and precious stones, to the end he may accom­plish a fresh, in you by workes themselues the sarred and mysticall prophecy which is thus read: Behold I vvyll make thy vvalls of precious stone and thy fundations of Saphires, thy bulwarks Esay. 54. of Iasper thy gates of Crystall and thy borders of chosen stones. Thy children shall be taught of God. I will geue all thy children plenteousnes of peace and in righteousnes shalt thou be groū ­ded. Therefore building in righteousnes he hath proportionably seuered y powers of the whole people, by some, comprising the only outward wall, he hath fortified the fayth that is void of error. But this people being many & great in nūber is not fitt to resemble the buylding of a more excel­lent worke. Vnto some he committed the entrances of the house, geuing them in charge to watch the dores and to guide suche as enter in, who not vnworthely are shewed to be the porches of the temple, Some he hathe firmely sett about the inner court with chiefe pillers after the maner of a quadrāgle and to the chiefe bulwarks he hath referred the Scripture of the foure Euangelists. Againe some he hath coupled with fortresses one eyther side about the princely pallace, which as yet are nouices in the faith they both increase and prosper, yet sett farther of from the inward holy cōtemplation of the faithful. Of these hath he taken the incorrupt soules, purified with the deuine fountaine after the maner of gold, & others hath he sett vp with pillers, farre mightier then those outward, out of the inner wrytings of mysticall. Scripture, and sett them forth liuely to minister light. The glorious doctrine of the high & supreme king, that is, of the one and onely God, hathe adorned the whole temple, with one porche and the same very notable. He hath atributed the se­conde bewtifull brightnes vnto the power of Christ, and to the power of the holy ghost, and euery where vnto the power of the Father, as for y rest he hath expressed the excellency of euery trueth, both plentifull and manifold throughout the whole house, euery way forth and one euery side he hath buylded a great a princely and a noble house full of light throughout, with liuely, seasoned, sure, and chosen stones of the soules. He hathe bewtified the inner and vtter partes with the moste florishing atyre of continency and temperance, in so muche as they consist not onely of soule and mind but also of body. There are also in this temple thrones and infinite vnder seates and receptacles in all those soules, wherein the graces of the holy Ghost haue their abode, such as of olde ap­peared vnto them which had their conuersation with the holy Apostles, of whom also clouen ton­gues were seene as if they had bene fire, and rested vpon ech one of them▪ but whole Christ him Act. 2. selfe hath fastened his seate in him which gouerneth all, in others secondarily next after him pla­ced, rateably as euery ones capacitie can comprise the diuisiōs of the power of Christ and his ho­ly spirit. The vnder seates are both Angels and soules of certayne men, euen of such as are com­mitted vnto euery on for institution & custodies sake. The noble, the great and onely altar, what o­ther thinge is it than the most holy place & y sincerity of the priests soule which is common to all, at y right hand of which altar standeth the great high priest of all, Iesus himselfe the only begottē sonne of God, which directeth vnto the father of heauen and the vniuersall God, that sweete smel­linge perfume, the vnbloody, and spirituall sacrifices of prayers, receaued of all with swift eyes and stretched out armes, & first of all he himself with adoration, and alone exhibiteth due honor vn­to the father and next prayeth, that he wil be vnto vs all pacified and gentle, firmely and for euer? This greate temple, which is in the whole worlde vnder the sunne, the great workeman of al▪ euē the word of God hath ordained: and againe he hath finished vpon earth this spirituall likenes of them which clime ouer the same circular forme of the heauens that the father, might be hono­red and worshiped through him of euery creature and resonable thinges on this earth: againe he hath made the supercelestial hoste and the shewes of these things there to be seene: to be short that Ierusalem which they call newe, and Sion the celestiall mounte and supernaturall cytye of the li­uing God, in the which infinite solemne troups of Angels & the church of the first begotten which are wryttē in heauen, do honor with secret and vnsearchable prayses, our maker and the g [...]ll prince of all whome no mortall man can worthely sett forth. For the eye hathe not seene and the eare hath not heard, neyther hathe the harte of man conceaued the things vvhich God prepared 1. Corinth. 2. for them that loue him, Whereof we nowe partly beinge thought worthy, both men, women, and children, all together as well smale as great, with one spirit and with one soule, lett vs not ceasse [Page 203] with thankesgeuinge, to celebrate the author of so greate benefits bestowed vpon vs▪ VVhich hath mercy on all our sinnes, and cureth all our maladyes, vvhich hathe redemed our life from destruction, he crovvneth vs in loue and mercies and filleth our desire vvith goodnes. For he hathe not dealt vvith vs acordinge vnto our sinnes, neyther revvarded vs accordinge vnto our iniquities. For looke hovve farre the east is from the vveast, so farre hath he sett our sinnes from vs. And euen as a father tendreth his sonnes, so hathe the Lorde tendered suche as feare him. Ponderinge therefore in our mindes these thinges alwayes hereafter, and settinge before our mynde the author and solemnizer of this presente feaste, of this ioyfull and renowmed daye, yea daye and night, euery houre and as I may so saye vnto the last gaspe, embracinge and reueren­ringe him with all the mighte of our minde, and nowe risinge: lette vs humblye beseeche him with the greate voyce of our earnest desires, that he kepe and defende vs in his sheepe foulde vnto the ende, and that he alwayes gouerne the peace, whiche he him selfe hathe graunted, ne­uer to be broken, alwayes immoueable, in Christ Iesu our Sauiour, to whome be glory world without ende.

Amen.

CAP. V.

The edicts of Constantinus and Licinnius toutching Christian religion and the libertie thereof.

GO to nowe lett vs proceede on & annexe the coppies of the imperiall edicts of Constantinus and Licinnius translated out of the Romayne into the Greeke tongue as followeth: VVey­inge The copy of the Imperiall edicts trāsla­ted out of the latine into the Greeke & out of the Greeke into Englishe. vvith our selues that of olde the liberty of religion vvas not to be hindered and that euery one had licence after his minde and vvill: vve haue presently commaunded that euery one shall handle the holy affayres at his pleasure, and that the christians shall retayne the fayth of theyre former opinion and vvonted seruice. But in as much as manifolde and differente o­pinions doe rise by reason of that edicte in the vvhich suche a licence and liberty vvas graunted: vve haue thought good to lay dovvne manifestly the thinges vvhereby paraduenture diuerse of them vvere restrayned from such an obseruation. VVhen as vvith prosperous successe I Constā ­tinus emperour & I Licinnius emperour came to Millayne, and enquired of the thinges vvhich made for the cōmodity & profit of the common vvealth, these amōgst many other thinges see­med expediēt, yea before all other vve purposed to decree, vvherein the reuerēce & seruice due to God is cōprised, that is to say, by the vvhich vve might graunt vnto the christians alltogether free choise to embrace vvhat seruice & ceremonies pleased thē best, to the end the Godhead of the caelestiall affayres novv euery vvhere receaued might in some parte be reconciled vnto vs & to all our subiects, Thē according vnto this our pleasure vve haue decreed vvith sounde & most right iudgemēt, that licence & liberty be henceforth denied vnto none at all, of choosing or fo­lovving the christian seruice or religion, but that this liberty be graunted vnto euery one to ad­dict his mind vnto that relligion, vvhich he thinketh fitte for him, to the ende that God may graunt vnto vs his vvonted care and goodnes. It vvas necessary for vs to signifie vnto thee this our pleasure, to the end the opinions contayned in our former letters sent vnto thy vvisedom in the behalfe of the Christians may altogether be taken avvay, & that the opinions vvhich seeme very foolishe and farre from our elemencies liking may be cutt of, and novve vvhosoeuer freely and firmely is thus disposed to retayne the christian religion, let him do it vvithout all molesta­tion or greuance. These thinges haue vve determined to signifie fully vnto thy carefullnes, that thou mayst knovve vs to haue graunted vnto the christians free and absolute licence to retayne their ovvne religion, & because that vve haue graunted absolute liberty to vse their obseruance & religion, if so please any it manifestly auayleth for the trāquility of our tymes that euery one haue liberty to chuse and vvorship vvhat God please him best. This haue vve done lest ought of our doinges seeme preiudiciall vnto any seruice or religion: and this besides other specially vve thought good to decree concerning the christians, that they enioy their places vvhere afore time they vvere accustomed to frequent, vvhereof in our former letters sent vnto thy vvisdome, there vvas an other order concerninge the former time: that if any had bought them ether of our treasury or of any other, they should vvithout all delayes or doubtes restore them vnto the chri­stians, vvithout siluer & vvithout any other demaunde in recompence for it. And if any (hauing obtayned the same by gift graciously bestovved vpon him by our goodnes) demaunde ought [Page 204] in theyre names for recompence lett, them haue recourse vnto the liuetenante and iudge of the place that consideration be had of them by our benignity, all vvhich, vvithout any delay thou shalt by thine industry require, to be graunted vnto the christian society. And because the sayd christians are knowen, not onely to haue enioyed the place of theyr meetings and assem­blies but also certaine others peculier, not to euery one priuately, but belonginge by right vnto theyr proper persons: see that thou commaunde all those according vnto the decree mentioned before, to be restored vnto the christians, that is to euery theyre society and Synode, all delay sett aparte, obseruinge in the meane tyme the aforesayd maner, that if any as we haue sayd re­store thē without receauing of reward they may assure themselues to suffer no domage through our gracious bountifullnes. In all these aforesayd see thou imploy great industry in the behalf of the sayd christian society, to the ende this our decree may speedely take place & that in this be­halfe we prouide by our clemency for the common & publique peace & trāquility. by this mea­nes as it is aforesayd the goodnes of God towards vs the which we haue diuersly tried already, shall continewe at all times immoueable. And to the ende the drift of this our constitution and goodnes may be made manifest vnto all men, it shalbe expedient that these our wrytings be e­uery where proclaimed and brought vnto the knowledge of all our louing subiects lest that the constitution of this our gracious goodnes be hid from any man.

The coppy of another Imperiall constitution, by the which it is signified that this gift concerneth the Catholicke Churche.

VVe greete you welbeloued Anilinus. The order of our gracious goodnes is this. we will that Constātinus & Licinnius the Empe­rours vnto Anilinus proconsul of Aphrick. the thinges which belong vnto others by right be not onely not hindred: but also with speede restored. wherefore our pleasure is that as soone as thou hast receaued these letters, If any of the things which belong vnto the catholicke church of the christians throughout euery city or in a­ny other place be occupied by the citizēs or by any others: thou see the same immediatly resto­red vnto their churches. we haue already heretofore decreed the same: that the possessiōs belon­ging vnto the churches afore time should be restored to theyr right. In as much as then thy wise dome perceaueth this to be the manifest cōmaundemēt of our constitutiō, prouide that if other gardens or houses or other possessiōs whatsoeuer haue belonged vnto the title of their churches all the same be speedely restored vnto them againe, to the ende we may vnderstand that thou hast diligently obeyed this our commaundement. Farewell most honorable & our deare friend Anilinus.

The coppy of the Emperours epistle by the which he summoned a Synode of byshops to meete at Rome for the vniting and reconciling of the churches

Constantinus the emperour vnto Meltiades byshop of Rome and Marcus sendeth greeting. Constātinus the empe­rours vnto Militiades byshop of Rome. In so much as many such epistles are brought vnto me from Anilinus liuetenant of Aphrick, in the which it is sayd that Cecilianus byshop of Carthage is reprehended in many things of diuers his collegs cōmorant in Aphrick, & this seemeth vnto me very greuous, that ther should be foūd in these prouinces (the which the prouidence of God hath allotted peculiarly vnto my discre­tion) a greate multitude of people prone vnto the worse & disagreeing, & that among byshops there should be variance: it semed good vnto me that Cecilianus himselfe together with the ten byshops which seeme to reprehende him and tenne others whome he thought necessary in the behalfe of his cause, doe sayle vnto Rome: that there in presence of you all, together with Reti­cius, Maternus, and Marcus, your collegs, whome therefore I commaunded to hasten to Rome he may be heard, to the end you may be enstructed what things agree best with the most religi­ous lawe. And that you may haue full intelligēce, toutching all these thinges, I haue sent vnder­neath my letters vnto your sayd collegs the coppy of the letters sente from Anilinus vnto me. The which being read your fidelity may proue how the aforsayd matter may exquisitly be [...]if­ted and ended after the rule of equity. Your industry is not ignorant but that I attribute so much reuerence vnto the catholicke church, that I woulde haue you suffer in any place no schisme or dissention at all. The diuinity of the great God kepe you (most honorable) many yeares.

The coppy of the emperours epistle by the which he commaunded a second Synode to be summoned for the remouinge of the dissention and debate risen betwene the byshops.

Constantinus the emperour vnto Chrestus byshop of Syracula sendeth greeting. Heretofore Constātinus the empe­rour vnto Chrestus bi­shop of Sira­cusa. truely vvhen as some vvickedly & peruersly vvent about to seuer themselues from the religion of the sacred and celestiall povver, and from the catholicke opinion, I purposing that such con­tentions of theyrs should be cut of, haue wrytten & ordained, that certaine byshops shoulde be cited from Fraunce & againe that they should be called from Aphricke which of the other part contētiously & stifly striue among thēselues (the byshop of Rome also being present) to the end whatsoeuer this dissention nowe raysed seemeth to be, it might in theyr presence with great in­dustry & diligence be sifted out and redressed. But in so much as, (as it commonly cometh to passe) diuerse of them, being negligent, forgetfull of their owne saluation & the reuerence due vnto the most holy opinion ceasse not as yet to dilate theyr enmytie, & being altogether vnwil­ling to consent vnto the sentence already geuē, they definitiuely affirme that few of thē brought forth theyr sentences and iudgements & before they had narrowly sifted out all that was to be enquired, to haue stepped forth toe swiftly & to hastely toe geue iudgement. of all these things, this came to passe that they whose part it was to maintaine brotherly vnity & concord, shame­fully yea vvickedly disagre amōg thē selues & minister an occasiō of moccage vnto men whose minds are farre alienated from the most sacred religiō. VVherefore I must be carefull that, that which should volūtarily haue bene appeased after that iudgemēt was geuen: nowe at length in the presence of many be ended & finished. Because that we haue commaūded diuerse byshops out of sundry prouinces to meete in the Calends of August at the city of Orleance, we thought good to wryte vnto thee that thou (takinge of the famous Latronianus liuetenant of Sicilia, an ordinary vvagan & together vvith some tvvo of them, of the seconde order, vvhome thou shalt thinke good to choose, moreouer vvith three seruants vvhich shalbe able to serue thee in thy iourney) hasten within the compasse of the same days vnto the sayd place, that by the meanes of thy faythfull industry, vvith the peaceable and vniforme wisedome of the rest which there shall meete, this dissention which hitherto wickedly endured with a certaine shamefull winching & repininge (all beinge heard which may be sayd of ether partes varyinge amonge them selues whome we haue likewise commaunded to be present) may novve at length be closed vp with religion, and fayth, and brotherly concorde that ought to be required of vs all. The almighty God kepe thee in health many yeares.

CAP. VI. Constātinus vnto Cecilia nꝰ byshop of Carthage. Pholes ac­cording vnto Epiphaniꝰ is a weyght o­ther wise cal­led Talantiū and the same is too folde the one con­taining 312. poūdes & six ounces: the other wey­ing 208. pence. it is vsed of Sui­das and Au­gustine de ciuit. Dei lib. 22. cap. 8. for a halfpeny.

A coppy of the Emperours epistle by the which h [...] graunted money vnto the Churches.

COnstantinus the emperour vnto Cecilianus byshop of Carthage sendeth greetinge. In so much as it pleased vs to minister some thing for expences sake vnto some certaine mini­sters of the approued & most holy religion, throughout euery the prouinces of Aphricke Numidia & Mauritania: I haue sent letters vnto Ʋrsus the renowmed liuetenant of Aphricke & signified vnto him that he shoulde cause three thousande pholes of siluer to be tolde vnto thy fidelity. Therefore as soone as thou hast receaued the sayd some of money, see the same di­stributed vnto all the aforesayd, accordinge vnto our writt sent by Osius. If thou perceaue ought to be wantinge, so that our vvill herein tovvardes all may not be accomplished, demaunde of Heraclas our tresoror as much as assuredly thou thinkest lackinge. This I gaue him in charge vvhen he vvas present, that if thy fidelitie required any money of him, he shoulde without any more a doe deliuer the same vnto thee. And for as muche as I vnderstande that some trou­blesome persons were disposed to peruerte by some lewde corruption, the people of the most holy and Catholicke Churche: I geue thee to vnderstande that I gaue forth such iniunctions in presence of Anilinius the liuetenante and Patricius the gouernoures vicegerente, that a­monge all other thinges they should specially haue due regarde hereof, and that they should in no wise permitte such a thinge, to fall out. vvherefore if thou perceaue some such men to persist in this theyr folly, without anymore a doe haue recourse vnto the sayde iudges and [Page 206] make them priuey thereof, that they consider of these as I charged them vvhen they vvere pre­sent. The diuinity of the great God long preserue thee.

CAP. VII.

A coppy of the epistle by the which he fraunchised the byshops from payinge taxe or tribute.

WE greete you most honorable Anilinus. Because that diuersly it appeareth, if that the Constātinus vnto Anilin' gouernour of Aphrick. religion wherein great estimation of holynes is maintained be sett at nought, greate dangers vvill ensue to the publicke affayres: and againe if the same be orderly hand­led & maintained, greate prosperity and speciall felicity will followe vnto the Romaine empire and the affayrs of all men, the goodnes of God exhibiting the same: it seemed good vnto vs that those men which labor in this godly religion, with due holynes and diligent obseruatiō of this lawe, shall receaue recōpence of their trauels. wherefore our pleasure is that they of the prouin [...]e cōmitted to thy charg which in the catholick church where Cecilianus gouerneth, minister in this holy religion, whome we commonly tearme clergie men, be wholy free & exempt from all pu­blicke burthens, lest by any error or cursed svva [...]uinge they be withdrawen from the seruice due vnto God. But rather may occupy themselues about theyr profession without any molesting at all, who while they accōplishe the great ministery of the holy seruice, doe seeme to profitt very much the publicke affayrs. Farewell most honorable Anilinus. To be short, such things hath the deuine & celestiall grace of our Sauiour at the appearinge thereof graunted vnto vs: such greate benefits were bestowed by reason of our peace vpon all men: and thus wēt our affayres in ioy and solemnycies.

CAP. VIII.

The ingratitude of Licinnius towards Constantinus, and his cruelty towardes the Christians.

The sight of these things was intollerable for y deuel, enemy of honesty, & worker of malice to behold. neither in like sort did y things which happened vnto the forsayd tyrants, suffice Li­cinnius better to aduise him selfe. Who while he enioyed a prosperous raygne & the second honor next after the emperour Constantinus the greate, and was hyghly reuerenced for his affiny­tye and kynrede with Constantinus, layinge aside the example of good princes, imitated the wic­kednes and impietie of cruell tyrants: & whose tragicall lyfes he sawe ended before his face these mens censures wold he followe rather then continew in the fauoure and friendship of the better. wherefore being moued agaynst his deare friende in all things with the prycks of enuy, raysed a­gainst him a wicked and a very sore battaill, neyther tendering the lawes of nature, neither mind­ful of protested othes, neither of blood, neyther of the couenauntes passed betwene them. Yet the renowned emperour, that he might shewe him the tokēs of true friendship & hartie good will, en­uied not at his kinred, neither denyed his company in honorable wedlocke with his sister: yea he Licinniꝰ had maried Constantinus si­ster. voutchsafed to make him partaker of his fathers kinred and the emperiall blood: & to be shorte he had graunted him as to his alliance and fellowe emperour authority ouer the whole empire, & cō ­mitted vnto him no small part of the nations subiect to the Romaine empire, for to gouerne and rule. He likewise practising the contrary, inuented dayly all kinde of wiles against him that was of higher power, & deuised all subtle sleyghts to recompence his deare friend euel for good. where fore in the beginning to cloke his conspiracy he fayned friendship, & often in the meane space guil­fully & deceatfully by his laying of waite he hoped easily to bring to passe y which he desired. But God being the friend & fauorer & keeper of Constantinus brought to light the wayte layde for him in secret & in hugger mugger. For truely the power & the strong armour of piety is of great force both to reuenge the enemy and to preserue proper health: so that the most godly emperour beinge strengthened therewith escaped the manifold sleyghts of the cursed enemy. But Licinnius when he perceaued that his secret conspiracy framed not after his mind, for that God reuealed vnto the godly emperour, all his guyle and deceate, when he coulde no longer cloke his rebellion, be ray­seth open warres: & withall when he purposed to geue battaill vnto Constātinus he went about to impugne almighty God himself, whome he knew to be worshiped of Constātine. Afterward he en­deuored to impugne by a litle litle & secretly the saincts vnder his dominion, who neuer molested [Page 207] nor endomaged his empire, neither hurt him any kinde of way at all. and to bring this to passe, he was sore pricked & geuen to do mischiefe of his proper malice ingraffed in him. Wherfore neither laying before his eyes the remēbrance of them which persecuted the christians before him, neither of them whome he had chastized & executed for committing of impietie, but renouncing his right witts he embraced open madnes, and purposed to impugne in steade of him that was holpen, God him selfe the helper of Constantinus, and first of all he banished all the Christians from his court, depriuinge him [...]elfe (seely wretche) of their praiers which they made vnto God for him, the which also they were wont to make for all men after their coūtrie discipline. Afterwards he com­maunded that the souldiers appoynted in the citie should be depriued and spoyled of their honor & dignities, vnlesse they would do sacrifice vnto deuills. These were small things in respect of grea­ter practises which he committed. To what end should I rehearse the things which the enemy of God cōmitted seuerally and by peeces: howe the most vniust, made vniust lawes, who by his in­iunctions gaue commaundement that no charitie by any man shoulde be extended towardes them which were afflicted in prison: neither cōpassion should be had on them which in fetters were like to perishe for famine, neither was it lawfull for any to be honest or to practise charitie, which were bound by the lawes of nature to pitie their kinsfolkes? and that lawe was in deede to shame­full and most cruell exceedinge all paciencie of nature, vnto the which there was a penaltie an­nexed, that such as had ministred of their charitie, were punished alike with them vnto whome it was ministred, and such as had shewed any kindnes towards them, were fettered, imprisoned, and punished alike with the afflicted. Such were the constitutions of Licinnius. To what purpose shal repeate his practises toutching marriage, and his innouations toutching deade men, whereby he presumed to abolishe the auncient lawes of the Romaines well and wisely ordained: and brought in certaine barbarous and cruell lawes in deede very vniust and vnlawfull, and infinite fained lea­sings, the which he deuised against the nations subiect to his dominion, sundry taxes of golde and siluer, surueying of lands, gainfull penalties vpon the men throughout the contrey which then li­ued not, but of olde were deseased: and to be short the enemy of all goodnes, deuised for swearing of the lande to such entent and purpose against them which had done no harme, and doyng away of noble and honest personages, whose youthly & tender wiues being seuered from their husbands he deliuered to seruants of his to be contumeliously and shamefully handled, & many maried wiues, virgines and maydens, hath he shamefully abused (though he being nowe in his latter dayes, and as it were at deaths dore) to the satisfying of his lecherous and beastlie lust. to what end shal I vse many words in this matter, when as the excesse of his later doings, made the former which were small, to seeme in maner noth [...]g. Wherfore his later madnes assaulted the bishops, he tooke thē in so much they were worshippers of almightie God, to be enemies to his doings, whome he tooke in hand, though not openly, for feare of the superior, yet againe in secrete and deceatfully, and [...]lew through wiles diuers of the best approued gouernours. The maner of that slaughter he vsed, was straunge and neuer heard of before, his practises about Amasia & the other cities of Pontus, exceede all that passe in crueltie: where he ouerthrewe some of the churches of God euen to the pauements, shut vp others, lest that any in them should assemble after the wonted maner, and per­forme the seruice dew vnto God. neither was he perswaded that they in them prayed for him, be­cause he was of a corrupt conscience, but thought that we made supplicatiō vnto God, and did all for the godly Emperour Constantine, & for this cause he brake out into a furious rage against vs. Moreouer the flattering presidents supposinge in this behalfe to gratifie the mischieuous tyrant, tormented some of the bishops, as lewde persons are punished, led them forth, and punished with­out cause such as had committed none euill as if they had bene murtherers: wherof some endured a more straunge death, their bodies cutt in many small peeces, as bouchers do vse, and after this cruell and horrible spectacle, throwen into the bottomlesse goulfe of the surginge sea, to become foode for fishes. While these things were a doyng, againe the flight of godly men beganne, and a­gaine the fieldes, and againe the deserts, the woods and mountaines receaue the worshippers of Christ. When these things in this sort preuailed with the wicked tyrant, he thought thenceforth to rayse persecution agaynst all, and had brought his purpose to passe (for there was nothing to hinder him from this hainous offence) vnlesse that God which fighteth for the soules of his ser­uāts, had speedely forestopped & preuented his malicious enterprise, and had brought forth with a mightie arme in defence of the quarell his seruant Constantinus a defender of all the godly, as it were a great lyght in a darke and thicke mistie night.

CAP. IX.

Constantinus after that he ouer came Licinnius enioyed the empire alone, fauored the Christians, and restored peace.

GOd from aboue graunted vnto this man, this deserued frute of godlinesse, to wete victorie and triumphant signes againste wicked persons, and brought subiect the vngracious ty­rant together with all his counsellers and friends euen groueling at the feete of Cōstātine, For when he was fallen into extreme folly, the godly emperour & furtherer of christiā religion, perceauing that he was no longer to be borne withall, weyed this matter wisely, & mingling the seueritie of iustice with the clemencie of his nature, thought best with voluntarie mind, to delider from iniury such as were oppressed by the tyrant. And to the ende he might saue many, he went a­bout to cutt of a few hurtfull & pestilent persons. For when as Constantinus in times past had vsed clemencie and pitied him, which was worthy of no compassion at all, therby Licinnius enioyed no great commoditie for that he forsooke not his malice, but rather encreased his rage againste the nations subiect vnto him, for them, to wete, being oppressed & wearied by the sauadge beast, there remained no hope of saluation. Wherfore the defender of pietie ioyned the hatred of the euill with the loue of goodnes, & together with his sonne Crispus, the most clement emperour he went forth to battaile, and stretched forth his helping hande vnto all that were oppressed. These therefore to­gether, the father and the sonne, vsing for guide and helper God the supreme king and the sonne of God the sauiour of the whole worlde, hauinge both on euery side scattered the armies of the ene­mies of God, and all the aduersaries in that conflict by the power of God, (eden as they wished) being foyled and ouerthrowen: they gott an easie and a speedy victorie. Immediatly then, sooner then the word vttered, they which yester nyght and the day before breathed out present death and threaming thunder bolts of fiery persecution were not afterwardes remembred, no, not as much as once by name, their tytles and honors had deserued shame and ignominie, and Licinnius him selfe suffred the selfe same things a like, the which he sawe with his eyes to chaunce vnto the wic­ked tyrantes his predecessors. For be admitted no correction, neither aduised him selfe by the stripes of his kinsfolkes, but treadinge with them the same path of impietie, is brought by iuste iudgement into the same downefall. and thus was this man prostrated. Constantinus then beyng renowmed for euery rare vertue and godlinesse, being also chiefe conquerour: together with his sonne Crispus the most godly emperour, like vnto his father in all things, tooke the easterne and the Romaine empire of old time one, & brought subiect to their peace from the East euery where throughout both parts of the world, North and South, euen vnto the farthest place of the VVest. All the feare of them by whome they were afore time oppressed was taken away, and wiped from of the face of the earth, they celebrated solemne and royall feasts. All was replenished with the bryght beames of ioye and gladnesse, and they which afore time full sadly beheld eche other, now they do it with gladsome countenance and cheerefull eyes, they honored before all thinges (for so they were instructed) the supreme kinge, next the godly emperour together with his sonnes be­loued of God, with daunces and hymnes throughout townes and contries. Moreouer all olde in­iurie was forgotten, neither was there mention of any mans impietie at all, but the enioyinge of present prosperitie, and the expectation of goodnesse to come. The constitutions of the victorious emperour, full of clemencie and lawes containing manifest tokens of bountifulnesse and true pie­tie, were euery where proclaymed. Thus therefore all tyrannie beyng rooted out, the empire fitte and dew for Constantinus and his sonnes was preserued firme and free from all enuye, who, wy­ping away all impietie of their predecessors in lyfe, and enioying meryly all the benefits best ow­ed from aboue, haue sett forth by their lawes, decreed in the behalfe of the Christians, the study of vertue, and loue, and pietie towards God, with thankfulnesse of minde.

The ende of the tenth booke of the Ecclesiasticall history of Eusebius Pamphilus Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina.
THE ECCLESIASTICALL …

THE ECCLESIA­STICALL HISTORIE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS COMPRISED IN SEVEN BOOKES, BE­ginning where Eusebius left, & ending a hundreth and forty yeares after. VVRITTEN in the Greeke tongue aboue a thousande yeares agoe, and translated by M. H.

[figure]

Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefriers. 1576.

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLA­TOR VNTO THE READER TO VTCHING THE LIFE, AND HISTORIE OF SOCRATES.

IN so much that I finde not in any one writer either auncient or other­wise howsoeuer, a sufficient treatise or ample discourse of the life and hi­story of Socrates Scholasticus: I thought good for the Christian rea­ders sake to cull here and there such proofes as may bring him the better acquainted with this learned Historiographer, lest that vpon the so day ne he conceaue of him any sinister opinion or mis [...]king not knowing, either who, wh [...] or what doctrine he wrote of I do gather by his owne history that he liued in the time Socrat. lib. 6. eccl. hist. cap. 12. Volater. li 19. An­thropolog Socrat. li. 7. cap. 47 of Damasus Bishop of Rome, and florished in the tyme of [...]sto [...]e Bishop of Con­stantinople, about 412. yeares after Christ. of this opinion is [...] where he wri­teth▪ Socrates wrote the Ecclesiasticall history vnto the tyme of Chrysastome, when as it is most like he florished him selfe▪ but his owne wordes in my iudgement are play­ne [...] where the time is exactly layd downe in this sorte: Our whole historye (sayth he) being deuided into seuen bookes, compriseth the compasso of one hundreth and for­ty yeares, beginning at the first yeare of the two hundreth and firste Olympiade vvhen Constantine was proclaymed Emperour, & ending in the 2. yeare of the two hundreth eight & twentyeth Olympiad being the [...] Consulship of Theodosius the Emperour. Theodorus Zuinger calleth Socrates, Pistoriensom presbyterian, minister of Pistoria in Theodor. Zuinger. Ʋolaterr. Italy: and Volaterran calleth not him, but Soc [...]s (who liued about that tyme and wrote in like sorte the Ecclesiasticall history) minister of Pistoria. I doe not see how ei­ther of them being Grecians coulde be minister of any the latine or west Churches. Sozomenus was of Salamina an Ile hard by Athens where he wrote his historye in the Greeke tongue: Socrates was of Constantinople the which Volaterran doth confesse, nay his owne words doe testifie the same where he writeth in this sort: I of mine owne Socrat. li. 5. cap. 23. part (sayth Socrates) in so much I leade my life here at Constantinople, where I was borne, bredd and brought vp, no maruell though I write more at large of the famous acts done within this citye: partly seeing that I sawe most of them with mine eyes, and partly also in so much they are more famous and thought farre worthier of memory then many other Acts. Nicephorus that fabulous Historiographer doubteth not to sclaunder him with the hereticall sect of Nouatian, when as no such thinge can be ga­thered Niceph. lib▪ 9. cap. 13. lib. 11. cap. 14. Euseb. lib. cap. 2. Euseb. lib. cap. 27. 28▪ Euseb. lib. cap. 23. by the workes of Socrates. he dreameth that in so much he had familiaritie, and commendeth diuerse of the Nouatian Bishops for many their rare and singuler ver­tues, therefore without all peraduenture (sayth he) he was a Nouatian. I reade that O­rigen was of a long tyme in one house together at bedd and borde with an olde here­ticke whose name was Paulus: I see that Eusebius highly commendeth the heretick Ta­tianus for his booke against the Gentiles, he extolleth also Bardesanes the Syrian, who was a Valentian hereticke: I finde that Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria reuerenced wonderfully the person of Nepos the Chiliast, he doubted not to affirme that his soule was in rest: yet as we may in no wise call Origen an heretick for his familiaritye with Paulus: neyther Eusebius a Tatian or Valentinian for commending of Tatianus and Bardesanes, neyther Dionysius a Chiliast for extolling of Nepos, no more may we call [Page 214] Socrates a Nouatian for his familiaritie with Auxanon and praysing of the Nouatians. where he commendeth the Nouatians, where he maketh report of Auxanon, where also he excuseth him selfe, his wordes are these. I haue learned moreouer (sayth Socra­tes) Socrat. li. 1. cap. 9. that Eutychianus a man of syncere religion florished about that time, who though he were of the Nouatian sect, yet did he many straunge things. I will reueale him that reported me his doings, neyther will I cloke or conceale that at all, though therefore I may seeme to incurre suspicion or the reprehension of diuers persons. It was Auxa­non a priest of the Nouatian Church. In an other place he commendeth the Nouati­ans Socrat. li. 2. cap. 30. for embracing the Nicene Creede, for ioyning with the true Christians agaynst the Arian heretickes: who woulde not in like sorte commende them for the same? he sayth further that almost they had bene at vnitie with the true Catholicks, had not the fault bene in the Nouatians them selues. What other thing is this then commending of them for well doing and reprehending of them for ill doing? is he therefore to be termed a Nouatian? This Nicephorus sticked not in like sorte to call Eusebius an Arian, Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 5. lib. 2. cap. 17. who as it is well knowen vnto the whole worlde was at the councell of Nice, wrote the creede & condemned Arius with his owne hand. sure I am of this, that toutching the history, this Nicephorus hath patched together out of Eusebius, Socrates, Euagrius & other auncient writers: if euery birde tooke her fether from him there woulde be no­thing left of his owne parte but fables. Tritenhemius wrote reuerently of this author in this sorte: Socrates by byrth a Grecian, a learned and an eloquent man, a notable Hi­storiographer, Tritenhemius li. de eccl, scrip. of great fame by reason of his profounde skill: wrote a volume contai­ning the Ecclesiasticall history from the raygne of Constantinus magnus the firste Em­perour of that name vnto the raygne of Theodosius iunior. I finde by translating of him the doctrine sounde, the stile familier, the story faythfull: in com­mending he obserueth a meane, in reprehension modest, in con­futation earnest and zealous in defence of the trueth: the autor him selfe learned, his iudgement graue, & his writings of great antiquitie.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE ECCLE­SIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SO­CRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

The proëme of the booke. He beginneth his history where Eusebius ended.

E Ʋsebius syrnamed Pamphilus, comprising wholly in tenne bookes the Eccle­siasticall Socrates in this his first booke con­tayneth the history of 31 yeares, being the whole raigne of history, continewed the same vnto the tyme of Constantinus the Em­perour. in the which tymes the heate of persecution kindled by Diocletianus a­gaynst the Christians was quenched. The same author writing the lyfe of Constantine, passed ouer very lightly the practises of Arius. for that he chiefly endeuored to publishe the prayses of the Emperour, & exquisitely to set forth with maiestye of wordes the oration wherewith he might highly commende Constantine and the ende of 340 yeres after Christ. Where So­crates begin­neth his hi­story. him, rather then diligently to describe the actes of that tyme. We therefore, purposing to write the thinges which happened in the Church since that tyme, wil beginne where Eusebius left, not minded with curious and lofty style, but playnely to sett forth onely the thinges which eyther we haue founde faythfully recorded, or else haue bene shewed vnto vs by such as sawe them with their eyes. And in as much as it seemeth very necessary for our present purpose, to men­tion the maner home Constantinus the Emperour became a Christian, we will speake somewhat hereof, and herehence take our beginning.

CAP. II.

Howe Constantinus the Emperour became a Christian.

WHen as Diocletian and Maximinian by syrname Herculius, had by vniforme consent Diocletian Maximinian. deposed them selues of the emperial scepter and embraced a priuate kinde of life: when as also Maximianus otherwise called Galerius raigning together with them had taken his iourney into Italy, and appoynted two Emperous, Maximinus to rule the East, and Seuerus to Maximinus. gouerne Italy: Constantinus is openly proclaymed Emperour in Britanny to succeede his father Seuerus. Constantius which died the first yeare of the two hundred seuenty and first Olympiad, the fiue and Constantinꝰ. twentyeth of Iulye. but at Rome Maxentius the sonne of Maximianus Herculius, is chosen of the Maxentius. pretorian souldiers not to gouerne the empire but rather to practise tyranny. Not long after, Her­culius inflamed againe with desire of rule, went about to dispatch his sonne Maxentius, but y soul­diers hindred his purpose, in the ende he died at Tarsus a city of Cilicia. Seuerus the Emperour which was sent to Rome by Galerius Maximinianus to take Maxentius, was of the souldiers be­trayed and put to death. Last of all Maximianus Galerius being chiefe Emperour, after he had crowned Emperour Licinnius, by originall a Dane, his old fellowe souldier and familiar friend, de­parted Licinnius. this life. Maxentius in the meane while handleth the Romaines ill fauoredly, he oppresseth The tyranny of Maxentiꝰ. them and sheweth him selfe rather a tyrant then an Emperour towards them, he farre passeth the boundes of shamefastnes abusing the spouses of noble personages, sleying many with the sworde and putting in vre other such like lewde practises. Constantinus the emperour being certified here­of deuised with him selfe which way possibly he might ridd the Romaynes from vnder this gree­uous yoke of seruitude and dispatch the tyrant out of this life. deliberating thus with him selfe, he forcasted also what God be were best to cal vpon for ayde to wage battel with the aduersary. he re­membred how that Diocletian which [...] dedicated him selfe vnto the seruice of the heathenish Gods, preuayled nothing thereby, also he perswaded him selfe for certayne that his father Constan­tius who renounced the idolatry of the Gentiles ledd a more fortunate life, musing this doubtfully with him selfe, and taking his iourney with his souldiers I wott not whither, a certayne vision ap­peared vnto him, as it was straunge to beholde, so in deede incredible to be spoken of. about noone, the day somewhat declining, he sawe in the skye a lightsome piller, in forme of a crosse, wherein The signe of the crosse was seene of Constantinꝰ in the aëre. [Page 216] these wordes were ingrauen: In this ouercome. the which vision so amazed the Emperour, that he mistrusting his owne sight, demaunded of them that were present, whether they perceaued the vision: which when all with one consent had affirmed, the wauering minde of the Emperour was Christ appeareth to Con­stantine in his sleepe. setled with that diuine and wonderful sight. The night following in his slepe he seeth Christ which sayeth thus vnto him: frame vnto thy selfe the forme of a crosse after the example of the signe which appeared vnto thee, and beare the same agaynst the enemies as a fitt banner or token of victory. he being fully perswaded with this oracle, commaundeth the victorious signe of the crosse (which as yet is reserued in the pallace of the Emperour) to be made, and therewith proceedeth forewards in his affayres with greater courage and promptnes of minde. and ioyning with the enemy right o­uer against Rome, about the bridge commonly called Bulbia, he gott the victory, for Maxentius Maxentius died about the yeare 318. being drowned in the riuer, died. it was the seuenth yeare of his raigne when y he ouercame Max­entius. after these thinges when as Licinnius his fellow Emperour and his brother in lawe, hauing maried his sister Constantia, ledd his life in the East: Constantinus enioying ample benefitts recea­ued at the handes of God, shewed him selfe gratefull in offering of thankes and prayses vnto the au­thor of all goodnes. his practises were these: to deliuer the Christians from persecution, to call a­gayne The godly study of Constantine. the exiled vnto their natiue soyle: to sett at liberty such as were in prison: to restore agayne the goods confiscated: to build againe the Churches that were ouerthrowen: all which things he accomplished with great promptnes of minde. in the meane while Diocletianus which had resigned The death of Diocletian Anno Dom. 318. the empire departed this life at Salon a city of Dalmatia.

CAP. III.

How Constantinus fauoring the Christians, and Licinnius persecuting them, wage battell one agaynst the other.

COnstantinus the Emperour fixing his whole minde vpon such thinges as sett forth the glory of God, behaued him selfe in all things as a Christian, erecting Churches from the ground and adorning them with goodly and gorgeous consecrated monuments: moreouer shutting vp the temples of the heathens, purging and publishing vnto the world (in the way of derision) the gaye images glistering within. but Licinnius famous among them for his fond opinion in gentilis­me, hated the Christians, who for all he durst not openly persecute for feare of Constantine the Em­perour, yet in secrete he menaced and dispatched many Christians. but in processe of time he ende­uored openly to afflict them. This persecution was prouincial, for it was kindled there only where Licinnius made his abode. after these things, practising in other things also y part of a tirant, being fully persuaded that Constantine was not ignorant here of, and knowing full well y he was greatly offended with him for it, he hasteneth to clea [...]e him selfe, flattering and fayning to ioyne with him in league of friendship binding him selfe with anoth neuer to perpetrate any tyrannicall acte, and not onely swearing but with all for swearing him selfe, for he ceased not from tyranny, neither relen­ted from raising against the Christians the greeuo [...]s [...]orme of persecution. he forbad the Bishops by decree that they should not conferre at all with the Gentiles, to the ende the religion of the chri­stians might nether take roote, nether be raised at al. Then was the persecution ri [...]e in euery mans mouth and in deepe silence, secret in worde yet open in deede. the persecuted members of Christ en­dured intollerable paine of their bodies and sustained great losse of their substance. Cap. 4. in the Greeke. Whereby he incensed greatly the Emperour Constantine against him, so that they breaking the league of fayned friendship which was betwene them, became deadly foes. Not long after they waged battel & me­ting oft by sea & by lande, in the ende at Chrysopolis a city of Bithynia, to wete at the docke or ha­uen of Chalcedon, Licinnius was ouercome and yelded him self vnto Constantine. He taketh him a­liue, The humanitye of Con­stantine. he dealeth curteously with him, he slayeth him not, but enioyned him to dwell in Thessalonica, and there to leade a quiet and a peaceable life. it was but a small time that he liued in peace, for im­mediately after, he gathered an host of Barbarians and endeuored by fighting agayne to reuenge his former foyle. the which when Constantine had vnderstoode he commaunded that he shoulde be Licīnius was put to death for his per­iurie & brea­kīg of league Anno Dom. ni 327. Cap. 5. in the Greeke. put to death, at whose commaundement he was dispatched. Constantinus nowe hauing th [...] vpper hande and published Emperour & King, endeuoreth forthwith to amplifie the Christian affaires and that diuersly by his meanes also the Christians liued in great peace and tranquillitye, but af­ter this peace there ensued warres and deadly hatred amonge the Christians them selues, what it was, how it beganne, and the maner of it we will declare.

CAP. III.

The contention betwene Arius and Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, and how that Alex­ander depriued Arius with his complices of the ministery.

AFter Peter Bishop of Alexandria which suffred martyrdome vnder Diocletian, Achillas suc­ceeded Peter. Achillas. Alexander. in the Bishopricke. After Achillas, Alexander in the time of the aforesayd peace was chosen Bishop. who leading a quiet and a peaceable life brought the Church vnto an vnity. and on a certayne time in presence of the Priestes which were vnder him and the rest of the clergy he entreateth somewhat more curiously of the holy trinitie and the vnitie to be in the trinitie. Arius Arius con­traryeth his Bishop and ordinary. then being one of the Priestes placed in order vnder him, a man very skilfull in the subtelties of so­phisticall logick, suspecting the Bishop to haue brought into the Church the erroneous doctrine of Sabellius the Aphrick, & being kindled with the desire of contention, se [...]t him selfe opposite agaynst the opinion of Sabellius the Aphrick, and as it seemed directly against the allegations of the bishop, The original of Arius he­resie. saying: if the father begatt the sonne, then had y sonne which was begotten a beginning of essence: hereby it is manifest that there was a time when the sonne was not, and the consequent to followe necessarily that he had his essence of nothing. Cap. 6. in the Greeke. When he had with this straung kinde of doctrine concluded & layd downe this position, he prouoked many to reason hereof, so that of a small sparcle a great fire was kindled. for this noysome pestilence beginning from the Churches of Alexandria spredd it self throughout all Aegypt, Libya, & the vpper Thebais, yea passed moreouer through the rest of the prouinces and cities. many others also embraced the pestilent opinion of Arius, of which Two Eusebius, the fir [...]t was writer of the former histor [...]. the 2. Bishop of Nicomedia, & an Arian. number chie [...]y Eusebius (not he of Caesarea) but an other which afore time was bishop of y church of Berytus, but then craftely crept in to be Bishop of Nicomedia a city of Bithynia, claue fast vnto him. which thinges when Alexander had both hearde and seene done with his eyes, was very much moued thereat, and summoning together a counsell of many Bishops, he depriueth Arius and such as fauored his opinion of the priestly order: and wrote vnto the seuerall Bishops throughout the cities in this maner.

The epistle of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria.

TO the welbeloued and most reuerend brethren fellow ministers with vs throughout the churches whersoeuer. In so much as we are commaunded by holy Scripture to retaine the bonde of vnity & peace, it is requisite that we vvrite & signifie one to another the things that seuerally happen among vs, to the ende that if one suffer or one reioyce, vve all may suffer together or reioyce together. Novv in our church there are risen certaine men vvhich transgresse the lawes: which impugne Christ: which leade men into Apostasie: whome a man may rightly suppose & iustly terme the forrunners of Antichrist. I was disposed truely to be silent and not to blason at all so haynous an offence if peraduenture by any meanes possibly this blemish might haue bene wiped away from among them which alone fel from the church, lest that straying a­brode into straung places it might infect vvith the filth therof the eares of simple & seely soules. but in as much as Eusebius novv Bishop of Nicomedia, supposing the vvhole state of the church to be vnder his iurisdiction, and seeing vvith him selfe that he is to be charged of none for lea­uing the Churche of Berytus, and for that he greedily gaped after the Churche of Nicomedia, and in that he is become the patrone and ringleader of these Apostatas, going about to publish letters into all prouinces, highly extolling them that he may plung certayne of the ignorant sort into an extreame pestilent heresie altogether contrary to Christ him selfe: I thinke it necessary (seeing the like is vvritten in some parte of the lavve) no longer to be silent. but to declare vn­to you all the vvhole matter vvhereby ye may not onely knovve them vvhiche fell from the trueth, but also their derestable doctrine and the circumstance of their heresie, and also if per­aduenture Eusebius doe vvrite vnto you that you geue no eare vnto him. for he hauing concea­led for a season his olde festred corruption of minde, and novve disposed to renevve the same, fayneth to further their cause by his epistels, but in very deede he shevveth plainly that these his practises be directed to the furtherance of his ovvne cause. such as fell from the Church vvere these: Arius, Achillas, Aeithales, C [...]rpônes, a seconde Arius, Sarmates, Euzoius, Lucius, Iulia­nus, Menas, Helladius, Gaius, and together vvith them also Sec [...]ndus & Theonas vvhich sometime vvere called Bishops the things vvhich they published abroade contrary to holy Scripture were The blasphemies of Ari­us and his complices. such: that God vvas not alvvayes a father, but that there vvas sometime vvhen he vvas no father: [Page 218] and that the vvorde of God vvas not from euerlasting, but had his beginning of nothing. For that God vvhich is, made him vvhich vvas not, of that vvhich is not, for vvhich cause there vvas a tyme, vvhen he vvas not. that the sonne vvas a creature and made, neyther like vnto the father in substance, neyther the true vvorde of the father by nature, neyther his true vvisedome, but made metaphorically the worde and the vvisedome, & the same to be made by the proper worde of God and by the wisedome which is in God, in the which God made all thinges and him toe. for vvhich cause he is of a changeable and diuerous nature as all other reasonable cre­atures be. that the vvorde is straung, diuerous and seuered from the vvisedome of God. that the father can not be expressed by the sonne, that the sonne knovveth not the father fully neyther absolutely, neyther can perfectly discerne him. and that the sonne perceaueth not the substance of the father as he is, but that he was made for our sakes, that God by him as by an instrument might create vs, and that he had not bene, had not God bene moued to create vs. One at that tyme demaunded of them vvhether the vvorde of God coulde be chaunged as the deuill vvas chaunged? and they vvere not afrayd to ansvvere: yea, it may be. for that he is of a chaūge­able nature and begotten, he is mutable. Arius therefore and his adherents vvhiche vttered these thinges and impudently auoutched them together vvith all such as fauour the like fonde opinions: VVe together vvith other Bishops of Aegypt and Libya in number vvel [...]ghe a hun­dred meeting for the same purpose, haue pronounced to be helde of all men for accursed. Eu­sebius and his adherents endeuer to mingle falsehoode with the trueth, & pietye with impietye, but they shall not preuaile, for trueth getteth the victory & light hath no fellowship with dark­nes, no agreement betwene Christ & Belial. who euer hearde of the like practises? & who pre­sently The confu­tation of A­rius. Iohn. 1. if he heard the like woulde not wonder as at straung thinges, and stoppe his eares lest the dregges of so detestable a doctrine should annoy the sense of hearing? what man hearing Iohn affirming: in the beginning was the worde, will not forthwith condemne these which say: there was a tyme when he was not? or who is it when he heareth in the Gospell: the onely begotten sonne and by him were all thinges made, that vvill not detest these, vvhich affirme that the sonne is one of the creatures? and hovve can he resemble the thinges vvhiche vvere made by him? or hovve can the onely begotten (as their opinion is) be numbred vvith all other liuing creatures? or hovve is he made of nothinge vvhen the father sayeth: My harte hath endited a good matter. Psal. 44. Psal. 109. Coloss. 1. Heb. 1. Ioh. 14. and: Before the morning in the wombe haue I begotten thee? Or hovve is he in substance different from the father, being the Perfect image and brightnes of the Father? and vvhen as he him selfe sayeth: He that hath seene me, hath seene also the Father. or hovve can it be if the onely sonne of God be the vvorde and the vvisedome, that there vvas a tyme vvhen that he vvas not? it is as if a man shoulde saye: God sometyme vvanted both vvorde and vvisedome. or hovve is he chaungeable and mutable, vvhen as he reporteth of him selfe: I am in the Father, and the Ioh. 14. Ioh. 10. Malach. 3. Father is in me. also: I and the Father be both one. and by the Prophet Malachy [...] also: Con­sider me that I am God, and am not chaunged. and althoughe this saying may be referred vnto the Father him selfe, yet presently it is applyed more aptely vnto the sonne, for in that he was borne and become man, he is not chaunged at all, but as the Apostle vvriteth, Iesus Christ yester Hebr. 13. nyght, and toe daye, and he is the same for euer. VVhat therefore ledd them (I be [...]eache you) vn­to so erroneous and detestable an opinion for to saye: he vvas made for vs, vvhen as the Apo­stle 1. Corinth. 8. vvriteth: For of him and by him are all thinges? no maruell at all, in that they falsely re­ported, the sonne not fully and perfectly to knovve the Father, for vvhen they had once de­termined vvith them selues to vvarre agaynste Christ, they vtterly reiected the vvordes of our Lorde vvhere he sayth: as the Father knoweth me, (sayth the sonne) so doe I knowe the Fa­ther. Ioh. 10. if the Father knovveth the sonne vnperfectly, then is it manifest that the sonne knovveth the Father vnperfectly also. but if this be impiety and open blasphemye, and that the Father knovveth the sonne perfectly and fully, then doth it follovve that euen as the Father knovveth his ovvne vvorde, so the vvorde knovveth his ovvne father, vvhose vvorde he is. but vvhen as at sundrye tymes vve conuinced them vvith allegations and expositions out of the sacred and heauenly Scriptures, for all that, they agayne chaunged them selues like vnto the chaungling & diuerously bespotted beaste Chamaeleon, vvresting vvith all might possible to light vpon their owne pates the saying of the wise man: VVhen the vngodly person commeth to extreame impietie Prouer. 18. then he disdayneth. and though many heresies sprange before their tyme, vvhiche exceeding out of measure in impudencye fell out at length for all that into extreame follye: yet these [Page 219] men, vvhich endeuer vvithal their gloses to take avvay the diuinity of the vvord, dravving nerer vnto the time of Antichrist, doe in manner declare those heresies, in comparison of the impitie Arius & his complices excommuni­cated. of their blasphemous opinion, to be in the right trueth, VVherefore they vvere excommunica­ted & banished the church and pronounced to be held of all men for accursed. And though vve tooke theyr fall heauyly, specialy because that sometime they supped the svvete ioyce of the ec­clesiasticall doctrine and novve are fallen from the same: yet vve maruell not greatly at thē. For the like happened heretofore not only to Hymenaeus & Philetus but also before them vnto Iudas 2. Timoth. 2. vvhich vvas the disciple of our Sauiour, aftervvardes a traytor and an Apostata. Neither are vve here of ignorant or vnmindefull. For our Sauiour hath forewarned: take heede, lest any deceaue Math. 24. you. For many vvill come in my name, saying: I am, and the time is novve at hand, And they wil deceaue many, goe not after thē. & Paul vvhē he had learned these things of our Sauiour, wrote: 1. Timoth. 4. that in the latter times some shall fall from the sounde fayth and shall geue eare vnto spirites of error & doctrines of deuells oppugning the trueth. Novve therefore in as much as our Sauiour Iesus Christ hath commaunded the same, and signified the same also vnto men by his Apostle, and vve truely hearing their impiety vvith our eares, not vvithout iuste cause, haue (as vve sayd before) pronounced this kind of men for accursed, and proclaimed openly that they are cut of, from the Catholick church, & farre frō the right fayth. And vve haue certified your holynes wel beloued and most reuerende brethren, vvhich are ioyned vvith vs in the same fellovvship of the publique ministery, that, if peraduenture some of them ouerboldly presume to presente them­selues before you, ye geue no heede vnto them, neyther be persvvaded by Eusebius, neyther by any other vvhosoeuer, that shall vvrite vnto you in theyre behalfe. For it behoueth vs that be christians to eschevve all such as open theyr mouthes agaynst Christ, and suche as are alienated in minde from him, as enemyes of God and rotten sheepe corrupting the sense of mans mind, and that vve bid not such kinde of men (as Saynct Iohn hath commaunded) no not so much as 2. Iohn. God speede, lest that vve become partakers of theyre offences. Salute them vvhich are amonge you, bretherne: the bretherne vvith vs salute you also.

When Alexander had wrytten these let­ters vnto the byshops euery where throughout the seuerall cities, this pestilence infection here­by was the more scattered abrode, because that these vnto whome these letters were directed be­ganne to burne amonge themselues with the sparcles of contention and discorde. For some con­descended and subscribed vnto the letters: some others with all might impugned them. But spe­cially amonge all the rest Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia was prouoked to the schisme and dis­sention, for that Alexander had often in his letters charged him by name. And at that time Eu­sebius was able to do much, because that the emperour then made his abode at Nicomedia, where Diocletian a litle before had buylded a princely pallace. For which cause many byshops fauored the opinion of Eusebius. But he seased not to wryte vnto Alexander that he woulde lette passe the controuersie raysed betwene them: that he woulde admitte againe Arius and his adherentes into the churche: and others also throughout the cities he exhorted that they shoulde by no mea­nes condescende vnto the drifte of Alexander. whereby theyr rose euery where no smale tumult. For then a man might haue seene not onely the presidentes and chiefe rulers of the churches, in­ueying one against an other with spitefull and opprobrious tearmes: but also the laye multitude seuered a sunder into two partes, the one fauoring the one side, the other, the other side. Where­fore the case became so haynous and shamefull, and into so lamentable a plighte that the christi­an religion was openly derided of all men, euen in the publique theatres and solemne spectacles. The inhabitors of Alexandria contended very childishely, yea without all modestie about the chiefe poinctes of christian religion, they sente also legates and embassadours vnto the byshops throughout the other prouinces, who seueringe themselues vnto eyther side, raysed the like con­tention. The Meletians who not longe before were cutt of from the churche, ioyned themselues The meletiā heretickes ioyne with the Arians. Meletius why he was depriued by Peter byshop of Alexandria. with the Arians. I thinke it expedient to note what kinde of men they are. Meletius byshop of a certaine citie in Aegypte, besides sundrye other causes, specially for that in the tyme of persecu­tion he had renounced the fayth, and sacrificed to Idols, was depriued of his byshoricke by Pe­ter byshop of Alexandria, which suffred Martyrdome, vnder Diocletian. Who beinge depriued and fauored of many for all his fonde doinges, became the ringeleader of the heresie, amonge them, who in Aegypt, of him vnto this present daye are called Meletians, and hauinge no iuste cause or cloke to defende his doinges, in that he presumed to separate himselfe from the churche, made a sleeuelesse answere: sayinge that he was greatly iniuryed, wherefore he brake out into [Page 220] raylinge speaches and reuiled Peter. And as soone as Peter, in that heate of persecution, had ended his life with Martyrdome, he posted ouer his opprobrious tearmes and rayling speaches to the paintinge of Achillas who succeeded Peter in the seae of Alexandria. And last of all he le­ueled the pearcinge dartes of spitefull language at Alexander, who after the death of Achil­las was there placed byshop. While this tumulte and dissention was tossed to and froe, the opi­nion of Arius was called into controuersie, then Meletius with his complices tooke part with Arius, and together with him conspired against the byshop. But they vnto whome the opinion of Arius seemed absurde, approued of Alexanders sentence toucchinge Arius, and affirmed the condemnation pronounced agaynst suche as were of that opinion to be iuste and accordinge to right. But Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia, and as many as fauored the fonde opinion of A­rius, wrote vnto Alexander that he shoulde reuoke the depriuation and digraduation past, and admitte into the churche, suche as were excommunicated and excluded the companye of the faith­full, and that they maintained no detestable doctrine at all. So then when of eyther side letters were brought vnto Alexander byshop of Alexandria, the letters of both sides were gathered together into one, Arius tooke such as were in his behalfe, Alexander gathered the contrary. Here occasion was ministred vnto the hereticall sectes of the Arians, Eunomians, and Mace­donians which in these dayes disperse themselues abrode, to defende theyr damnable doctrine. Arians. Eunomians. Macedoniās. For euery one seuerally alleageth for proufe and testimonye of his opinion the epistles of suche as are of his owne secte.

CAP. IIII.

Howe Constantinus the Emperour beinge carefull for the concorde & vnity of the churche sent Osius a Spanyarde vnto Alexandria to reconcile Alexander Cap. 7. in. the Greeke. and Arius, wrytinge, also an epistle vnto both the parties

WHen the emperour was certified hereof he was wonderfull sorye and supposed this schisme to be his owne calamitye. Forthwith therefore he wente seriously about to quenche the heate of discorde kindled among them, and sent letters vnto Alexāder and Arius by a man worthy of creditt whose name was Osius byshop of Corduba a citye of Spayne, this man the emperour loued entierly and highely honored. Some parte of which letters I sup­posed Osius a Spa­niard, byshop of Corduba. not impertinent for this place, which are wholy alleaged by Eusebius in his bookes of the life of Constantine.

Constantine the puysant, the mighty, and noble emperoure vnto Alexander and Arius sendeth greetinge.

Hereby I gather the originall grounde of this controuersie in that thou Alexander hast de­maunded of the elders toutching a certaine place of holy Scripture yea rather toutching a cer­taine The epistle of Constan­tinus vnto Alexander & Arius takē out of the 2. booke of Eu sebius of the life of Con­stantine. vaine peece of a question, vvhat euery ones opinion vvas: and thou Arius hast vnaduisedly blased abrode and sett abroche that vvhich thou shouldest not at the first haue conceaued, and hauing conceaued it, thou shouldest haue past it ouer vvith silence. VVhereby this dissention is risen among you, the vvonted assembly of the church hindred, the most deuout people diuersly distracted into ether side & rente a sunder, being afore time one body cōpacted together in har­moniacal vnity. wherefore let ether of you, pardoning ech other, like of that the which your fe­lowe minister not without cause exhorteth you vnto: and what is that? that you neyther obiecte at all, neither answer any obiection that concerne such matters. For such questions as no law or ecclesiasticall canon necessarily defineth, but the frutelesse contention of idle braine setteth a­brode, though the exercise thereof auaile for the sharpening of the witt, yet ought we to retaine them within the inner closett of our mind, & not rashly to broch them in the publique assembly of the vulgare people, neither vnaduisedly to graunt the common sorte the hearing thereof. For hovve many be there that can worthely explicate & sufficiētly ponder the weyght of so graue, so intricate, and so obscure a matter? but if there be any such that persuadeth himselfe able easily to compasse and to attaine vnto it, howe many partes are there (I beseche you) of the multitude whome he can sufficiently instruct therein? and who is there in sifting out so curious a question that can well passe the perill of plunging error? wherefore in suche cases we must refrayne from verball disputations lest that ether we by reason of the imbecillity of our witt, can not explicate [Page 221] our minde, ether our auditors when we teach by reason of theyr dull capacity can not compre­hende the curious drift of our doctrine, whereby the people of necessity incurreth the daūger e­ther of blasphemye or the poysoned infection of discorde. wherefore both the rashe obiection, and the vnaduised answere (being cause of the heretical sectes of the Arians, Eunomians, and of as many as fauor the like folly ought ere other of ech other craue pardone. Neither is there occa­sion ministred to cōtende about the chiefest commaundement in holy Scripture, neither is there sprong any new opinion toutching the seruice of God: for you retaine the on and the same sen­tence in substance of fayth, so that you may easily embrace the vniforme consent of vnity & cō ­cordo. For it is not well that for your contention about so sclender matters and trifling toyes, so great a multitude of the people of God through your negligence should be at such discorde a­mong themselues. Yea it is supposed not onely not well, but alltogether intollerable. And that in fewe wordes I may lay before your eyes some president hereof I will reason with you: ye are The conten­tion of Phi­losophers. not ignorant as I suppose that the philosophers agree▪ amōg themselues, all ioyntly professe one title and name of discipline, yet for all that, they vary and disagree in some odde opinion which seuerally they holde, who though they dissent by reason of theyr seuerall opinion, yet because of there compacted profession, they ioyne hands and holde together like birdes. If then the case be thus, why may it not be thought farre more expediēt that we wearing the cognizance of the Brethren and christiās may not brawle cōtentiously about words. most mighty God, euen for the christian religion the which we professe, should be at peace & vnity among our selues? but let vs vveygh more diligently and consider more deepely vvith our selues, vvhat I shall novve say: vvhether it be right or reason that for light and vayne contention about vvordes, one brother should dissent from an other, and the renovvmed peace by pestilent discord through vs vvhich spite one an other for sclender & vnnecessary matters should thus mi­serably be prophaned and rent in peces. These practises are rather popular & farre more agrea­ble vvith the youthly rashenes of greene heades, then vvith the sobriety of the graue and priest­ly personages. vvherefore of our ovvne accorde l [...] vs put to flight the temptations of the deuell. And in as much as our Lord God almighty the Sauiour of all mē, hath graciously geuen abrode of his commō light vnto all, therefore be it lavvefull vnto me (I beseche you) as much as in you lieth, that I being ayded vvith the helping hand of his prouidence, may happely bring my pur­pose to good effect, and that also I may leade his people, partely vvith often calling vpon them, partely vvith the diligent ouersight of theyr life, & partely also vvith sharpe admonition, to mu­tuall loue & amity one with an other. And seing that (as I sayd) there is but one faith amōg you, one consent of profession, one trade of life and order of lawe, the which with mutual consent of the mind linketh and compacteth into one the vvhole body with the seuerall membres of the same: that therefore, which through your discorde, moued no small sturre among you, for that it concerneth not any weyghty substance of all our religiō, there is no reason why it should breed any diuision at all in mind, or discorde in doctrine. And this doe I say, not to compell you in this light and fonde question, of what sorte soeuer it be, alltogether to condescende vnto the same sentence, & though you dissent among yourselues about a matter of small importance (for nei­ther truely are we all in all things like minded, neither haue we all the same nature and gifte in­graffed in vs) neuerthelesse for all that, it may come to passe that the sacred vnity may soundlye & inuiolably be retained amōg you, & one cōsent & fellowship cōserued betwene all. But tout­ching the prouidēce of God let there be one fayth amōg all, one cōsent of mind, & one opinion cōcerning God. & as toutching the sleyghty & subtle sifting out of these vaine questiōs, though you agree not altogether in one, yet should you haue limited thē within the boūds of your cap­pacity & layd them vp within the secrete closett of your minde. let the cōmon lincke of amity, let true fayth, let the honor due vnto God, & the reuerēce of his lawe dwell for sure & certaine a­mōg you, ioyne hāds together, be friends one with an other, render vnto the whole multitude of the people theyr wonted familiarity, & purging your mindes of the spott of cōtention embrace­ye againe one an other after the most louing & friendlyest maner. for oftentimes vvhē enmity is banished, amity is of more delectable force amōg friēds. let me therefor enioy the days in peace & the nights vvithout molestation, that the pleasure vvhich riseth of the pure light of cōcord & quiet life, may hēceforth inuiolably be cōserued. If it othervvise happē, it behoueth vs to sobe & sigh, & to shede many a salt teare. for it can not be that hēceforth we leade the rest of our life in peace & trāquility: for it can not be that the people of God (I meane that people which ioyntly with vs is tied to the seruice of god) as long as they thus iniustly & dāgerously disagree one frō [Page 222] an other, doe liue peaceably, or hovve can I in this case quiett my selfe and setle my conscience? And that you may perceaue the great griefe & sorow I conceaue in my harte for the same, I be­seche you geue eare vnto me. Of late as I came vnto the cyty of Nicomedia forthvvith I purpo­sed in minde speedely to trauell tovvards the Easte, and vvhen I hastened tovvards you and had passed the greater parte of my iourney, so that novve I seemed in maner to be with you, tydings hereof constrained me to alter my mind, lest that I shoulde vvith mine eyes behould the thinges vvhich I verely supposed my selfe not able to tollerat with mine ears. Toutching that vvhich remayneth, see that vvith your peace & concordeye make plaine and sett vvide open the vvay for my iourney into the East, the vvhich you haue shut vvith your debate & discord, kindled of the one against the other. And bringe speedely to passe that I may perceaue not onely you to holde together, but also the whole multitude of the laye people reioycinge, and let vs all ioyntly ren­der thankes (as our bounden duety requireth) vnto God almighty vvith conuenient laude and praise, for the publique peace, the common vnity, and liberty of all men.

CAP. V. Cap. 8. after the greeke.

Constantinus the Emperour summoneth the Nicene councell, it was held at Nicaea a Citie of Bithynia for the debatinge of the controuersie a­bout the feast of Easter, and the rootinge out of the heresie of Arius.

THough the emperours letters contained a wonderfull exhortation full of graue and sobre councell, yet y poyson of dissention had takē such roote, that neither the industry of the em­peroure, neyther the credit of the messenger which brought the letters colde suppresse it. The messen­ger was O­sius byshop of Corduba [...]n Spaine. For neither Alexander, neither Arius, tempered the madnes of their cōtentious minds for all the emperours letters. There was moreouer no small contention and a greate tumulte amonge the vulgare sorte, before the which there was an other pestilēt kind of sedition, scattered abrode into certaine particular prouinces, which greatly molested the quiet estate of the church: to weete, the schisme about the time of the celebration of the feast of Easter, which then had onely possessed the Easterne partes, whilest that some curiously obserued the Iudaicall celebration of the feaste, some other the generall custome and maner of the christians throughout the worlde. And while they thus contende about the feaste, they communicate neuerthelesse one with an other, and ac­complishe the solemnity with bitter contention of minde. When therefore the Emperour sawe the church vehemently tossed, by reason of both these troublesome tumultes, he summoned a ge­nerall councell, and cited by his letters from euery where the byshops to appeare and meete at Nicaea a city of Bithynia. So that many byshops out of many prouinces and cityes came thither The first ge­nerall coun­cell of Nice. [...]seb. lib. 3 [...] vita Cōst. of the which Eusebius called Pamphilus in his thirde booke of the life of Constantine wryteth thus: There vvere gathered together into one, the chiefe ministers of God inhabitinge all the chur­ches throughout all Europe, Aphrick, and Asia: there vvas one sacred senate framed as it vvere by the handye vvorke of God, vvhich also embraced vvithin the boundes thereof both Sy­rians and Cilicians, & such as came from Phoenicia, Arabia, Palaestina, Aegypt, Thebais, Libya, and Mesopotamia: there vvas also in this Synode the byshop of Perses, neyther vvas the Scy­thian absent from this company. Pontus, Galatia, Pamphilia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Phrygia, ministred chosen men from amongest them. Moreouer the Thracians, Macedonians, Achaians Epirotae, and they vvhose dvvellinge vvas farre distant came thither: of the Spaniardes also Osius by­ [...]op of Cor­ [...]b [...] as I sup [...]se. [...]e byshop Rome was [...]t at the [...]uncell, but [...]t thither [...]taine of [...] clergie. [...]. 2. there vvas present together vvith many others in that company,* one that vvas counted nota­ble, of greate fame and renovvne. But the byshop of the princely cytye by reason of his olde age absented himselfe, yet there vvere then presente of his clergie vvhich supplied his rovvme. Suche a garlande of immortall memory, tvvisted the emperour Constantine beinge but one, through the bonde of vnity vnto the glory of Christ: and to the ende he mighte be founde thankefull vnto his Sauiour, he sett vp that renovvmed signe of victory agaynst the enemye, liuely resemblinge in this our assemblie the Apostolicke quire. For it is wrytten that in those tymes there were gathered together holy men of euery nation vvhich is vnder heauen, a­monge vvhome there vvere Parthians, Medes, Elamits, and inhabitors of Mesopotamia, Iudaea, and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphilia, Aegypte and the partes of Libya vvhiche is beyonde Cyren, straungeres of Rome, Ievves and Proselytes, Cretes and [Page 223] Arabians. But this one thinge fayled them, for all they that mette there, vvere not of the mini­sters of God. The number of Bishops in this assemblie vvas three hundred and ouer, but of Priestes, Deacons, Acolyts, and others vvhich accompanyed them the number coulde not be tolde. And of the ministers of God, some for their sage and sober speache, some for their graui­tie in life, and patience in aduersitie, some other for their trade of liuing as meane betwene both vvere highly commended. There vvere of these not a fevv, vvho for their old yeares and auncient dayes vvere greatly honored: other some in the flower of their youth, for sharpnes of vvitt, gaue a glistering shine: certaine others vvere late practitioners and nouices in the ministerie. vnto all vvhich the Emperour commaunded that all necessaries, large and liberall foode for sustenance should dayly be ministred. And so farre out of Eusebius toutching that assemblie. When the Em­perour had finished the triumphe solemnized in remembrance of his victorie against Licinnius, he tooke his iorney vnto Nicaea. Among the bishops there assembled, Paphnutius bishop of the vpper Paphnutiꝰ. b. of Thebais. Spirid [...]on. b. of Cyprus. Thebais, and Spiridion bishop of Cyprus were recounted famous. But the cause that moued vs to rehearse them, hereafter shalbe shewed. There were present also many of the laytie which were skilfull logicians, ready to defend ereother part. Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia (as I haue sayde before) Theognis and Maris maintayned the opinion of Arius. This Theognis was bishop of Ni­caea, and Maris bishop of Chalcedon a cytie of Bithynia. Againste these Athanasius deacon of the Euseb. Nico­med. church of Alexandria, stroue manfully, this Athanasius did Alexander the bishop highly esteeme, Theognis an Arian. and therefore there ensued greate enuie against him, as hereafter shalbe declared. Before the bi­shops mett together in one place, the logicians busted them selues propoundinge against diuers Maris an A­rian. others certaine preambles of disputation, and when diuers were thus drawen to disputation, and allured as it were by bayte: a lay man one of the number of confessors, of a simple & syncere mind Athanasius. Alexander. sett himselfe against the Logicians, and tolde them thus in playne wordes: that neyther Christ, neither his Apostles had deliuered vnto vs the arte of Logicke, neyther vayne fallacies, but an open and plaine minde to be preserued of vs with faith and good works. The which when he had spoken, all that were present had him in admiration, and helde with his sentence. Then the Logi­cians Ruffinus in his first boke cap. 3. layeth downe the circūstances of this histo­rie more at large. after they had heard the pure words of playne trueth quieted and setled them selues aright. So that at length by that meanes the sturre raysed by occasion of Logicke, was wholly suppres­sed. The day after all the bishops mett in one place, after them came the Emperour, beinge come he standeth in the middest, neither woulde he first sit downe, before he had beckened to the bishops to do the same. So greate a reuerence of person and shamefastnesse of minde did the Emperour shewe vnto those graue fathers. After that all were silent, as the opportunitie of the tyme dyd Constantine the Empe­rour sheweth greate reue­rēce vnto t [...] bishops. require, the Emperour as he sate in his seate made an oration vnto them, exhorting them to em­brace vnitie of minde, concorde, and agreement, wherein also he counselled them to remoue from their mindes all priuate malice and grudge, which they dyd owe onē towardes an other. For di­uers of them had accused eche other, and putt vp the daye before vnto the Emperour libells one against the other. But he exhorted them earnesty to applye them selues vnto the purposed busy­nesse, Constantine exhorteth t [...] vnitie, and burneth the [...] libells. which was the cause of their assemblye, and commaunded the libelles to be burned: ioy­ninge withall this onely sayinge: that Christ commaunded him that looketh for forgeuenesse, to forgeue likewise his brother. When that he had largely entreated of concord and peace to be pre­serued amonge them, he referred vnto their discretion to discerne more exquisitely of the prin­ciples Mat. 18. of Christian religion, euen as the selfe same Eusebius reporteth in his thirde booke of the lyfe of Constantine, whose allegation may presently seeme very commodious. For thus he wry­teth: VVhen many thinges of eyther syde vvere alleadged, and a greate controuersie raysed Euseb. lib 3▪ de vit. Con­stantini. euen at the entrance into disputation, the Emperour gaue pacient and peaceable eare vnto all, he receaued theire positions vvith earnest and carefull studie: some tymes he holpe in reasoninge ere other parte: vvhen that they disputed vvith heate of contention he recon­ciled them by little and little: he conferred vvith euery one louingly and curteously: he vtte­red his minde in Greeke, neither was he ignorant of that language. his speache was both sweete and pleasaunt, perswading with some, pacifying some other vvith gentle vvordes, praysing o­thers for their sage sentences. He ceased not to reduce them all vnto concorde, vntill that he had brought them to that passe, that they all became of one mind, and concluded with one opinion toutching all the thinges that euer toe fore vvere called into question, so that not onely there florished among thē one faith: but also they agreed all together to celebrate the solempne feast of Easter at one and the same tyme throughout the vvorlde. Nowe therfore the canons conclu­ded [Page 224] vpon by common consent of all, were ratified by the subscription of euery one, and recor­ded for the posteritie. These things hath Eusebius to like purpose rehearsed and left behinde him in writing, neither haue we in this place cyted them out of season, yea we haue vsed his words for He cōfuteth the sclaunde­rous report which Sabi­nus made of the bishops assembled in the coun­cell of Nice. witnesses and knitte them to this our historie, to the ende we geue not eare vnto some which haue condemned the counsell assembled at Nice, as though it had crred in the fayth: againe that we creditt not Sabinus the Macedonian, who called the men that mett there, idiots and rude persons. For this Sabinus bishop of the Macedonians, which inhabit Heraclaea a citie of Thracia, whilest that he gathereth into one volume those things which diuers councells and assemblies of bishops haue committed to writing, he condemneth with opprobrious languages the bishops which mett at Nice for vnlearned and ignorant men. not remembring that in so doing he cōdemneth Eusebius for an idiote, who published the same faith with the greate tryall and experience he had therein. Moreouer some things of sett purpose he ouerskippeth: some other he peruerteth: those thinges which seemed to make for his purpose which tended to the marke he shott at, all those he culled out diligently. And though he praiseth Eusebius Pamphilus for a witnesse to whome creditt may worthely begeuen, and though he hyghly commende the Emperour as one that preuayled very much in the establishing of Christian religion, yet for all that doth he reprehende the faith publi­shed in the councell of Nice, as deliuered by such as were rude and all together vnlearned. And whome he calleth a wise man, and counteth a true witnesse, the same mans testimonie of sett pur­pose doth he reiect. For Eusebius reporteth that of the ministers of God which then were present, some excelled for their sage and sober sentences, some for their grauitie of life, and that the empe­rour with his presence reduced them all vnto concorde, and linked them together in one mind and in one opinion. but of Sabinus if tyme do serue and occasion hereafter be offred, we will say more. The vniforme doctrine of faith agreed vpon & published by open cōsent of all in the generall coū ­cell of Nice, is this: this Nicene creede was not founde thus placed in the greeke coppy, wher­fore the Greeke see­med vnper­ [...]ect, for to what ende [...]hold Socra­ [...]es write: The [...]niforme do [...]trine of faith ▪c. is this. [...]nlesse some [...]hing folow­ [...]d, or howe [...]oulde he af­ [...]er all con­ [...]lude as he [...]oth: This [...]th vnlesse [...]ere were [...]mewhat [...]terlaced. we [...]ue there­ [...]ore suppli­ [...]d the want [...] this vnper [...]ct place by [...]rowinge [...]e coppy of [...]is Creede [...]rittē truely the same [...]ords by Eusebius Pamphilus, and recited towardes the later ende of this chapter by Socrates, the which we haue presently layde [...]wne in different letters. VVe beleue in one God the father almighty maker of all things visible & inuisible, and in one Lord Iesus Christ the sonne of God, the onely begotten sonne of the father, that is of the substance of the father, God of God, lyght of lyght, very God of very God, begot­ten not made, being of one substance vvith the father by whome all things were made, both the things in heauen and the things in earth. VVho for vs men and for our saluation came dovvne, and vvas incarnate, he vvas made man, he suffred and rose the thirde daye, he ascended into the heauens, he shall come to iudge both the quicke and the deade. And vve beleeue in the holie Ghost. therefore they vvhich say that there vvas a time vvhen he vvas not, before he vvas begot­ten, or that he had his beginning of nothing, or that he is of an other substāce or essence, or that affirme the sonne of God to be made, or to be conuertible or mutable: these the Catholicke & Apostolicke church of God doth pronounce for accursed. This faith three hundred & eighteene bishops haue confirmed and all consented thereunto, and as Eusebius writeth they all with one voice and one minde subscribed therevnto. fyue onely excepted, which allowed not of this clause, to we [...]e: Of one substance, by name Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nice, Maris of Chalcedon, Theônas of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemais. For they affirmed, that to be Of one substance, which hath his originall of some thing either by diuision, or deriuation, or produc­tion. By production as a budde out of the rootes: by deriuation as children of the parents: by di­uision as two or three peeces out of a masse of golde. The sonne of God by relation was after none of these maners, and therefore they sayde they would not agree vnto the forme of faith confirmed in the councell of Nice. Wherevpon they derided exceedingly the clause of One substance, and would not subscribe vnto the deposition of Arius. Arius accursed with his complices. For which cause the councell not only accursed Arius and all his adherents, but also forbad him Alexandria. Morouer by the Emperours edict Arius, Eusebius, & Theognis were exiled, Eusebius & Theognis being Arians, do recant. whervpō Eusebius & Theognis in a while after they were banished, gaue vp a booke of their cōuersion & repētāce, signifying withall their cōsent toutching the faith Of one substāce, as hereafter in processe of our history we will declare more at large. At y same time Eusebius cōmonly called Pāphilus bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina, whē in y same coū ­cell he had a while staggered, & aduisedly pondered with him selfe whether it were his part to ad­mit y plattforme & definitiō of faith▪ at length approued it together with the other byshops & sub­scribed therevnto, and sent the same forme of faith in writing vnto y people whose charge he had, expounding the clause of One substance, lest y any thenceforth should suspect him to haue doubted [Page 225] therof at all. The things which he wrote were after this maner. It is very like (welbeloued) that Eusebius writeth thus frō the coū ­cell of Nice vnto the churche of Caesarea in Palaestina, whereof he was bishop. the acts cōcerning the ecclesiasticall faith cōcluded in the great & famous coūcell held at Nice, came heretofore to your knowledge, specially in that, fame spreadeth her self abrode faster thē the truth curiously tryed or handled of vs: yet that the trueth may not only be embraced of you by hearesay, I haue thought necessary to send vnto you in writing first that forme of faith which I exhibited to the councell, next, the other published by the bishops, where they haue annexed & added certaine things to ours. The forme of our faith which thē was read in presence of our most holy emperour, & thē approued for soūd & certaine, was in this sort, as we haue receaued of the bishops our predecessors both when we were catechized, as also vvhen we vvere signed with the seale of baptisme: as we haue learned of holy scripture: as we haue beleued beīg priest, & preached being bishop, euen so now also beleuīg we haue made manifest our faith vnto you which is this. VVe beleue in one God the father almighty, maker of all things visible & inuisi­ble, & in one Lord Iesus Christ the word of God, God of God, light of light, life of life, the only The Creede which Euse­biꝰ Pāphilus him selfe made & ex­hibited vnto the councell of Nice, wherevnto the bish [...]ps added the clause, Of one substāce. Ma [...]. 28. begotten sonne, the first begotten of all creatures, begottē of God the father before all worlds, by whome all things were made, who for our saluation was incarnate & cōuersant amōg men, who suffred & rose the third day, who ascended vnto the father and shall come againe to iudge both the quicke & the dead▪ we beleue also in one holy Ghost, beleuing moreouer euery one of these to be in essēce & substāce. the father to be a father in deede, the sōne to be a sōne in deede. the holy ghost to be a holy ghost in deede, cuē as our Lord sending his disciples to preach, said: Goe therfore teach all natiōs baptizīg thē in the name of the father, & of the sōne, & of the holy ghost. Toutchīg all which we firmly protest, that we are of this mind, that we are of this opiniō, & haue bene, and that we minde to perseuer in this faith vntill death do seuer and part asunder body & soule, holding for accursed all cākred heresies the which godlesse persons haue sowē in the world▪ & that you may fully perswade your selues of vs, that we haue heretofore beleued & spoken vnf [...]inedly and from the hart toutching all the premisses, presently also vve protest, that vve both beleue aryght, and speake as vve ought of God almyghtie and our Lorde Iesus Christ, and vve are able vvith playne demonstration to proue, and vvith reason to persvvade that in tymes past our fayth vvas alike, that then vve preached thinges correspondent vnto the forme of faith already published of vs, so that none in this behalfe can repyne or gaynesay vs. More­ouer our most holie Emperour hath testified the same to be most true, affirming him selfe to be of the same opinion, he commaunded that all should geue their assent vnto the same that they should subscribe vnto the particulers, that they shoulde condescende vnto the premises, so that this one onely clause, Of one substance, vvere interlaced. The vvhich he him selfe explicated in The Empe­rour Cōstan­tine cōman­deth the clause, Of one substāce, to be added vnto Eusebiꝰ Creede: he expoundeth him selfe the meaninge thereof. these vvordes: to be Of one substance, may not be taken accordinge vnto corporall affections, neytherto consist of the Father by diuision, neyther by incision or parting asunder. It may not be that an immateriall, an intellectuall, and an incorporeall nature should admitt or be subiect to any corporall passion, for it behoueth vs to conceaue such mysteries vvith sacred and secrett termes. Our most sage and vertuous Emperour reasoned of these thinges after this sort. The bi­shops because of the clause, Of one substance, published this forme of faith: VVe beleue in one God the father almighty maker of all things visible & inuisible, and in one Lord Iesus Christ the sonne of God, the onely begotten sonne of the father, that is of the substance of the father, God of God, light of light, very God of very God, begottē not made, being of one substāce with the father, by whome all things were made, both the things in heauē & the things in earth. who for vs men & for our saluation came downe, & was incarnate, he was made man, he suffred & rose The Creede layd down by 318. bishops in the coūce [...] of Nice, the which Euse­bius in thes [...] wordes sen­deth to Cae­sarea. the third day, he ascended into the heauens, he shall come to iudge both the quicke & the dead. And we beleue in the holy Ghost. Therefore they which say that there was a time when he was not, before he was begotten, or that he had his beginninge of nothinge, or that he is of an other substāce or essēce, or that affirme the sonne of God to be made, or to be cōuertible or mutable: these the Catholicke & Apostolicke church of God doth pronounce for accursed▪ whē they had prescribed this forme of faith, we ceased not diligētly to demaund of thē how they vnderstoode that sentēce, To be of the substāce of the father. & that: to be of one substance with the father. where­vpō there rose obiectiōs & resolutiōs, so that the right sēse of the foresayd sentēces was curiously Of the sub­stance. sought out. They sayd that, to be Of one substāce, signified nothing else thē to be of the father, yet not to be as a part of the father. This seemed vnto vs very well to agree with the expositiō of that blessed doctrine which teacheth the sonne to be of the father, yet not to be part of his substāce. [Page 226] VVherefore vve accorded vvith this sentence, neither reiected vve the clause Of one substance, because that peace vvas placed before our eyes as a marke to beholde, and moreouer vve had speciall care not to fall from the faith. In like maner vve approued Begotten, not made. For Made Begotten not made. they counted a common vvorde vvith other creatures vvhich vvere made by the sonne, that the sonne had nothinge in him vvhich resembled or vvas like vnto them, and for that cause he vvas not a creature like vnto those vvhich vvere made by him, but of a farr more excellēt substāce thē any creature is framed, the which holy scripture declareth to be begottē of the father: inasmuch as no mortall nature can either by vvord expresse, or by thought comprehende or attaine vnto the maner of his generation. In like sort also that clause: The sonne to be of one substance with the The sonne to be of one substāce with the father. father, vvas sifted and allovved, to be vnderstode after no corporall maner, neither to haue any likelihoode vvith mortall liuing things, neither to be by diuision of substance neither by section or parting asunder, neither by mutation of the fathers essence and povver, that the vnbegotten nature of the father vvas farre from al these thinges. And that To be of one substance vvith the fa­ther, signified no other thing, then that the sonne of God vvas in nothing like the rest of the cre­atures, but altogether like vnto the father alone vvhich begate him, neither begotten of any o­other then of the fathers substance and essence, vnto the vvhich thinge thus sett forth, right and reason required that vve should condescende. For vve haue knowen for suertie diuers auncient Before Arius time the clause of one substāce was knowen. bishops and vvriters of greate learning and renovvne to haue mentioned this clause, Of one sub­stance in setting forth of the diuinitie of the father and the sonne. so farre of the faith published in the councell of Nice. vvhervnto vve all condescended not rashly and vnaduisedly but accor­ding vnto the sentences sett forth in the presence of the most godly Emperour, which were dis­cussed, & by common assent approued for the causes afore alleadged. And withall we thought good to ratifie the forme of curse published after the exposition of the faith, because that it for­biddeth that no man do acquaint him selfe vvith forreyne speaches and vnwritten languages, vvhereby in maner all confusion and discord is drawen and crept into the churche, vvhen as the sacred scripture maketh mention no vvhere of any such sentences, to vvete: That the sonne of God had his beginning of nothing, and that there vvas a time vvhen he vvas not. And such like sentences it seemed not agreable vvith reason either in vvordes to talke of them, or in deede to teache them. Vnto vvhich notable decree vve haue subscribed, although heretofore vve neuer accustomed neither acquainted our selues vvith such speaches. These things (vvelbeloued) vve haue necessarily sent vnto you, not onely to certifie you of the censure concluded of vs after our curious sifting and assent, but also to let you vnderstande that while at the first the diuersitie of reports written vnto you offended vs not a little, we persisted in one & the same mind (as it was most meete) euen to the last houre. But afterwards with small adoe, we embraced without any disquietnes at all such things as were not offensiue, when as we with tractable mind sought out the sense and vnderstanding of the words which vvere then in controuersie, and found them al­together agreable vvith the thinges contayned in the forme of fayth published by vs our selfe. These things did Eusebius Pamphilus sende in writing vnto Caesarea in Palaestina.

CAP. VI.

The Epistle of the Synode contayning their decrees, and the expulsion of Arius Cap. 9. in the Greeke. with his complices, sundry epistles of Costantine the Emperour.

THe councell it selfe by generall consent wrote these things which followe vnto the churche of Alexandria, and vnto the inhabitants of Aegypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis.

Vnto the holy (through the grace of God) and the renowmed church of Alexandria, & to the beloued brethren throughout Aegypt, Lybia, & Pentapolis, the bishops assembled at Nice, and summoned to the greate and sacred senate sende greeting in the Lorde.

VVhen as by the grace of God and the commaundement of the moste vertuous Emperoure The synodi­ [...]all epistle of [...]he councell [...]f Nice. Constantine, vvho gathered vs together from diuers cities and prouinces, the great [...] and sacred councell of Nice is summoned: it seemed expedient that letters from the vvhole sacred assembly should be sent vnto you, wherby you might be certified as vvell of the thīgs called into questiō [Page 227] and exquisitely decided: as also of the canons therein cōfirmed. First of all the things which did concerne the impious & peruerse opinion of Arius & his complices, were fully handled in the presence of the most godly Emperour Constantine, whervpon it pleased the councell by cōmon consent of all, to pronounce his wicked opinion to be helde for accursed, and the execrable words and blasphemous sentences he vsed, [...]aying: that the sonne of God had his beginning of The blasphemous opini­ons of Arius that cursed hereticke, toutchinge the blessed sonne of God. nothing: that there was a time vvhen he vvas not: That the sonne of God vvas of free vvill incli­ned to vertue & to vice: that he was a creature, and that he vvas made, all vvhich the holy coun­cell did accurse, nay it may not be permitted that his impious opinion, his insolent madnesse, his blasphemous vvordes shoulde come within hearing. Moreouer you haue heard or at least­vvise ye shall heare of vs toutchinge him and his ende, lest that vve seeme rashly and vvithout cause to insulte and inueye against a man vvhich receaued dew for his desert. His impietie grew to that passe, and so preuayled, that he lead Theônas bishop of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemais, together vvith him into perdition. for they vvere partakers of the same punishment vvith him. After that the grace of God had deliuered vs from that peruerse opinion, from that impietie and blasphemie, and from such people as presumed to sowe discorde and debate in the middest of such as leade a peaceable and quiet life: there remained as yet toutching the cō ­tumacie of Meletius, and such as he had aduaunced vnto ecclesiastical orders to be determined of vs, and vvhat the councell decreed toutchinge him thus vnderstande vvelbeloued brethren. The councell beyng bent to deale vvith more clemencie tovvardes Meletius then he deserued, This Meletiꝰ as Socrates sayde before cap. 3. in time of persecutiō denyed the faith, & sacri­ficed to idols: therefore he was excōmu­nicated, and being in this takinge he tooke part with the A­rians: who for cōpanie together with A [...]s in this councell is cōdemne [...] (for by iust iudgement he was worthy of no pardon) decreed that he should remaine in his pro­per city, that he should haue no authoritie to make ministers, no authoritie to aduaūce any vnto the ecclesiasticall function, neither to appeare or present him selfe in any other region or in any other citie for that purpose, but onely to retayne the bare name and title of his office and digni­tie: they decreed farther toutching such as were entred into holy orders by his laying on of hāds, that they after confirmation vvith more mysticall laying on of handes should be admitted into the fellovvship of the church, with this condition: that they shoulde enioye their dignitie & de­gree of the ministerie, yet that they be inferiour vnto all the pastors throughout euery prouince and churche, the vvhich the most honorable man and our college Alexander hath ordayned. Moreouer that they haue no authoritie to elect the ministers approued by their censures, no not so much as to nominate thē which are to execute the ecclesiasticall function, nor to intermedle with any thing toutching thē that are within Alexanders iurisdiction, without the cōsent of the bishop of the catholicke church. But they who through the grace of God & the meanes of your praiers were found no maintayners of schisme, but cōtained thē selues within the bounds of the Catholicke & Apostolicke churche, voyd of all erroneous blemishe, let these haue authoritie to consecrate ministers, to nominate such as shalbe thought vvorthie of the cleargie, and in fine freely to do all according vnto the rule & canon of the church. If in case that one of them which presently enioye the ecclesiasticall dignitie, chaunce to finishe his mortall race, thē one of them lately admitted into the church (so that he be found worthy, & the people chose him, so that the bishop of Alexandria consent thervnto and confirme his election) may succeede in the place of the deseased. our will is also that, that liberty be graūted vnto all others. But of Meletius name­ly it is otherwise decreede, to wete, that both for his insolent boldnes, wherewith heretofore he molested the quiet estate of the church, and also for his temeritie and wilfull ignorance openly shewed, he shoulde haue neither power, neither authoritie geuen him, for in that he is a man, he may agayne vexe the churche with the like disorder. And these decrees properly and seuerally do concerne Aegypt, and the most holy churche of Alexandria. But if any other thinge besides this be decreed and concluded vpon vvhylest that the most honorable lorde our fellovve mini­ster and brother Alexander is present vvith vs, he beynge both president and priuye to our do­inges, vvyll in presence of you all more exactly recite the vvhole vnto you. VVe sende you gladde tydinges of the vniforme consent and agreement toutching the celebration of the most The questiō of Easter cō ­cluded vpon in the coun­cell of Nice sacred feaste of Easter, that by the meanes of your prayers the sturre raysed in that behalfe vvas quietly appeased. so that all the brethren vvhich inhabite the East, obseruinge heretofore the maner of the Ievves, novve vvith vniforme consent do follovve the Romaines, and vs, and you, vvhich of olde tyme haue retayned vvith vs the selfe same order and maner of celebration. VVherfore reioyce partly because of these prosperous affaires, and partly for the peace and vni­forme agreement of all, & partly also that all heresies are abādoned & plucked vp by the rootes, [Page 228] and embrace vvith greater honor & more feruent loue our fellow minister Alexander, but your bishop. whose presence was a great pleasure vnto vs, who in those yeares tooke great paynes & labored exceedingly to reduce the affaires of your church vnto a quiet & peaceable state. powre vnto God harty prayers for vs all, that the things rightly decreede & established may continewe for firme & inuiolable through God the father almighty, & our Lord Iesus Christ together with the holy ghost, to whome be glorie for euer & euer, Amen.

It is euident by this Synodicall epi­stle, that they accursed not onely Arius and his complices, but also the sentences of his peruerse opinion, moreouer that they agreed among thē selues toutching y celebration of Easter: that they receaued y graūd hereticke Meletius, graūting him licence to retaine his episcopall dignitie, yet VVhy the Meletians are seuered from the churche. The wanton booke which Arius wrote and intituled Thalia. depriuing him of all authoritie to execute the functiō as a bishop vseth. for which cause I suppose the Meletians in Aegypt vnto this day to haue bene seuered from the church, because that the coun­cell tooke away from Meletius all authoritie. We haue moreouer to vnderstād, that Arius wrote a booke of his opinion, the which he intituled Thalia, the style & phrase of the booke is both wan­ton and dissolute, resembling in all poynts the bawdy ballets and rymes of the wanton poet Sota­des. the which booke also the councell then dyd condemne. Neyther was the councell onely care­full by writinge to certifie of the peace established, but the Emperour also signified the same by his letters vnto the church of Alexandria.

Constantinus the Emperour vnto the Catholicke church of Alexandria.

VVe wishe you health in the Lord welbeloued brethren. A great & a singular benefite of the Cōstantinus Magnus vnto the church of Alexādria. deuine prouidence of God is conferred on vs, in that all errour and deceate beinge quite put to slight, we acknowledge one & the selfe same faith. For henceforth there remayneth no refuge for the sleyghts of the deuill intended agaynst vs, vvhatsoeuer through fraude he pretended, the same is vvholly taken avvay. The bright beames of the trueth according vnto the commaunde­ment of Christ, ouercame those dissentions, schismes, those tumults (& as I may so terme it) that deadly poyson of discorde. one God therfore all we both in name do adore, and in faith do be­leue to be. And to the end the same through the forewarning of god might be brought to passe, I haue called together a great cōpany of bishops vnto the city of Nice, with whome I also beīg one of your n [...]ber, & most willingly addictīg my selfe wholly together with you vnto the same busines, haue endeuored that the trueth then in cōtrouersy might throughly be tried out. wher­fore all things that seemed to breede occasion of discord or dissention, vvere narrovvly sifted & sought out. How great & what horrible blasphemies (God of his goodnes be mercifull vnto vs) haue some vnreuerently vttered against our great sauiour, against our hope and life, and impu­dētly not only blased things cōtrary vnto the scriptures inspired from aboue & the sacred faith, but also affirmed they beleued the same? For vvhen as three hundreth bishops and aboue, men of great fame both for modestie of minde & sharpnesse of witt, had confirmed one & the same faith, which was founde to be a true faith by the trueth it selfe, and playne testimonies of holie scripture sought out for the purpose: Arius alone was found (beyng ouercome with the power and fraude of the deuill) to fall from the same: and beynge prone therevnto through the per­uersitie of his minde, scattered and sovved first of all amongest you, aftervvardes amongest vs, this poysoned errour of perdition. VVherefore lett vs embrace that doctrine vvhich almightie God, the father of heauen hath deliuered vnto vs: let vs returne vnto our dearely beloued bre­thren vvhome the wicked & impudēt minister of Satan hath seuered asunder: let vs vvith might and mayne, and (as commonly vve say) vvith all the vaynes in our hart, go home agayne vnto the generall societie and body of the church, and vnto our ovvne naturall members. This aboue all other things behoueth your wisdome, your faith & holines, after the remouīg frō your minds the cākred poysō of the aduersary, who set him selfe opposite against the trueth: that without all delaye ye haue recourse vnto the grace and goodnes of almightie God. For that which seemed good vnto the three hūdred bishops, is no othervvise to be taken then for the sentence of God, specially in as much as the holie Ghost vvas resiant in the mindes of so vvorthie and so notable men, inspiring them vvith the deuine vvill of God him selfe. VVherfore let none of you stagger at the matter, let none of you make any delay at all, but all ioyntly vvith most vvillinge mindes returne vnto the most perfect way of trueth: that as soone as I my selfe come amōgst you, I may together with you rēder dew thāks vnto the god whose eye nothīg doth escape: because that he [Page 229] hath not onely reuealed vnto vs the true & syncere faith, but also geuen vnto vs most graciously the loue and charitie which vvas to be vvished of vs all. God keepe and preserue you vvelbe­loued brethren.

This the Emperour wrote vnto the people of Alexandria; signifying in playne words that the finall conclusion & definitiue sentēce of the faith was not layde downe vnaduisedly, neither came to passe by happe hazard: but after great labour & industrie, after diligent searching and sifting out of the trueth, to haue bene published by the councell: and not some thinges to haue bene handled, some other things to haue bene omitted: but all whatsoeuer seemed necessary to be entreated of, toutching the confirmation of y doctrine of faith, to haue bene sufficiently discoursed: neither to haue bene firste vnaduisedly decreed, before all were curiously handled, in so much that all what so euer seemed to breede occasion of controuersie or discord, was quite plucked vp by the rootes. But (that I may vtter all in one word) Constantine calleth the censure of the whole assem­bly, the sentence of God him selfe, neither doubted he but that so great a company of bishops was vnited & linked together in one mind & in one opinion by y motion & instinct of the holy ghost. Yet for all this, Sabinus who is the ringleader of the Macedonian heresie, wilfully and of sett purpose impugneth these thinges: yea moreouer he termeth such as mett at Nice, vnlearned and doultishe idiots: neither is he ashamed to charge Eusebius bishop of Caesarea with the reprochefull spot and blemishe of ignorance, neither weyeth he this with him selfe, that such as were present at the coū ­cell, though they were vnlearned men (as he reporteth) yet being inspired from aboue, & endued with the grace of the spirite of God, could in no wise straye from the trueth. But let vs heare what the Emperour layde downe in other letters against the opinions of Arius and his complices, the which also he sent abroade vnto the bishops and congregations throughout christendome.

An other Epistle of Constantine.

COnstantinus the puyssāt, the mighty & noble Emperour vnto the bishops, pastors, & peo­ple Cōstantinus vnto the bi­shops & peo­ple, &c. whersoeuer. Inasmuch as Arius traceth the stepps of detestable & impious persons: it is requisite that he be partaker with them of the selfe same infamie and reproche. For as Porphyrius the svvorne aduersarie & deadly foe of deuine seruice, vvho lately published levvde cōmentaries, in the cōfutation & defiance of Christian religion, vvas revvarded according vnto his desert, and so recōpenced that within the cōpasse of these fewe yeares he was not only grie­ued with great reproche, & blemished with the shamefull spot of infamie, but also his impious & blasphemous works, perished & vtterly were abolished: euen so now it seemed good vnto vs to call Arius & his complices, the vvicked broode of Porphyrius, that looke vvhose maners they haue imitated, they may enioye also the priuiledge of their name. Moreouer we thought good, that if there can be founde extant any worke or booke compiled by Arius, the same shoulde be burned to ashes, so that not only his damnable doctrine may thereby he vvholly rooted out: but also that no relique thereof may remaine vnto the posteritie. This also we straightly cōmaunde & charge, that if any man be found to hyde or conceale any booke made by Arius, and not im­mediatly bring forth the sayd booke, & deliuer it vp to be burned, that the sayde offender for so doing, shall die the death. For as soone as he is taken, our pleasure is that his head be stricken of from his shoulders. God keepe you in his tuition.

An other epistle of Constantine.

COnstantinus the Emperour vnto the churches throughout christēdome sendeth greeting. Cōstantinus the Empe­rour vnto the churches, &c VVhen as I perceaued by the florishing & prosperous estate of the publicke weale, how greatly we are beholding vnto the goodnes of almightie God conferred vpon vs: I dee­med that aboue all things it behoued me of dutie to foresee, that in the most holy and sacred as­semblies of the Catholicke church vnder heauen, there shold one faith, syncere loue & charitie, vniforme consent & agreement toutching the religion & seruice of almightie God, vnuiolably be retayned. But sithence that the same could by no other way or meanes be compassed, neither in any other sure or certaine place be setled, vnlesse that either all the bishops, or at lestvvise the greater part of them assembled together, & layde downe their seuerall censures concerning the most holy religion & seruice of God: therfore when the greatest company that coulde be gott, mette together, I my selfe as one of your number, vvas present vvith them. Neyther tooke I in scorne (vvhereat novve I greatly reioyce) that I coupled my selfe vvith you in those affayres. [Page 230] VVe proceeded so farre in the premisses, and handled all thinges so exquisitely, vntill the sen­tence vvhich seemed gratefull and acceptable vnto God the ouerseer of all thinges, for the con­corde and consent in religion vvas openly pronounced, so that there remayned nothinge here­after to be concluded vpon, vvhich seemed to tende or grovve either vnto discorde or disagree­ment toutchinge the faith. VVhen as there at that tyme vve reasoned of the most sacred solem­nitie and feast of Easter, it seemed good by vniforme consent of all, that all men, in all places shoulde celebrate it, vpon one and the selfe same daye. for vvhat vvas there more auaylable? vvhat could there be more glorious, then that this feast (vvhereby vve retaine and holde fast the firme hope of immortalitie) shoulde, after one and the same order, and after the same manifest trade, vvithout noueltie or alteration be obserued? and first of all it seemed altogether contrary to order, that in the celebration of the sayd most sacred feast, we should imitate the rites & ma­ner of the Iewes, who in as much as they haue defiled their hāds with an hainous offence, reason it is as impure persons their minds should be helde snared in blindnesse. It remayneth therefore that vve lay aside theyr custome, and publishe for a remembrance vnto the posteritie in tyme to come the celebration of this feaste after a truer & more syncere institution, the vvhich vnto this present time from the first day of the passion we haue obserued. VVherfore let vs haue nothing common, with that most odious broode of the Iewes, for we are taught by our sauiour to tread an other way the which we must cleaue vnto. there is layde downe a race & a limite both decēt and lawfull for our most sacred religion. let vs ioyntly retaine this with vniforme consent (most honorable brethren) & withdraw our selues from that despitefull nation. For in very deede it is the greatest absurditie that can be, for them arrogantly to vaunt that we can in no wise obserue these things without the ayde and helpe of their discipline. VVhat is it whereof they are able to sauour aright, who after they had put the Lord Iesus to death, hauing remoued the right sense of their minde out of his quiet seate, vvere caryed not vvith the vveyght of reason, but vvith an in­tollerable vvilfulnesse of rashe enterprises, vvhither so euer the frensie and madnesse that vvas ingraffed in their mindes did leade them? And in this poynte it is apparent they see not the ma­nifest trueth, (no maruell then they erre in many things) in that they besides the appointed time for the celebration of this fest, within the compasse of the selfe same yeare do celebrate a second Easter. VVhat cause then shall moue vs to imitate these men, vvhome vve see thus manifestly infected vvith the grieuons maladie of errour? vve vvill in no vvise permit the same feast in one and the same yeare the seconde time to be solemnized. If that I had bene carelesse and busyed my selfe herein nothinge at all, it had bene your parte and duetie to haue imployed both your diligence, and also with earnest and continewall prayer to haue craued that the right rule and synceritie of your minds should in no wise participate, neither in any thing haue felowship with the vvicked vvayes of levvde persons. Besides all this, vve may easily perceaue hovve shamefull and detestable a thinge it is to dissent and disagree about so vveyghtie a matter, and about so hygh and so religious a feaste. One festiuall daye of purchased freedome, to vvete, of the moste blessed passion & bloodsheding hath our sauiour commended vnto vs, one catholicke churche he would haue to be collected of all, whose mēbers though they be many & in sūdry places dis­persed vnder heauē: yet do they knit & close together in one spirite, that is in the will & pleasure of almighty god. I would that of your wisdome & holines, you deepely weyed with your selues how disordered & vndecent a thing it is, vpō the selfe same dayes, for some religiously to fast, & for some others ryotously to feaste it out: and after Easter holidayes, for some to feast, and yeld them selues to fullnesse of pleasure, for others to abstayne, and obserue the prescribed dayes of fastinge. VVherefore this is to be reformed, and reduced vnto one maner and custome, this (as I am sure you doe all, knowe very vvell) is the pleasure of God him selfe. And in as much as the same is ryghtly to be redressed, that vve haue nothinge common vvith murtherers of fathers, and such as haue putt theyr Lorde and mayster to death: In as much as agayne that orderly, and comelie maner retayned of all the churches throughout the vvorlde, inhabiting either the VVest, the South, or the North, and in sundrie places also of the East, vvas to be ob­serued of vs: therefore it is that presentlie all haue thought ryght vvell thereof. I my selfe also haue taken vpon myne ovvne person, your tractable vvisdome, that looke vvhat cu­stome soeuer vvith vniforme consent, is of force in the citie of Rome, in Italie, & Aphtick, in all Aegypt, Spaine, Fraunce and Bryttaine, Libya and all Greece, in the prouince of Asia, Pontus, and Cilicia: the same also vvith vvilling and gratefull minds, should be ratified and approued [Page 231] of you all. Considering of this carefully vvith your selues, that not onely the greater number of congregations lyeth in the places before mentioned: but also that it is a most godly purpose for all men ioyntly with one harte and voyce, to desire that established, which right and reason re­quireth to be done, which also hath no fellowship with the damnable periurie of the despiteful Iewes. but that I may vtter the whole in fewe wordes, it seemed good by common assent of the whole assembly, that the most sacred feaste of Easter, shoulde be celebrated vpon one, and the selfe same daye. for it may not be that variance and dissention shoulde raygne about the cele­bration of so holy, and so high a feast, yea moreouer it is very commendable to condescend vn­to this sentence, which is farre from all error that doth preiudice the faith, & from all fellowship with shamefull sinne. VVherefore the matter being brought to this passe, embrace this decre with willing mindes as an heauenly & most godly commaundement. for whatsoeuer is decree­ed in the holy councels of Bishops, the same is to be attributed to the will of God. VVherefore when you haue certified al our welbeloued brethren, of the canons of this councel, the sentence already layd downe, & the maner of celebrating the most holy feast, it is your parte to approue the same, and duely to obserue it: that as soone as I can perceaue the right disposition of you all, the vvhich of long tyme I haue desired, I may vpon one, and the selfe same daye, together vvith you all, solemnize this most sacred feaste, and ioye for your sakes: the vvhiche shall come to passe, if that I may vnderstande, that not onely the spite and outragious dealing of the deuill, through your vvell doing, ayded from aboue, is vvholly put to flyght and abandoned from a­mongest you: but that also our fayth by reason of peace, and concorde, doth euery vvhere nota­bly florishe. God preserue you vvelbeloued brethren.

An other Epistle vnto Eusebius.

COnstantinus the puysant, the mighty, & noble Emperour, vnto Eusebius sendeth greeting. The epistle of Constan­tine vnto Eusebius Pam­philus. Euen as (welbeloued brother) I haue learned of a truth, and am fully perswaded, that all Churches from the fundations, are either through negligence gone to decay, or through feare of the daūger that was like to ensue haue bene lesse repayred then they should haue bene, yea vnto this present daye, by reason of the grieuous maladye of spite, and great tyrannye exer­cised vpon the Sainctes of God, and the seruants of our Sauiour Iesus Christ: so now liberty be­ing restored vnto all men, and that dragon, and persecutor Licinnius being foyled, & the directi­on of ecclesiasticall affayres remoued from the disposition of the vulgar sort, by the prouidence of Almighty God & the vigilant labor of our ministery, I suppose that the power and might of God is made manifest vnto all men, & that they which fell by reason of feare, or incredulitie, or other infirmitie whatsoeuer, in as much as nowe they acknowledge the true God in deede, will repent and returne vnto the true and right way. VVherefore what Churches so euer thou doest gouerne, or other places, where other Bishops, Priestes & Deacons, of thy acquaintance, doe o­uerse, our will is, that thou admonish them all, that with watchful eye, the buildings of the chur­ches be looked vnto: to the ende that such as stande may be repayred, and also be enlarged, or else vvhere necessitie so constrayneth, they may be erected all new from the foundation. Looke what thinges are necessarily required for buildinge, see that either thou thy selfe, or some other in thy name, demaunde them of the Lieuetenants, or rulers of our prouinces. for vve haue signi­fied vnto them by our letters, that vvith all celeritie and promptnes of minde they shall supplye the vvante of such thinges as thine holines doth prescribe. and thus vvelbeloued brother I com­mitt thee to the tuition of Almighty God.

These thinges the Emperour wrote for the buylding of the Churches, vnto the Bishops of euery prouince, and what seuerally he wrote vnto Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina for the coppying of holy Scripture it may easily be gathered by these letters of his as followeth. Constantinus the puysant, the mighty, and noble Emperour, vn­to The epistle of Constan­tine vnto Eusebius. Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea, sendeth greeting. In so much that in the After the name of Cō ­stantinus Bi­zantium was called Con­stantinople. citye, vvhich is called after our name, there inhabiteth a greate multitude of men (our Sauiour Iesu, and God the father, of his prouidence sending encrease thereunto) vvhich embraceth the most holy Church, to the ende all the Ecclesiasticall affayres, may in the same place dayly encrease more & more, vve haue thought good, that more Churches shoulde be erected, and buylded there. VVhere­fore accept vvith louing harte, vvhat our vvill and pleasure is. VVe haue thought good to sig­nifie vnto thy vvisedome, that thou shouldest prepare fyftye volumes, or coppies of holy Scrip­ture, [Page 232] written in parchment, which shalbe both legible, hādsome, & portable, & that thou com­maunde moreouer, that they be written of skilfull scriueners, exercised in the arte of penning. our will is, that the volumes comprise those bookes of holy Scripture, whose penning, and vse, thou thy selfe shalt thinke most necessarily to auaile for the edifying of the Church. Our highnes hath sent letters vnto our heade treasurer, that he shoulde minister all necessaries for the prouisi­on of these bookes. It is thy part then, to ouersee with speede, that these vvritten coppies be made ready. Moreouer by vertue of these our letters (as right requireth) we geue thee liberty to take vp tvvo common vvaggons, for the conueying of them thither, for so the vvritten coppies shal the sooner be brought vnto vs, and so much the better if one of thy Deacons, be put in trust therewith. who when as he commeth in place, shall find the proofe of our liberality. God keepe thee in health welbeloued brother.

An other epistle vnto Macarius.

COnstantinus the puysant, the mighty, and noble Emperour, vnto Macarius Bishop of The epistle of Constan­tine vnto Macarius, concerning the sepul­chre of our Sauiour feūd there, & the buylding of a Churche in that place. Ierusalem, sendeth greeting. So bountifully vvas the goodnes of our Sauiour, shevved towards vs, that no tongue is able for the worthines thereof, sufficiently to expresse this present miracle: that the pleadge or monument of his most blessed passion, which of late laye hidd in the bovvells of the earthe the space of so many yeares, shoulde at length be reuealed vnto the seruants of God being set at libertie, after conquering of the common and generall e­nemie: it farre exceedeth all humane sense, and capacitie of mans vvitt. For if all the sages, and vvisest sorte of men throughout the vvorlde, assembled them selues together, and purposed to reason and entreate hereof, without doubt they coulde not, for the worthines thereof, satisfie with any circumstance, no, not the least point thereof the fayth annexed vnto this miracle is of such force, and so farre exceedeth the sense and capacitie of mans nature: as celestiall, and di­uine thinges, doe passe humane and worldly affaires. VVherefore this is alwayes my principall and onely marke to shoote at, that euen as the true fayth reuealeth her selfe dayly, by newe and straung miracles: so all our mindes with all modestie, and vniforme readines, shoulde be fixed, and more prone, to the obseruation of the most holy and blessed Gospell. besides this, that also (the vvhich I thinke euery man knovveth full vvell) I vvoulde haue thee fully assured to be my chiefe care, that the sayd holy place, (the which by the commaundement of God, we haue pur­ged from the foule weight of the filthy Idols, ouerlayed therevvith as it vvere vvith a most grie­uous burthen: the vvhich place also vve knowe to haue bene recounted holy in maner from the beginning of the vvorlde, and aftervvards also to haue yelded more euident proofes of holines, by sturring vp againe the faith of the passion of our Sauiour, as it vvere from out of darkenes in­to light) be bevvtified vvith goodly and gorgeous buylding. It is requisite that thy vvisedome doe cast vvith thy selfe, and sett in order this work [...], and carefully prouide necessaries for all cir­cumstances to the ende that not onely the sanctuary may excell for bevvtie, all the rest vvhere­soeuer: but that also the other partes thereof may be such, as shall farre passe in excellencie of buylding, all the principall Churches throughout euery citye. I certify thee moreouer, that tout­ching the making vp of the vvalls, and the curious vvorkemanship thereof, I haue charged our friende Dracillianus (who gouerneth diuers other coasts) and also the ruler of that prouince, our grace hath charged them, that what artificers, what workemen, what other thinges soeuer shall seeme expedient for the buylding, they shoulde learne of thy wisedome, and forthvvith be sent thither for the prouision thereof. Concerning the pillers, & other parts of the temple to be made of marble, looke vvhat thou supposest fittest, both for the maiestie of the workmanship, & con­tinewance of the buylding, taking vvith thy selfe good aduisement therein, that thou certifie vs thereof by thy letters, to the ende that we vnderstanding by thy letters what you haue neede of, may from euery vvhere conuey the same thither vnto you for it behoueth vs to garnishe, & sete forth vvith great maiestie, the heade, and chiefe place of the vvhole vvorlde. our vvill is besides, that thou certifie vs, vvhat thine opinion is, vvhether it vvere better to haue the roofe of the san­ctuary embovved vautvvise, or vvrought after some other kinde of artificious cunning▪ if em­bovved vautvvise, then may it finely be gylded all ouer. It resteth then that thy holines, vnto vvhose prudent consideration (as it is premised) we haue referred the whole, do certifie vs vvith all speede, what vvorkemen, vvhat artificers, vvhat prouision ye shall haue neede of: & also that [Page 233] thou signifie vnto vs thy minde, toutching the marble, and pillers to be made thereof, and the embovved roofe, if that kinde of vvorke please thee best. God keepe thee in health vvelbeloued brother.

The Emperour wrote also solemne and large epistles against Arius, and his complices, the which he caused euery where, and in euery citie, to be blased abroad: taunting him bitterly for his follye, and skoffing wise grieuing him to the gutts. besides he wrote letters vnto the Nicome­dians, where he inueyed agaynst Eusebius, and Theognis. He charged Eusebius with subtle treache­ry Eusebius [...]. of Nicome­dia and The­ognis were Arians. and lewde behauiour: and not onely that he had infected him selfe with the noysome filth of A­riamse, but also in the Lic [...]us. tyrants behalfe, wrought treason agaynst him, and after the maner of a re­bell resisted his enterprises. Wherefore he exhorted them to choose an other Bishop in his rowme. The which Epistles of his, because that they are somewhat longe, I thought good presently not to trouble the Reader withall, in so much as, such as are desirous thereof, may easily, and at pleasure, both finde, and peruse them. And of these thinges thus much.

CAP. VII. Cap. 10. in the Greeke.

Howe that the Emperour Constantine, called Acesius, a Nouatian Bishop, vnto the councell of Nice.

THe Emperours care and industrie, moueth me to mention an other act of that councell, wherein he applyed him selfe, to the maintenance of peace. And because he greatly respe­cted the vnitie, and concorde in Ecclesiasticall affayres, he summoned Acesius Bishop of the Nouatian sect, to the councell. After that the determination of the councell, toutching the fayth was both layde downe in writing, and ratified with the scuerall subscriptions of all their handes: the Emperour demaundeth of Acesius, whether he woulde assent vnto the same fayth, and also vnto the canon concluded vpon, toutching the obseruation of the feast of Easter. who made answere: the councell (O Emperour) hath concluded, and decreed no newe thing▪ for I haue lear­ned of olde, that euen from the beginning, and the Apostolick times them selues, the selfe same fayth was retayned, and the selfe same time, for the celebration of the feast of Easter was obserued. Agayne, when the Emperour demaunded of him, the cause why he seuered him selfe from the com­munion of the faythfull: he alleadged for him selfe, such thinges as had happened vnder the raygne of Decius, and about the persecution of that time, and also he brought forth the precise obseruation, of a certayne seuere Canon, to were: A Canon toutching such as in persecution had denyed Christ. that such as after baptisme, through frayltie of the fleshe, had fallen vi [...]o that kinde of sinne, the which holy Scripture termeth, the sinne vnto death, shoulde not be partakers of the holye mysteries, but exhorted vnto repentance: and that they shoulde wayte for remission of sinne to proceede, not of the Priestes, but of God him selfe, who both can, and is of power sufficient to remitt sinne. The whiche when Acesius had vttered, the Em­perour sayde vnto him agayne: Peter Mar­tyr. in 2. Sam. cap. 24. no­teth, howe that Constan­tine in these wordes [...]kof­ [...]eth at Ace­sius, for his intollerable pride, & sin­gularitie, in that he along with his sect woulde be i [...] heauen. Prouide thee a ladder (O Acesius) and clyme alone into hea­uen. These thinges did neyther Eusebius Pamphilus, neyther any other writer once make men­tion of, but I my selfe learned it, The repor­ter was Au [...] anon a Nouatian, as it cap. 9. follow­ing. of one that was of no small creditt, of greate yeares, and such a one as rehearsed the thinges he sawe done in the councell. whereby I coniecture the selfe same to haue happened vnto such, as herein haue bene silent, the which thinge diuers Historiographers haue practised▪ for these men ouerskipp many thinges, eyther because they fauour some one side, or flatter some kinde of men. And so much of Acesius.

CAP. VIII.

Of Paphriutius Bishop of a certaine place in the vpper Thebais, and Spyridion Bishop of Trimithous a citie of Cyprus.

IN so much as heretofore we haue promised to speake of Paphnutius and Spyridion, nowe fitt opportunitie is offered to performe the same. This Paphnutius was Bishop of a certayne citie in the vpper Thebais, so vertuous, and so holy a man, that straung miracles were wrought by him. He had one of his eyes pulled out, in the tyme of persecution. Wherefore the Empe­rour had him in very greate reuerence, and sent for him at sundrye tymes, to come vnto his sump­tuous pallace. The emptye place of the banished eye, he was wonte to kisse. So greate a reue­rence and honor, did the Emperour Constantine owe vnto auncient, and holy fathers. And this Cap. 11. in the greeke. Paphnutiu [...] is one thinge whiche I had to saye of Paphnutius. An other thinge also I will reporte whiche [Page 234] came to passe, through his aduise, both profitable for the Church, and honorable for ecclesiasticall persons. The Bishops thought good, to bring a newe lawe into the Churche, to were: that they which were of the Clergie (I meane Bishops, Priestes, & Deacons) should thenceforth, not com­pany with their wiues, the which they had coopled vnto them being lay men. When as they went about to reason hereof, Paphnutius a single man yet a fauorer of priestes mariadges in the counsell of Nice. Hebr. 13. to consult among them selues, toutching this matter: * Paphnutius stoode vp in the middest of the assembly of Bishops, and brake out into lowde speaches, & language, that the necks of clergie men, and such as were entred into holy orders, were not to be pressed downe with an heauy yoke, and greeuous burthen, saying: * that mariage was honorable, & the bedd vn­defiled: that it was their part to foresee, lest that with toe seuere a censure, they should greatly iniu­rie, and offende the Churche of God: that all, possibly coulde not away with so austere a discipline, to be voyde of all perturbation, and frayltie of the fleshe: and that peraduenture likewise euery of their wiues, coulde not brooke so rare a rule of continencie, prescribed vnto them. He termed the company of man and wife, lawfully coopled together, chastity: and that to seeme sufficient inough, for such as had entred into holy orders, being single men, thenceforth (according vnto the old eccle­siasticall tradition) to liue a single life: and not to seperate any man asunder from his wife, the which he had maried being a laye man. such speaches vsed Paphnutius, when he him selfe had neuer bene maried, and (as I may iustly auoutch) neuer knewe what womans company meant. for of a childe he ledd a straict life, in the company of the religious worshipers, and excelled all others in fame (if then there was any such in the worlde) for continency of mind, and chast behauiour. to con­clude, the whole councell then assembled of ecclesiasticall persons, yelded vnto the sentence of Paph­nutius, wholy ending all controuersie, that might rise in this behalfe, and permitting libertie vnto euery man at his owne pleasure, to refrayne as him listed the company of the maried wife. so farre of Paphnutius. Cap. 12. in the Greeke. Spyridion. And that I may saye some thinge of Spyridion, he was so holye, and so vertuous a sheepeheard of cattel, that he seemed worthy to be appoynted the sheepeheard of men. He was Bi­shop of Trimithous, a citie of Cyprus, who when as there he executed the function of a Bishop, yet for his singuler modestie, he kept also a flocke of sheepe▪ and although many notable thinges are re­ported of him, yet lest that we seeme to digresse toe farre from the purpose, we will content our sel­ues with the relation of one, or two of his famous Acts. Theeues on a certayne tyme, about mid­night, brake into his sheepecote, and by stelth went about to conuey away, some of his sheepe, but God who kept the sheepeheard, saued also the sheepe. for the theeues with a certayne inuisible kinde of force, were helde fast bounde vnto the sheepecote. At the dawning of the daye Spyridion came to his folde, and seeing the handes of the theeues tyed behinde them, forthwith vnderstoode the circumstance, and by prayer which he made vnto God loosed their handes, and exhorted them earnestly to gett their liuing, not with the spoyle of other mens substance, but with the sweate of their owne browes. yet in the ende he gaue to them a fatt wether, bidding them farewell in this sorce: I geue you this, lest it repent you that ye haue labored all night in vayne. one of his doings was this. the other in this sorce. He had to his daughter a virgine, endued with her fathers pietie [...]ne the daughter of Spyridion. and holines, her name was Irene, in whose custodie, a deare and familiar friende, left a precious ie­well, she weying the charge of this iewell, hidd it in the grounde, and in a while after departed this life. then came the owner, and seeing that the mayde was deade, he went about to entangle the father, sometymes charging, and threatning him with foule meanes, some other tymes entreating him with fayre wordes. the olde man weying the losse of his friende, as much as his owne, gott him vnto the sepulchre of his daughter, praying vnto God, that now before the tyme he wil voutch­safe to shewe vnto him the promised resurrection, the which hope of his, fayled him nothing at all. for the mayde reuiued, and came to the presence of her father, which also, as soone as she had reuea­led vnto him the place where the iewell laye hidd, vanished away out of his sight. such men there florished, in many of the Churches of God, in the tyme of Constantinus the Emperour. These thin­ges I both hearde with myne eares, many of the Isle of Cyprus reporting to be true: and also I read it in a certaine booke of Ruffinus a Priest, written in the latine tongue, whence I haue borow­ed uffinus hist. [...]. 1. cap. 5. these and sundry other thinges, the which I will hereafter alleadge.

CAP. IX. ap. 13. in [...] Greeke. Eutychianus though he was a noua­tian, yet was he a rare mā, both for life, and learning. Auxanon a nouatian he­reticke.

Of Eutychianus the Monke. The dissoluing of the councell of Nice. The tyme thereof, and the chiefe men then present.

[Page 235]I Haue learned also that Eutychianus, a man of syncere religiō, florished at that time, who though he were of the Nouatian secte, yet did he many straunge things, nothing inferior vnto the acts mētioned a litle before. I will reueale him, y reported vnto me his doings, neither will I cloke or conceale that, at all, though therefore I may incurre the daūger of suspicion or the reprehensiū of diuers persons. It was Auxanon, a priest of y Nouatian church, who hauing liued many years went, being a very yong man vnto the councell of Nice, together with Acesius: that told me all the things which happened vnto Acesius, of whome I spake before. It was euen he y t lengthened his dayes, & continewed his yeares, frō that time, vnto the raigne of Theodosius the yonger, & rehear­sed vnto me being a very yong man, all the famous actes of Eutychianus. And though he ranne o­uer many gifts of the grace of God, bestowed vpon him, yet reported he of him, one notable thing which happened in the raygne of Constantine the emperour, which was thus. One of the garde whome the emperour calleth ordinary, as soone as he was ones suspected of traiterous conspira­cy, fled away. The emperour being throughly moued with indignation against him, gaue straicte charge, & commaundement, that wheresoeuer he were taken, there immediatly he should be execu­ted. He was found about Olympus in Bithynia, & fettered w t cruell, & greuous bonds in the parts of Olympus, then clapt in prison. In those parts Eutychianus had his abode, leading a solitary lif, curing many of their grieuous maladies, both outwardly in body, & inwardly in their mind. with him this Auxanon had his conuersation, being as then a yong stripling, which afterwards liued many yeares, & learned vnder him y monastical trad of liuing. They flock about Eutychianus, that he would release y t prisoner, & entreat the emperour for him (for the miracles wrought by Eutychianus were famous, & being bruted abrode, they came to y eares of y emperour) he eftsones with a willing, & prompt mind, promiseth that he will take his iorney to y emperour, in his behalfe. But whilest y y prisoner endured extreame torments, by reason of y intollerable fetters, wherewith he was fastened: y solicitors of his cause informed Eutychianus, y death, because of his bitter punish­ment, would preuent both y execution inioyned by y emperour, & y supplication y was to be made for him. Eutychianus then, sent vnto the kepers of y iayle, requestinge thē to loose y man. And whē they had answered, that the deliuerance of the prisoner, would be the great daūger of their liues: Eutychianus together w t Auxanon, went straight way vnto y prison. When as y kepers being en­treated, would not open y prison: y gift of God inclosed in the brest of Eutychianus, reuealed it selfe w t greater brightnes in the world. For the gates of y prison, voluntarily sett themselues wide opē yea when y keyes were absent, & tied to y keepers girdle. Moreouer when Eutychianus & Auxanō entred in, & all y beholders were nowe astonished, the fetters of their owne accorde, fell of y priso­ners feete. These things being done, Eutychianus & Auxanon take their iorney together, towards the city which of old was called Byzantiū afterwards Cōstantinople. Eutychianus forthwith, gott him vnto y emperours court, & purchaced pardō, for y prisoner. For the emperour without delay (for y great reuerence he owed vnto Eutychianus) graunted him his request with a willing mind. This was done in a while after. At y time y byshops, which mett together at y councell of Nice as soone as they had dispatched, both other things, & also layd downe in wryting y decrees (which also they call canons) already concluded vpon, euery one returneth vnto his owne cytie. I thinke it very expedient to lay downe in this place, not only the names of the byshops, assembled at Nice, which among all y rest were most famous (I meane such as I cold learne by records) but also the prouince, & place where euery one gouerned, together with y time of their assembly. There was Osius. Viton. Vincentius. Alexander. Eustathius. Macarius. Harpocratio Cynon. present at this councel: Osius bishop of Corduba: Viton, and Vincentius priests: Alexander bishop of Aegypt: Eustathius bishop of great Antioch: Macarius bishop of Ierusalem: Harpocratio, Cynon, with others: whose names are seuerally, & exquisitly cited by Athanasius bishop of Alexandria, in his booke intitled Synodicus. Anno 32 [...] some say 326. some [...] the [...] 328. Cap. 14. in. the Greeke. Toutching the time when this councell was summoned, as it ap­peareth by cronicles of record, it was in the consulship of Paulinus & Iulianus, the eleuēth kalends of Iune, to we [...]e: the XX. day of May, the three hundreth thirtye, and sixt yeare after the raygne of Alexander king of Macedonia. Thus was the councell broken vp, which being done we haue to learne that the emperour departed into the Easterne partes.

CAP. X.

Howe that Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis byshop of Nice, being exiled for Arianisme, after they had geuen vp a booke of their recantation and repentance were restored to their former dignities

[Page 236] EVsebius and Theognis, sent a litle booke vnto the chiefe byshops, wherein they shewed theire penitent minds, for theyr wilfull folly: wherefore by the emperours commaundement they were not onely called home from banishment, but also restored to the gouernement of theyr churches: remouing from their dignities, such as were substituted in their rowmes, to wete: Am­phion remoued by Eusebius, and Chraestus by Theognis. The coppy of the recantation we haue here layd downe as followeth: Although it vvas our part heretofore beinge condemned by your holynes, not to haue muttered, but quietly to haue borne vvhatsoeuer your vvisedom both god­ly, The rec [...]ta­tion of Eu­sebius bishop of Nicome­dia and The­ognis bishop of Nice which were A [...]an here­ticks, exhibi­ted vnto the chiefe by­shops. and religiously had decreed: yet because it seemed a shamefull thinge, that vvith our silence, vve shoulde cause others, to conceaue an ill opinion of vs, and so to condemne vs for deuisers of falshoode: therefore haue we signified vnto you, our assent, toutching the determination of the fayth: and hauing diligently vveyed, and examined vvith our selues, the force, and signification of the cause, Of one substance, vve vvholly adict our selues, to the embracinge of peace, and vni­ty, neuer henceforth to intāgle our selues, in the snares of error. And partly to the end we might prouide for the peaceable security of the church of God, vve haue layde vvide open before you, the secretes of our minde: partly also that they, which to mans seeminge, shoulde yelde to our censure, and iudgement, might in this behalfe setle, and confirme themselues, vve haue subscri­bed to the forme of fayth, vvhich the holy assembly hath laid downe. we protest vnto you more­ouer, in that heretofore, vve subscribed not, to the condemnation, or accursinge of Arius, it vvas not because vve misliked vvith that forme of fayth, but because vve coulde not be fully perswa­ded, that he vvas such a kind of felovve, as report vvent of him: specialy vvhen as by such things, as priuatly past by epistles betvvene vs, and also by his ovvne protestation, pronoūced vvith his ovvne lipps, in our presence, we vvere fully persvvaded, that he vvas farre from that kinde of dis­position. If that then, that sacred senate, & holy assembly vvill geue any creditt vnto our words, vve haue fully purposed, and determined vvith our selues, not to impugne by gainesaying, but by assentinge, and prompt mindes, to ratifie those canons, vvhich your syncere, and religious piety hath already concluded. And by this our booke of submission, we do seale our consente therein, not for that vve are grieued vvith exile, and banishment: but that most vvillingly vve vvould not onely abandone heresie, but also auoide, yea the suspicion thereof. And if that you vvill voutchsafe vs your presence, you shall find in deed, as you read by vvord, that we vvill sub­scribe vnto your decrees. For as much as it pleased your vvonted goodnes, to call before you, & curteously to entreate, the ringleader of this sect: it seemes farre out of order, whē as he beinge gilty vvas sent for, and ansvvered for himselfe, that we with silence, shoulde condemne our sel­ues. let it not grieue you then, as it becometh your reuerend fatherhood, to put our most religi­ous emperour in remembrāce of vs, to present our humble sute vnto him, and speedely to deter­mine vvhat your discreete vvisedome thinketh best, toutching this our estate. This was the re­cantation of Eusebius, and Theognis. by which circunstances I do coniecture, though they subscri­bed vnto the forme of fayth, decreed by the councell, yet that they would not condescend, to the re­nouncing of Arius: and that Arius before this time, was sent for. And for all that it was so, yet was it straictly cōmaunded, that Arius shoulde not tread within Alexandria. The which plainly appeareth, by the subtle treachery he founde out, for to returne vnto the church, and to the city of Alexandria, through false and fained shewe of repentance. But of this hereafter.

CAP. XI.

After the dissoluinge of the councell when Alexander had departed this life, Cap. 15. after the greeke. Athanasius was chosen byshop of Alexandria.

NOt longe after, Alexander byshop of Alexandria, hauinge runne the race of his mortall Athanasius byshop of Alexandria. Ruffinus lib. [...]hist. ca. 14. life, died, & Athanasius is appointed to gouerne the church in his place. Ruffinus reporteth of him, that being a child of tēder years, he plaid a part in an holy playe together with his coaged companions. The playe was nothing else but animitation, or resemblance of priesthood, and of the whole ecclesiasticall order, in the which, Athanasius plaied the byshop, of the rest of the children, some plaied y priests, some other the deacons. Thus plaied y children on that day, in the which the church of Alexandria accustometh to celebrat the memoriall of Peter, there byshop & martyred. At that time (as it fell out) Alexander byshop of Alexandria, passinge bye, behelde the whole order, and discourse of the playe. He sent for the childrene to come vnto him, and demaun­ded [Page 237] of them, what part euery one handled in the playe, gatheringe hereby somethinge to be fore­shewed, and prognosticated vnto them all. Which beinge done, he charged they should be brought Alexander b. of Alexan­dria made Athanasius deacon. Athanasius beinge deacō was at the councell of Nice. Cap. 16. after the greeke. vp in the church, and nurtured in good learning, but aboue all Athanasius. Whome when he came to any ripenes of yeares, he made deacon, & brought him in his company to the councell of Nice, for to ayde him in disputation. These things hathe Ruffinus wrytten in his histortes, of Atha­nasius. neither is it vnlike but that these circumstances might be, for it is most true, that many such things haue oftentimes heretofore, come to passe. This much by the way of Athanasius.

CAP. XII.

Howe that Constantine the Emperoure, enlarging the city which of olde was called Byzantium, tearmed it after his owne name Constantinople.

THe emperour, after the ending of the coūcell, liued in great trāquility. And as soone as (af­ter the wonted guise) he had celebrated the twētyth yeare of his raygne, without all delay, or tariance, he turned himselfe wholy to the buylding of churches, the which he brought to passe, as well in other cyties, as in that cytie the which he called after his name, but of olde bore the name of Byzantium. This he enlarged exceedingly, he enuironed with great & goodly walls, he bewtified with glorious building, and made her nothing inferior to the princely cytie of Rome callinge her after his name Constantinople. He made moreouer a lawe that she shoulde be called Constantinople called Newe Rome but of olde Byzantium. the Second Rome. The which lawe is ingrauen in a stony piller, & reserued in the publique pre­tory, nigh the emperours knightly picture. In this cytie he erected from the foūdation, two chur­ches, calling y one, of peace, the other, of the Apostles. He encreased not only (as I sayd before) christian affairs, but altogether rooted out the rites of the Gentiles. He caried away the images out of the Idole groues, & to the end they might sett out the cytie of Constantinople, they were to be seene abrode in y open market place. He inuironed about in the open aer, the threefooted trestle (vpon y which the priest of Apollo in Delphos, was wont to receaue his oracle) with a grate. Per­aduenture some men will count the recitall of these things altogether impertinent, specialy in as much as of late in maner all men, haue ether seene them with their eyes, or heard of them w t theyr eares. At that time y christian religiō spredd it selfe, farre & nigh. For vnder the raygne of the em­perour Costantine, besides the prosperous affairs of many other things, the prouidence of God so prouided, that the faith in Christ, shoulde take great increase. And although Eusebius Phamphilus hath sett forth the praises of this emperour, with a large, and lofty style: yet in my opinion, I shal nothing offend, if that after my simple maner, I say something to his commendation.

CAP. XIII.

Howe that Helene the emperours mother, leauinge Ierusalem sought out the crosse Cap. 17. in the greeke. of Christ and founde it, afterwardes built there a Church.

HElene the emperours mother (which of the village Drepane made a cyty, the which after­wards Helen the mother of Constantine was the daughter of Coel kinge of Englande Helenopolis Psal. 78. The Idole o [...] Venus set v [...] where Chri [...] was buried. the emperour called Helenopolis) being warned by a vision in her sleepe tooke her iorney to Ierusalem. And when as shee founde that auncient Ierusalem, lyinge all wast, in a heape of stones, (as it is in the prophet) she searched diligētly for the sepulchre of Christ, in the which he was layd, and out of the which he rose againe and at length, although with much adoe, through the helpe of God, she found it. And why it was so harde a matter to finde, I will de­clare in fewe words. euen as they which embraced the faith of Christ highly esteemed of that se­pulchre, and monument after his passion: so of the contrary, such as abhorred christian religion, heaped in that place much earth, and raised great hilloks, and buylded there the temple of Ʋenus, and hauinge suppressed the remembrance of the place, they sette vp her Idole. This haue we learned of olde to be true. But when as the emperours mother was made priueye hereunto shee threwe downe the Idole: she digged vp the place: she caused the great heape of earthe to be hur­led aside, and the filth to be remoued: she findes three crosses in the graue, one, I meane that blessed, vpon the whiche Christe suffred: other two, on the whiche the two theeues ended their liues. Together with whiche crosses the table of Pilate was founde, whereupon he had wrytten with sundrye tongues, and signified vnto the worlde, that Christe crucified was the Kinge of the Iewes. Yet because there rose some doubte whether of these three, shoulde [Page 238] be the crosse of Christ, for the which they had made this searche, the emperours mother was not a litle pensiue. The which sorowefull heuynes of hers, Macarius byshop of Ierusalem, not longe af­ter, asswaged. For he made manifest by his fayth, that which afore was doubtfull, & ambiguous. He desired of God a signe, and obtained his sute. The signe was this: there was a certaine woman of that coast, which by reason of her long, and greuous disease, lay at the poincte of death. As she was yeldinge vp of the ghost, the byshop layd euery one of the crosses vpon her, beinge fully per­swaded, that she shoulde recouer her former health, if that she toutched the reuerent crosse of our Sauiour, which in deed failed him not. For whē as both the crosses, which belonged not vnto the Lorde, were layd to the woman, she continewed neuerthelesse at the poinct of death: but as soone as the third (which in very dede was the crosse of Christ) was layd vnto her, although she seemed presently to leaue this world, yet leaped she vp, and was restored to her former health. After this The crosse of Christ was founde out by a miracle. Newe Ieru­salem. sorte was the crosse of Christ founde out. The emperours mother buylded ouer the sepulchre, a goodly and gorgeous church, callinge it Nevve Ierusalem, righte ouer against that old, and wast Ierusalem. The one halfe of the crosse she lockt vp in a siluer chest, & left there to be seene, of suche as were desirous to beholde such monumēts, the other halfe she sente to the emperour. The which when he had receaued, supposinge that city, to be in greate safety, where in it were kept, compas­sed it with his owne picture which was sett vp in the market place at Constantinople (so called of Constantinus) ouer a mighty piller of redd marble. Although I commit this to wryting, which I haue onely learned by hearesay, yet in maner all they which inhabite Constantinople, affirme it to be most true. Moreouer when Constantinus had receaued the nayles, wherewith the naked The nayles were founde. handes of Christ were fastened to the tree (for his mother had founde these also in the sepulchre of Christ, and sent them vnto him) he caused bitts for bridles, helmets and headpeeces, to be made thereof the which he wore in battaile. The emperour furthermore made prouision for all suche necessaries, as were required to the buyldinge of the churches, and wrote vnto Macarius the bi­shop, The good deedes the vertuous life, and godly ende of He­lene. that with all diligence he should further the buyldinge. The emperours mother as soone as she had finished the church, which she called Nevve Ierusalem, buylded a second, nothinge inferior to the first, at Bethleem, in the hollowe rocke, where Christ was borne accordinge vnto the flesh, also a thirde, vpō the mount, where Christ ascended vnto y father. Besides, she was so vertuous, & so meeke that she would fall downe to her prayers, in the middest of the vulgare sorte of women: that she woulde inuite to her table, virgines, which were consecrated to holy life accordinge vnto the canon of the church: that she woulde bring in meate, and serue them her selfe. Many things she gaue to churches, and to poore people, she liued godly, and religiously, and departed this life, being fourescore yeare olde, her body was brought to Constantinople, called Nevve Rome and buried there with princely funerall.

CAP. XIIII.

Howe the emperour Constantine, destroying the Idole groues of the Gentiles erected Cap. 18 in the greeke. in sundrie places, many notable Churches.

THe emperour after this, went about to promote christian religion, with greater care & in­dustrie, to banish the rites & ceremonies of the ethnicks, to restrayne the lewde combats of fencers and sworde players, and to sett vp his owne image in theyr Idolatricall temples. Serapis had [...] his temple [...] elle, or fa­ [...]ome, signi­ [...]inge the [...]easure of [...]e water in [...]epth which [...]as thought [...] his power [...] ouerflowe [...]he Barba­rians beinge [...]ercome in [...]aill recea [...]d the faith Christ. And when as the Ethnicks affirmed, that the God Serapis, was he which made the riuer Nilus to ouerflowe, and to water the countrey of Aegypt, because that a certaine elle was brought into the temple of Serapis: the emperour commaunded, that elle to be conueyed into the churche of Ale­xandria. When that it was noysed, that Nilus woulde no longer ouerflowe, because the God Se­rapis tooke greate indignation, that he was thus abused: the yeare followinge, the riuer did not onely ouerflowe (after his wonted maner) and from that time forth kept his course, but also there­by declared vnto the worlde, that Nilus was accustomed to ouerflowe, not after theire superstiti­ous opinion, but by the secret determination of the deuine prouidence. Although the Sarmatians, Barbarians, and Gotths, at the same time, assayled the right of the Romayne empire: yet for all that, the emperours care and industry for the buyldinge of churches, was not slacked, but diligently with great aduise, did he prouide for both. For he valiantly ouercame these nations, vn­der the banner of the crosse, which is the peculiar cognizance of christian profession, so that not onely he depriued them of the tribute, which the emperours of olde, were wonte to pay vnto the [Page 239] Barbarians: but also they beinge astonished at this straunge victory, yelded themselues then, first of all, wholly to embrace christian religion, by the meanes of the which, Constantine had preserued himselfe. Constantinus againe applied himselfe to the buyldinge of other churches, and one he e­rected Gens. 18. in the okegroue of Mambre where holy scripture reporteth, the Angels to haue bene har­bored by Abraham. When that he was certified, that altars were erected at that oke, and that the Ethnicks offred sacrifice and incense in that place, to theyr fayned Gods, he sharply rebuked Eusebius bishope of Caesarea, by his letters, because that through his slackenes in executinge his office, that wickednes was committed. He commaundeth therefore the altars to be turned vpside downe, and a church harde by the oke, to be builded. He commaundeth an other church to be buil­ded in Heliopolis of Phoenicia, and that for this cause. What lawe maker the Heliopolits had of olde, I am not able to saye, but the lawes, and customes of the cytie doe manifestly declare, what kinde of man he was. By the custome of their countrey, they haue all women in common, & there­fore Constātinus abrogated the most fil­thie lawes of the Helio­polits and brought thē to the chri­stian faith. of the children, there can no certainty be had. Amonge them there is no difference, ether of fa­ther or sonne. They geue their virgins to straungers, which come amongst them, to be defloured. The emperour endeuored wholly to abrogat this old and rotten custome of theirs. For when he had taken away this brutishe, and beastly kind of behauiour, he made a sacred, and a seuere lawe: that kindreds, and families shoulde be knowen amongest thē, and seuered one from the other. To be short, when he had buylded churches amonge them, he hastened to consecrate them a bishop, & to ordaine the holy company of clergy men. Thus the state of the Heliopolits, after the remouing of theire former filth, was reformed into modeste behauiour. In like maner he ouerthrewe the The temple of Venus o­uerthrowen. temple of Venus in Aphaca, standing at the foote of mount Libanus, and rooted out al the wicked rites, and ceremonies which were wont to be done there both impudently, & vnreuerently. What shall I speake of the familiar deuell, and the spirite of diuination the which he foyled in Cilicia, & The deuell was faine to flye out of the Idole. The tente of Constantine like the ta­bernacle of Moses. Exod. 33. commaunded the Idole in whose closettes, he had craftely hid himselfe, to be destroyed? further­more he was so feruent in promoting christian religion that when he should haue warred against the Persians he made him a tente much like the tabernacle of Moses in the desert, in forme and fi­gure, resembling the churche of God, and the same of a chaūgeable colored vaile, the which he ca­ried about with him, that in the waste wildernesse, and deserte places, he mighte alwayes finde readye an holy Churche, to singe hymnes, and deuoutly to serue the liuinge God. But the same battaile wente not forewardes, the Persians feared the power of the Emperoure, and so all iniu­ries were putte vp, and peaceably ended. That the Emperoure also imployed greate laboure, and trauell; in buyldinge townes, and Cyties, and that of diuerse peltinge villages, he made prince­ly Cyties, (for example Drepane after his mothers name, and Constantia in Palaestina, after the name of his sister Constantia) I thinke it presently, not needefull to committe in wrytinge, for the posterity. For it is not our drifte to declare the other famous actes of the Emperoure, but onely those whiche appertaine vnto christian religion, and speciallye the estate of the churches. Wherefore in as much as the famous actes of the Emperoure, tend to an other purpose, and re­quire a proper and a peculiar kinde of handlinge; I leaue them for others, whiche bothe knowe, and can sufficiently discourse thereof. I of mine owne parte, woulde neuer haue layde penne to paper, if the Church had beene at vnitie and concorde within it selfe. For where there is no mat­ter ministred to wryte there the wryter seemeth to be fond, and his trauell frustrat. But in as much as the subtletye of sophisters, fonde quirckes, and fallacies of Satan, depraued in those dayes the Apostolick, and syncere Character of Christian religion, seuered also, and as it were vn­ioynted the membres of Christ: I thought good to saye somethinge of them, whereby the eccle­stastical affayrs, may not fall into the dust of obliuion. For the knoweledge thereof is much sett by, amonge moste men, and settleth for experience, the minde of suche a one, as is well seene there­in. For when any vaine controuersie riseth about the signification of a worde, it teacheth him to haue a stayed heade.

CAP. XV. Cap. 19. in the greeke.

Howe that in the time of Constantine, the midle Indians embraced the faith of Christ by the meanes of Aedesius and Frumentius: for Athanasius Byshop, of Alexandria created Frumentius byshop, and sent him to preache vnto the Indians.

[Page 240]NOwe it remaineth that we declare howe, and by what meanes, christian religion enlar­ged The increase of christian religiō vnder Constantine. and spredd it selfe, vnder the raygne of this Emperoure. For the nations which in­habited the middle India, and Iberia. then first of all, receaued the faith of Christ, and why I haue ioyned thereunto the middle India, I will declare in fewe wordes. When the Apostles by lot, had sorted them selues to trauell vnto certaine nations, Thomas chose Partnia, there to execute the function of an Apostle: Mathewe, Aethiopia: Bartholomewe chose India, whiche The middle Indians were not christe­ned asore the raygne of Constantine that is 300. & odd years after Christ. adioyneth hereunto. But the midle India, inhabited of many barbarous nations, varying among themselues also in language: was not lightened with the worde of God, and the fayth of Christ afore the raygne of Constantine. And what drowe them to embrace the faith I am nowe about to declare. Meropius a certaine Philosopher, borne in Tyrus, longed to see, & was very destrous to trauell into the Indian countrey, as I am perswaded, he was allured thereunto by y example of Metrodorus the philosopher, who aforetime, had throughly traueled that countrey. Meropius thē, taking with him two yong mē, that were his cosins, which also were skilfull in the Greeke tonge, tooke ship, and sayled to the same countrey. And when as he had enioyed his full desire, & nowe a­gaine longed to be at home, beinge pinched with want of necessarie foode, he arriued at a place, where there was a sure & a safe hauen. It fell out, at the very same time, that the leage concluded betwene the Romains & the Indians was broken. The Indians then, laid hands vpon the Philoso­pher, and such as sailed with him, & slewe them all, the Philosophers two yonge cosins onely ex­cepted. The children they pitied, because of their tender yeares, & being saued, they are geuen for a present vnto the King of India. The King liking very well of their yong coūtenances, made the one whose name was Aedesius his cuppbearer, to attend vpon his cupp at the table: and the other whose name was Frumentius, he made maister of the Kings rolles. not longe after, the King died, leauing behind him a sonne, that was very yong, & the scepter of his kingdome vnto his wife, ma­numising also Aedesius & Frumētius. The queene being very careful ouer this yong prince, reque­sted them both, to take y gard & gouernement of him, vntill he came to lawefull yeares, & mans e­stat. These yong men, according vnto her request, diligently applie themselues, about the princes affaires, but specially Frumentius, who was in chiefest authority. This Frumentius enquired ear­nestly of the Romaine marchants, which did trafficke in y countrey, whether there was any chri­stian in there company. When he had found certaine, & signified vnto them his companiōs estate, & his owne, he praied them to choose vnto themselues seuerall places, where after the maner of the christians, they mighte poure out prayers vnto the liuinge God. In processe of tyme, Frumentius builded a churche for prayer. And those christians ioyne vnto them certaine Indians, whome they instructed in y principles of the [...]aith. when as the kinges sonne came to full yeares, Frumentius & Aedesius resigne vp, vnto him his kingdom y which they had prudētly gouerned, & craue licēce of him for them to depart vnto their natiue countrey. But when as the king, & his mother earnestlye entreated them to tary & cold not preuaile, being very destrous to visite their natiue soyle, they take their leaue, & bid farewell. Aedesius went to Tyrus, for to see his parēts & kinsfokes. Frumentius got him to Alexandria, & opened the whole matter, & all the circumstances vnto Athanasius, who a fewe dayes before, was there stalled Bishop. He told him what happened in his iorney that there was good hope, that the Indians would receaue the faith of Christ. He prayeth him to send thither a Bishop, & withall other clergie men, and that he should not make light accompt of such as might easily be brought to saue their soules. Athanasius pondering with himselfe, what preparation was Frumentius was conse­crated By­shop by A­thanasius and sent to con­uert the In­dians. Ruffinus eccl [...]ist. li. 1. ca. 9. Cap. 20 in [...]he Greeke. fittest for this voiage, made Frumētius himselfe Bishop, & sayde, that he knewe none fitter for this function, then himselfe. And the matter was thus concluded. Frumentius beinge consecrated. By­shop, went backe againe into the Indian coūtrey, preached the faith of Christ, builded many chur­ches, through the power of God wrought many miracles, and cured many both outwardly in bo­dy and inwardly in minde. These things Ruffinus reporteth himselfe to haue heard with his eares, euen of Aedesius himselfe, who after that was made priest at Tyrus.

CAP. XVI.

Howe the nation inhabitinge Iberia, was conuerted into the faith of Christ:

NOwe am I constrained, for the time so requireth, that I make relation howe the Iberians The seae Eu­kinus deui­ [...]leth Europe [...]om Asia. at that time receaued the christian faith. There was a certaine godly and deuout woman, taken captiue of the Iberians. These Iberians dwell nigh the seae Euxinus, a people they [Page 241] are, hauing theyr originall of the Iberians, which inhabite Spayne. This woman being a captiue, & hauinge her conuersation with Barbarians, gaue her selfe wholly to godlines. For she exercised very muche the discipline of continencye, she vsed a seuere kinde of abstinence, and allwayes a­plied her selfe to feruent prayer. The which thinge when the Barbarians perceaued they wonde­red at the straungenes of the Act. It fell out that the kinges sonne, of very tender yeares, fell into a daungerous disease. The queene (after that countrey maner) sent the childe vnto other women for phisicke, to trye if experience had taught them any medicene that might cure that malady. When as the nurce had caried aboute the childe vnto euery woman, and coulde purchase reme­dy of none, at length he is broughte vnto the woman that was captiue. Shee in the presence of many women although she layde thereunto no salue, or remedy in the worlde (for of trueth shee knewe none) yet tooke shee the childe, layde her sackecloth vpon him, and sayde onely these wordes: Christ which healed many, will also heale this infante. When shee had vttered these The kinge of the Iberians child is cured wordes, and prayed vnto God for ayde and assistance the childe forthwith recouered, and thence­forth enioyed perfecte health. The fame of this act was bruted abrode, amonge all the Barba­rian wiues, and came at length vnto the queenes eare, so that her name was famous, and the captiue woman muche spoken of. In a while after, the queene her selfe fell sicke, and this sim­ple woman was sent for. Shee refused to goe, leste that peraduenture some violence, contra­ry to the modestye of her nature, were offred vnto her. The Queene then is conueyed vnto her. Shee practiseth the like, as she had done before vnto the childe. Forthwith the Queene is ridd The queene of the Ibe­riās is healed of her disease, shee thanketh the woman. But the woman answered: it is not my doinge, but Christes, the sonne of God, and the maker of heauen and earth. She exhorteth the Queene to call vpon him, and to acknowledge him for the true God. The kinge maruelinge that this ma­lady, whiche raygned among the Iberians, was so some cured, made inquisition who healed his wife, and commaunded the captiue woman shoulde be bountifully rewarded. Which made an­swere: that she wanted no riches, but esteemed godlynes, as greate treasure: and that the kinge shoulde receaue a precious Iewell, if that he woulde acknowledge that God, whome she pro­fessed. With these words she sent backe the rewardes. The kinge layde vp these sayinges in his brest. The next day after, as the kinge went a hunting, suche a thing happened. The hilles, and forest, where his game laye, were ouercast with darke cloudes and thicke mist, the game was vncertaine and doubtfull, the waye stopt and intricate, the kinge beinge at his witts ende not knowinge what was best in this case to be done, called earnestly vpon the Gods whiche he accu­stomed to serue. But when his calling vpon them, stoode him in no steede, it came to his mind, to thinke vpon the God of the captiue woman, vnto him then he turneth, and crieth for helpe. As soone then as he had prayed vnto him the cloude was dissolued, the miste scattered it selfe, and vanished awaye. The Kinge wondered, returned whome ioyfullye and tolde his wife all that had happened. Immediatly he sendes for the captiue woman, when shee came, he demaun­ded of her what God it was whome she serued? She so instructed the Iberian Kinge, that he pu­blished The kinge of the Iberians was conuer­ted vnto the [...]ayth. abrode the praises of Christ. By the meanes of this deuoute woman, he embraced the [...]ayth of Christe, he made proclamation that all his subiectes shoulde come together. To them he rehearsed the manner of his sonnes curinge, the healinge of his wife, and what happened vnto him as he wente a huntinge. He exhorted them to serue the God of the captiue woman. They preache Christe to bothe sex, the Kinge to men, and the Queene to women. As soone as he had learned of the captiue woman the forme and fashion of Churches whiche the Romaynes vsed, he caused a Church to be buylded, and gaue charge, that with all speede, prouision should be made for buyldinge. To be shorte the house of prayer is erected. As soone as they wente a­boute to lifte vp the pillours, the wisedome of God euen in the worke it selfe, setled the mindes of the people, and drewe them to Christe. It fell out that one of the pillours remayned immo­ueable, and colde by no deuise be remoued, the ropes breake, and the engines cracke in pee­ces. The workemen despaire, and returne euery man to his home. Then the fayth of the captiue woman made it selfe manifest. For in the night season, when no man perceaued, she came vnto the place, and continewed in prayer all night longe, by the deuine prouidence of God the pil­loure is winded vp in the ayer, ouer the foundacion, and there hangeth leuell wise, without e­ther proppe or butresse. At the breakinge of the daye, the Kinge beinge a carefull man, not forgetfull of his busines, came to see the buylding, and behouldeth the pillour hanginge in the aer, leuell ouer his place. He wondereth at the sighte, and all that sawe it were astonished. In [Page 242] a litle space after, before their faces, the pilloure came downe, and fastened it selfe in his proper place. Whereupon they all showted, the kings faith is helde for true, & the God of the captiue wo­man was extolled with prayses. Thenceforth they stagger not at all, but with chearefull mindes they rayse the rest of the pilloures, and in a while after they finishe the buyldinge. After this they sende Embassadors vnto Constantine, requestinge league thenceforthe to be concluded be­twene them and the Romaynes, they craue a Byshope, and Clergie men to instructe them, they protest theyre syncere and vnfayned beleefe in Christe. Ruffinus reporteth that he learned these thinges of [...]acurius, who sometime gouerned the Iberians, afterwardes comminge vnto the Romaynes was made captaine ouer theire souldiers in Palaestina, In his later dayes he stood the Emperour Theodosius in great steede, in the battaile which he gaue to Maximus the tyrants Thus did the Iberians receaue the christian fayth in the dayes of Constantine the Emperoure.

CAP. XVII. Cap. 21. in the greeke.

Of Antonie the monke, and Manes the hereticke, and his originall.

THe same time liued Antonie the monke, in the desertes of Aegypte. But in as muche as Antony the e [...]emite. Athanasius Byshope of Alexandria, hathe lately sette forth in a seuerall volume, intitled of his life, his maners and conuersation, howe openly he buckled with deuells, howe he ouerreached their sleyghtes, and subtle combates, and wroughte many maruelous, and straunge miracles: I thinke it superfluous of my parte to entreate thereof. The dayes of Constantine haue yelded greate plenty of rare, and singular men, Cap. 22. in the Greeke. The mani­chees blased their heresie a litle before the raygne of Constan­tine. Anno. 281. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. The origi­nall and au­thors of the heresy of the Manichees. but amonge the good wheate tares are accusto­med to growe, and the spite of Satan, is the sworne enemy of prosperous affaires. For a litle be­fore the raygne of Constantine, a counterfette religion, no other in shewe, then the seruice of pa­ganes, mingled it selfe with the true and christian religion, no otherwise then false prophets are wont to rise amonge the true prophets of God, and false Apostles among the zealous Apostles of Christ. Then went Manichaeus about, couertly to conuey into the Church of God, the doctrine of Empedocles, the heathen philosopher, of whome Eusebius Pamphilus made mention in the 7. booke of his ecclesiasticall history, yet not exquisitely handlinge his doinges. Wherefore looke what he omitted, that I suppose necessary to be supplied of vs, for so we shall soone learne bothe who and what this Manichaeus was, and also by what meanes he presumed, to practise suche lewde enter­prises. A certaine Saracen of Scythia had to his wife a captiue, borne in the vpper Thebais, for whose sake he settled him selfe to dwell in Aegypte. And beinge well seene in the discipline of the Aegyptians, he endeuored to sowe among the doctrine of Christ, the opinions of Empedocles, and Pythagoras. That there were two natures (as Empedocles dreamed) one, good: an other, bad: the bad, enmytie: the good vnitie. This Scythian had to his disciple, one Buddas, who afore that Buddas o­therwise Te­rebynthus an hereticke d [...]eth miserablie. tyme was called Terebynthus, whiche wente to the coastes of Babylon, inhabited of Persians, and there published of himselfe, manye false wonders: that he was borne of a virgine, that he was bred, and brought vp in the montaynes, after this he wrote foure bookes: one of Mysteries: the seconde he entitled The Gospell: The thirde, Thesaurus: The fourth A summarye. He fay­ned on a time, that he woulde worke certaine feates, and offer sacrifice, but he beinge an highe, the deuell threwe him downe, so that he brake his necke, and dyed miserablye. His hoastesse buried him, tooke all that he had, and boughte therewith a ladde of seauen yeares olde, whose name was Cubricus. This woman after that shee had made him a free denzion, and trained him vp in learninge, not longe after dyeth, and gaue him by legacie, all the goodes of Tere­bynthus, the bookes also whiche he had wrytten, beinge the Scythians disciple. Whiche thinges when this free denized Cubricus, had gotten, he conueyed him selfe forthewith Manes the heretick & his detestable o­pinions. into Persia. He chaungeth his name, and in steede of Cubricus, he calls him selfe Manes. The bookes of Buddas otherwise called Terebynthus, he setteth abroade, as his owne doe­inges vnto suche as were snared with his follye. The titles of the bookes [...]arelye gaue a showe or colour of christian religion, but in trueth it selfe the doctrine tasted and sauored of pa­ganisine. For Manes as he was in deede a wicked man, taught the worlde to serue many gods: he commaunded the sonne to be worshipped, he was a fauorer of fatall desteny and denied free will in man. He sayd plainely the soules went from one body into an other, following herein the fond opinions of Empedocles, Pythagoras and the Aegyptians. He woulde not confesse that Christe was [Page 243] borne, but sayde that he had the forme or figure of a man. He reiected the lawe and prophetes, and called himselfe the comforter, all which thinges are farre from the true and right faith of the churche of God. In his epistles he was not ashamed to intitule him selfe, an Apostle. But his Iewde and shamelesse leasinges were recompenced with dew punishment, and that for this cause. The [...]inge of Persia his sonne, fell into a daungerous disease, the father vsed all meanes possi­ble to [...]or [...] his sonne to his former health. Beynge tolde of Manes, and perswaded that his [...]eates were [...]a [...]e [...]om falshoode and [...]eiurdemayne, sent for him by the name of an Apostle, ho­pinge with himselfe, that by his meanes his sonne shoulde recouer. Beinge come, he takes the kinges sonne in [...]es with sor [...]tis and wi [...]cast [...] the kinge seeynge his sonne already gone, and departed vnde [...] his handes, commaunded the [...]or [...]e [...]er shoulde be clapt in pryson, and proui­ded execution for him, but he brake pryson, fledde into Mesopotamia, and so shifted for him The misera­ble death of the hereticke Manes. selfe. The kinge hearinge that he was in those coasts, made him to be apprehended, flayde him al [...]e, tooke his skinne, fylled it full of chaffe, and hanged it at the gates of the cytie. These thinges we report to de most true and faithfully alleadged by vs, out of the booke intituled, The disputation of Archelaus byshop of Cascharum, a citie in Mesopotamia. This Archelaus re­porteth that he disputed with him face to face, and there layeth downe all that we wrote before, of his lyfe and conuersation. Thus (as I sayde before) it falleth out in all ages, that the spyte of [...]a [...]n wyll not suffer godlinesse to haue good successe, but sendes such lewde varletts to en­trappe the simple people. But what is the reason thereof, why our louing and mercifull God per­mitts such lewdnesse, whether it be to try and sift the true doctrine of his church, and to cut of the vaine conceats and opinions which many haue of religion: or whether it be for some other cause whatsoeuer, as it is hard to determine therof, so, few words will not suffice, neither is presently fit opportunity & occasion ministred to discourse of that matter. It is not verily the marke we shoote at, exquisitely to entreat [...] of diuers and variable opinions, and sentences of men, neither to search out the secret and hid mysteries of the prouidence and wisdome of God, but truely, as much as i [...] vs lyeth, to set forth the ecclesiasticall historie. And because we haue reported after what sort the cursed opinion of the Maniches sprange vp a little before the raygne of Constantine: nowe let vs returne to discourse of the times, incident to this our purposed historie.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 23. in the Greeke.

Howe that Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia, and Theognis byshop of Nice, remembring them selues after their recantation, wrought all the spite they could to ouerthrow the faith established in the Councell of Nice, and sought meanes to mischiefe At hanasius. Of the Councell summoned at Antioche, which deposed Eustathius, about whome there rose such a sedition in Antioche, which destroyed in maner the whole citie.

EVsebius and Theognis returning from exile, receaued their former dignities, remouing (as I sayde before) such as were placed in their seaes. They were in great reuerence and estimati­on with the emperour, and enioyed greate libertie, for that they had forsaken the cursed and Hatred and heresie ioy­ned togeth [...]. [...]ankred opinion of Arius, and geuen themselues to the true and right faith. But these men for all that, abused their libertie, and made more sturre in the worlde then euer was before. Two things droue them therevnto: the detestable heresie of Arius, which helde their mindes of a longe time, and the deadly hatred they bare vnto Athanasius. Because he valiantly withstoode them as they disputed in the Councell of Nice, firste of spite they chalenge his degree and vocation, saying: he was no fitt man for the rowme of a bishop, next that he was elected by vnlawfull persons. But for all that he cleared him selfe of those opprobrious and sclaunderous reports (his vpryght conuer­sation was such, he coulde not be remoued from the bishops seae of Alexandria) and contended earnestly for the faith decreed by the Councell of Nice: Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, endeuou­red with might and mayne, through wiles and subtletie to depose Athanasius, and to bring Arius into Alexandria. For by this meanes he thought best, to roote out of the church the faith of Ho­mousion, to wete: of One substance, ratified by the councell, and to plant the pestilent doctrine of Arius. And as at some tymes he entreated him by letters, and [...]aire wordes: so of the contrary, at other tymes he went aboute to terrifie him with threates. But when as Athanasius woulde in no wyse yeelde, he sought to perswade the Emperour that of his wonted clemencie, he woulde [Page] geue Arius the hearinge, and pardon him, that he myght returne vnto Alexandria. But what treacherie he practised to brynge this his purpose to effect, I will shewe in an other place. Afore that these thinges were fully come to an end [...], there rose an other hurlyburlye in the churche. For the members them selues, brake asunder the peaceable and quiets bond [...] of the church. Eusebius Pamphilus reporteth, that immediately after the breakinge vp of the Councell, a ci­uill dissention rose throughout all Aegypt, the cause be hath concealed, whereby he was of di­uers suspected of double dealinge. He was thought with silence to haue ouershipped the cau­ses, for that he had determined with him selfe not to subscribe vnto the decrees of the Nicene Councell. But as we haue learned manifestly by diuers epistles the which, byshops wrote pri­uately one to an other after the Councell: the clause of One substance, troubled exceedingly their mindes, and whylest that they sifted, and searched out the [...]ense, and vnderstandinge thereof, euen vnto the nuycke, they raysed ciuill discorde amonge them selues, so that their conclusi­ons seemed nothinge else, but combats in the nyght and darkenesse, or blynofolded bablinge. It seemed that nere nother syde vnderstoode well, the cause that made them to reuyle eche other. For such as reiected the clause of One substance, (thinkinge verylie that they which receaued it, went about to establishe agayne the heresie of Sabellius and Montanus) called the true pro­fessors, blasphemo [...]s persons, as if they had gone about to take awaye the substance of the sonne of God. Such as of the contrarie cleaued vnto the canon of One substance, thought theyr aduersaries brought in the seruice of manie goods, and abhored them as furtherers of Paga­nisme. Moreouer Eustathius byshop of Antioche, sharpely rebuked Eusebius Pamphilus, as though he had gone about to corrupt the Nicene Creede: but Eusebius Pamphilus both cleared Eusebius P [...] ­philus was no Arian. him selfe of that sclaunder, and also charged Eustathius with the heresie of Sabellius. And so all the byshops wrote inuectiues one agaynste the other, as if they had bene deadly foes. When as both partes sayde, that the sonne of God had his beynge together with the father, and was in the father, and confessed the vnitie to be in Trinitie: yet (I wo [...] not why, nor wherefore) they coulde not agree amonge them selues, nor sett their hartes at rest. Cap. 24. in the Greeke. The councell of Antioche where Eusta­thius was de­posed. Wherefore there was a Councell summoned at Antioche, where Eustathius, for fauouringe the heresie of Sabellius, more then furtheringe the Canons of the Nicene Councell, was deposed, [...]ut diuers do report that there were other matters of no small importance, and lesse honestie, layde to his charge and causes of his depriuation, yet do they not openly rehearse them. For it is the maner amonge by­shops, to accuse them that are deposed, to pronounce them for wicked persons, yet to conceale the particular faults. Georgius byshop of Laodicea in Syria, one of them that reiected the clause of One substance, in his booke of the prayse of Eusebius Emisenus, writeth him selfe to haue repor­ted, that the bishops deposed Eustathius the Sabellian hereticke, Cyrus bishop of Berrhaea, beyng his accuser. But of this Eusebius Emisenus we minde to speake in an other place. Georgius wri­teth, that Eustathius the Sabellian, accused by Cyrus: and agayne Cyrus him selfe, conuicted of the same heresie, to haue bene both remoued out of their byshoprickes. But howe can it be that Cyrus, beyng him selfe infected with the foule heresie of Sabellius, should accuse Eustathius of the same? Therefore it seemeth, that Eustathius was deposed for some other cause. After this there was kindled in Antioche such a fierye flame of sedition, that in maner the whole citie was there­with turned vpside downe. The faction was twofold▪ the one went about to trāslate Eusebius Pam­philus byshop of Caesarea in Palaestina, to Antioche: the other woulde needes bringe againe Eu­stathius. [...]usebius Pā ­ [...]hilus re [...] [...]th to be [...]ishop of [...]ntioch, for [...]e which [...]e Empe­ [...]ur Cōstan­ [...]e did high [...] commend [...]m. [...]phronius Arian, yet [...]hop of [...]tioch. The common sorte of people, some cleaued to this syde, some to that syde. The whole garrison and bande of souldiers was so deuided, and sett one agaynst the other, that if God, and the alleageance they owed vnto the good Emperour, had not bene called to remembrance: they woulde lamentably haue murthered eche other. For the Emperoure by his letters appeased the tumult and sedition that was raysed amongest them. But Eusebius refused to be their byshop, and therefore the Emperour did highly commende him. The Emperour wrote vnto him of that mat­ter, he prayseth his minde, and pronounceth him happie, for that by the report of all men, he was worthie to be byshop, not of one citie, but of the whole worlde. The seae of Antioche is sayd to haue wanted a bishop, the space of eyght yeares together. but at length, by the meanes of such as endeuoured to ouerthrow the Nicene Creede: Euphronius was made bishop. And thus much shall suffice toutching the Councell helde at Antioch, for the deposition of Eustathius.

CAP. XIX.

Of the meanes that were wrought to call Arius home, and how Arius deliuered vnto the Emperour his recantation in writing, craftely subscribing vnto the Nicene Creede.

IMmediatly after, Eusebius, who a little before had left the byshopricke of Berytus, and at that present was bishop of Nicomedia, stri [...]ed with might & maine, together with his confederats, to bring againe Arius into Alexandria. But howe, and after what sort they brought their pur­pose passe, and the meanes they used to perswade the Emperour to call before him Arius & Eu­zoius▪ now I thinke best to declare. Cap. 25. in the Greeke. The Emperour had to his sister one Constantia, she was the wyfe of Licinnius, who sometyme was fellowe Emperour with Constantine, but afterwardes for his tyrannie was put to death. This Constantia had greate acquaintance and familiaritie with a certaine priest of the Arian sect, whome she made very much of who through the perswasion of Eusebius, and others his familier and deare friendes, made sute vnto her, in the behalfe of Ari­us, signifyinge that the synode had done him iniurie, and that he was not of the opinion he was reported to be. Constantia hearinge this, beleeued the priest, but durst not make the Emperoure priuye therevnto. It fell out that Constantia was visited with greate sicknesse, so that the Em­perour came very oft to see her. When the woman perceaued her selfe to be daungerously sicke, and wayted for no other then present death, she commendes vnto the Emperour this prieste, she prayseth his industrie, his godlinesse, his good will and loyalitie vnto the imperiall scepter. In a short whyle after, she departeth this lyfe. The priest is in greate authoritie with the Emperour. And creepinge euery day more and more into better estimation, breaketh the same matter vnto the Emperour, as before vnto his sister▪ that Arius was of no other opinion, then the councell had decreed: and if he would voutchsafe him his presence, that he would s [...]bscribe vnto the canons: and that he was falsely accused. This report that the priest made of Arius, seemed very straunge vnto the Emperour, who gaue agayne this answeare: If (sayth he) Arius he of that minde, and (as you saye) agreeth with the fayth confirmed by the Councell: I wyll not onely geue him the hea­ringe my selfe, but also sende him with honor to Alexandria. When he had thus spoken, imme­diatly he wrote vnto him as followeth.

The epistle of Constantine the Emperour vnto the hereticke Arius.

Constantine the puyssant, the myghtie and noble Emperour. Notice was geuen, nowe a good Constantine was informe [...] of Arius his recantation when he wrot this. while agoe, vnto thy wisdome, that thou shouldest repaire vnto our cāpe, to the end thou migh­test enioy our presence, wherfore I cā not but maruell, why thou camest not with speede, accor­ding vnto our will. Now therefore take one of the cōmon waggōs, & make hast to our cāpe, that vnderstandinge our clemencie, & the care we haue ouer thee, thou mayest returne to thy natiue coūtry God keepe thee welbeloued. written the. 5. of the kalends of December.

This was the e­pistle which the Emperour wrote vnto Arius. I can not verely but wōder at y maruelous endeuer & entire loue the Emperour bare vnto pietie, & thristian profession. For it appeareth by y epistle, that y Emperour admonished Arius oftentimes to recant, & therfore now doth he reprehend him, for y he being oft allured by his letters, made no speedy reformation of him selfe. Arius in a while after the receate of the Emperours letters came to Constantinople, there accompanyed him Eu­zoius, who had bene a deacon, whome Alexander deposed the selfe same tyme together with the other Arians. The Emperour bydds them welcome, and demaundeth of them, whether they would subscribe vnto the Nicene Creede: they answere the Emperour that they would do it with a good will. The Emperour bidds them quickly lay downe in writing their creede. Cap. 26. in the Greeke▪ The recāta [...] tiō of Arius and Euzoi [...] geuē vp vn [...] the Empe­rour, toge­ther with t [...] forme of their faith, where they dissēble bo [...] with God man, wri [...]i [...] one thing, meaning a [...] other, as it appeareth the chapt [...] following. They frame their recantation, and offer it vp vnto the Emperour, in this forme. Vnto the most vertuous, and our most godly lorde and Emperour Constantine: Arius and Euzoius. VVe haue layde downe in writing (noble Emperour) the forme of our faith, euen as your godly and singular zeale hath geuen vs in charge: vve doe protest that both vve our selues, and all they that be of our syde, doe beleeue as follovveth: VVe beleeue in one God, the father almyghtie, and in his sonne our Lorde Iesus Christ, begotten of him before all vvorldes, God the vvorde, by vvhome all thinges were made, both in heauen and earth: who came dovvne from heauen, and vvas made man, vvho suffred, rose againe, & ascended into heauen, & shall come againe to iudge both the quicke & the dead. And we beleue in the holy ghost, the resurrection of the fleshe, the life of the [Page 246] vvorlde to come, the kingdome of heauen, the one Catholicke churche of God scattered farre and vvide, ouer the face of the vvhole earth. This faith haue vve learned of the most holie Euan­gelists, where the Lorde him selfe sayd vnto his disciples: Goe teache all nations, baptizing thē Mat. 28. in the name of the father, and of the sonne, and of the holy ghost: euen as the vvhole Catholicke church, and the scriptures do teache, all vvhich vve faithfully beleeue. God is ou [...] Iudge, pre­sently to the houre of death, and at the daye of doome. VVherefore (moste holy Emperour) we humbly craue of your godly highnes, in as much as vve are [...]eargi [...] men, & retaine the faith, and affection, both of the church, and also of holy scripture, that of your wonted zeale, wher­vvith you prouide for vnitie, and the right honour of God (all controuersies, and quarells, and cauillations, and subtle quircks vvhatsoeuer layde aside) you will couple [...] vvith our mother the church: that both vve, and the church of God, among our selues, may liue quietly, & ioynt­ly vvith one harte and voyce, povvre vnto God the accustomed prayers, for the peaceable and prosperous estate of your empire, and for all mankinde.

CAP. XX. Cap. 27. in the Greeke.

How Arius by the commaundement of the Emperour returned to Alexandria, whome Athana­sius would in no wise admitt, against Athanasius Eusebius and his confederats patched di­uers crimes, and presented them vnto the Emperour, so that in the ende a synode was summoned at Tyrus, to pacifie these quarells.

WHen that Arius had perswaded the Emperour in such sorte as we sayde before, he re­turnes to Alexandria, but yet he could not with all his wiles treade downe the trueth, Athanasius would not receaue Ari­us into the church of Alexandria. the which he had so egregiously dissembled. Athanasius would not receaue him into the church of Alexandria after his returne, for he detested him as a monster of the worlde. Arius ne­uerthelesse whilest that he priuely sowed his pestilent opinion, goeth about to sett the whole citie on an vprore. At what time Eusebius both him selfe wrote vnto Athanasius, and procured also the Emperour to commaunde him by his letters, to condescende vnto the admission of Arius and his cōplices. Athanasius for all that, would not receaue them into the church, but wrote backe againe vnto the Emperour: that it was not lawfull for such as had made shipwracke of their faith, and had bene held for accursed of the church▪ after their returne and conuersion, to receaue their former dignities. The Emperour was in a great chafe, and conceaued great displeasure against Athana­sius Constantine [...]rote this to Athanasiꝰ. b. [...]f Alex [...]dria [...] the behalf [...]f Arius the [...]ereticke, [...]ho decea­ [...]ed thē both for this answere, threatninge him by his letters as followeth: In as much as thou art made priuie to our will and pleasure, see that thou make the dore vvide open to all that desire to enter into the church. For if I vnderstand, that any one (vvhich desired to be made a member of the church) hath by any meanes through thee bene hindred, or his entrāce stopped: I vvill forthwith send one of mine officers, who by authority from me, shall both depose thee of thy bishopricke, and also place an other in thy rovvme. This the Emperour wrote respecting the commoditie of the church, & the vnitie of the councell, lest that through variance it were dissolued. Eusebius then, who hated Athanasius with deadly enmitie, thought no time fitter thē that, to bring his purpose to effect (for he had the Emperour incensed against him, which was meate and drinke for Eusebius) and therefore he raysed all that troublesome sturre, to the ende he myght cause Athanasius to be deposed of his bishopricke. For he thought verylie, that if Athanasius were once remoued, Aria­nisme then should beare away the bell. Wherefore there conspired against him at once: Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia: Theognis bishop of Nice: Maris bishop of Chalcedon: Vrsacius bishop of Singidon a citie of the vpper Pannonia: and Ʋalens bishop of Murson, a citie also in Pannonia. These men hyred certaine of the Meletian se [...]t, & caused diuers crimes to be layd vnto Athanasius charge. And firste of all, by the depositions of Eusion, Eudaemon, and Callinicus, that were Mele­tian [...]hanasius is [...]ely [...] of extor­ [...]n. heretickes, they charge Athanasius, that he had inioyned the Aegyptians, to pay for a yearely tribute vnto the church of Alexandria, a lynen garment. But Alypius and Macarius, priests of the church of Alexandria (who then as it chaunced were at Nicomedia) confuted this sclannderous report that was layde agaynste Athanasius, and perswaded the Emperour, that all their mali­cious tales, were manifest vntruthes. Wherefore the Emperoure wrote vnto his aduersa­ries, and rebuked them sharply, but Athanasius he requesteth to repayre vnto him. yet agayne Eusebius together with his complices, before his comminge patched an other crime, farre more [...]anasius [...]alsely ac­cused of treason. haynous then the former: that Athanasius went about trayterously to defeate the Emperoures [Page 247] edicts, in sending to one Philumenus a kas [...]et or forsar, full of gold. The Emperour then being at Psamathia, a manour without the walls of Nicomedia, by sifting out of this matter, founde. A­thanasius to be giltlesse and sent him away with honor, writing also to the Church of Alexandria, that their bishop was falsely accused before him. But I thinke best, and with more honesty a great deale, to passe ouer with silence, the sundry kindes of sclaunders, Eusebius together with his adhe­rents, inuented afterwards agaynst Athanasius, lest that the Churche of God be blemished, and sclaundered of them, which haue their mindes farre estraynged from the religion & fayth in Christ Iesu. for the thinges committed to writing▪ are wont to be knowen of all, and therefore it was our part, to comprise in few words, such things as required a seuerall trac [...]. but neuerthelesse I thinke it my duety in fewe wordes to declare out of what fountaine, these false accusations ishued, and whence such as forged them had their originall. Mareôtes is a contrey of Alexandria, in it there are many villages, and the same well peopled: within the same also, there are many Churches, yea of greate fame, all which are vnder the Bishop of Alexandria, within the iurisdiction of his seae and bishopricke. In this Mareôtes, one Ischyras (for so they called him) practised priuely such a Ischyras a false minister forging or­ders vnto him selfe. kinde of offence, as deserued a hundreth kindes of death, for when as he had neuer taken orders, he called him selfe a minister, and presumed to execute the function of a priest. Who when he was taken with the maner, fledd away priuely, and gott him straight to Nicomedia, to the faction of Eu­sebius as a sure and safe refuge. They, for hatred they owed vnto Athanasius entertayned him for a priest, and promised to make him Bishop, if he would accuse Athanasius, so that hereby I meane by the false reports of Ischyras, they tooke occasion to sclaunder Athanasius. for Ischyras blased abrode, Athanasius is falsly charged with the misdemea­nure of his clergy. that vpon a sodaine they brake in vpon him, and dealt with him very contumeliously: that Maca­rius beat the altar with his heeles, ouerthrewe the Lordes table, brake the holy cuppe, and burned the blessed bible. They promised him for these his malicious accusations (as I sayd before) a bi­shoprick, for they were fully perswaded, that the crime layd to Macarius charge, was of force suffi­cient, not onely to displace Macarius, that was accused: but also to remoue Athanasius who had sent him thither. This sclaunder was compassed against him in a while after. Afore that tyme, the complices of Eusebius, had forged agaynst him an other accusation, full of spite and cankered ma­lice: whereof I will presently entreat. They gott I wott not where, a mans hande: whether they Athanasius is falsely ac­cused of mu [...] th [...]r and ma­gicke. slewe a man, and stroke of his hande, or cut [...] of the hande of a dead man, God knoweth alone, and the authors of this treachery: this hande the Bishops of Meletius sect bring forth, in the name of Arsenius, and protest that it was his hande: the hande they bring forth, but Arsenius they hidd at home. They say moreouer, that Athanasius vsed this hande to magicke, and sorcery. And although this was the chiefest thing, that was layd to Athanasius charg: yet as it falleth out in such kinde of dealing, other men charged him with other things. for they which spited him vnto the death, went then about to worke all meanes possible, to mischieue him. When these thinges were told the Em­perour, he wrote vnto Dalmatius the Censor, who was his sisters sonne, and then abode at Antioch in Syria: that he shoulde call such as were accused before the barre: that he shoulde heare the mat­ter, and execute the offenders. He sent thither Eusebius, and also Theognis, that Athanasius might be tryed in their presence. Athanasius being cited to appeare before the Censor, sent into Aegypt, to seeke out Arsenius, for he vnderstoode that he hidd him selfe. but he could not take him, because that he fledd from place to place. In the meane while, the Emperour cutt of the hearing of Athanasius matter before the Censor, for this cause. Cap. 28. a [...] ter the g [...]e [...] He called a synode of Bishops for to consecrate the tem­ple which he had buylded at Ierusalem. The Emperour had willed the Bishops assembled at Ty­rus, to debate together with other matters the contention raysed about Athanasius, to the ende (all quarells being remoued) they might cheerefully solemnize the consecration of the Church, and de­dicate the same vnto God. Constantine went now on the thirtieth yeare of his raigne. The Bishops that mett from euery where at Tyrus, being cited by Dio [...]ysius the Senator, were in number three score. Macarius the Priest of Alexandria, being fast bounde with fetters, and bolts of yron, was Macarius [...] minister b [...] ing falsely [...]cused by [...] Arian & Meletian her [...] tikes is th [...] shamefull dealt wi [...] Cap. 29. after the Greeke. brought thither by the souldiers. Athanasius would not come to Tyrus, not disinayed so much with the sclaunderous reportes that were layd to his charge (for his conscience accused him of nothing) as he feared greatly, lest that they woulde bring in some innouation, preiudiciall to the decrees of the Nicene councell. but because that the angry lynes and threatning letters of the Emperour, moued him not a litle (for he had written vnto him, that if he came not of his owne accord, he should be brought thither with a vengeance) he came of necessitie vnto the councell.

CAP. XXI.

How Arsenius (whose hand they said had bene cutt of) was found out, and brought before the barre, to the confusion of Athanasius accusers, which then fledd away for shame: and how that Athanasius being other­wise parcially dealt withall of the councell, appealed vnto the Emperour.

THe diuine prouidence of God brought to passe, that Arsenius also came to Tyrus. For he quite forgetting the lessons geuen him by those false accusers, that bribed him for the pur­pose, came thither as it were by stelth, to knowe what newes there were in those coasts. It fell out that the seruants of Archelaus a Senator, hearde say in a certaine tipplinghouse, that Ar­senius whome they reported to haue bene slayne, was there and hidd him selfe in a certaine house of the towne. When they hearde these thinges, and eyed well the authors of this report, they reueale the whole matter vnto their lord and maister. He forthwith laying all delayes aside, sought out the man, being sought founde him, being founde he layd him fast by the heeles, and biddes Athanasius be of good cheere: that Arsenius was come thither aliue. Arsenius being in holde, denieth him selfe to be the man. But Paulus Bishop of Tyrus, who knewe him of olde, affirmed plainely that he was Arsenius in deede. These thinges being thus rightly disposed by the wisedome and prouidence of God: Athanasius not long after is called before the councell, in whose presence, the accusers bring forth the hande, and charge him with the haynous offence. He behaueth him selfe wisely and cir­cumspectly, and demaundeth first of them all that were present, and also of his accusers: whether any of them did euer knowe Arsenius. When that diuers of them had aunswered, that they knewe him very wel, he caused Arsenius to be brought before them, with his hāds couered vnder his cloke, and then againe demaundeth of them: Is this fellowe that Arsenius which lost his hande? at the sight of the fellow, some of them that were present (except them that knew whence the hand came) were astonied: some others thought verily that Arsenius wanted a hande, and gaue diligent eare, to see what other shift Athanasius had to saue him selfe. But he turning vp the one side of Arsenius his cloke, shewed them one of his handes. Againe when some did surmise that his other hande was cutt of: Athanasius at the firste paused a while and in so doing brought their mindes into a greate doubt: but in the ende without any more adoe he casteth vp vpon his shoulder, the other side of his cloke, and sheweth them the seconde hande, saying vnto all that behelde it: you see that Arsenius hath two handes, now let mine accusers shewe vnto you, the place where the thirde hande was cutt of. Cap. 30. in [...]e greeke▪ [...]he accuser [...] Athanas [...] ranne a­ [...]ay for shāe. This treachery of theirs toutching Arsenius, being thus come to light, the dealing was so shamefull, that the accusers coulde finde no where as much as visards to couer their faces. Achaab otherwise called Iannes, the accuser of Athanasius, crept by stelth from the barre, thrust him selfe a­mong the throng, and priuely ranne away. Thus did Athanasius cleare him selfe of this sclaunder, vsing exception agaynste no man. for he doubted not at all, but that the very presence of Arsenius woulde astonish the sclaunderers, to their vtter shame and ouerthrow. * But for the wiping away Cap. 31. in [...]e Greeke. of the crimes layde to Macarius charge, he tooke the benefitt of the lawe, vsinge such exceptions as were lawefully prescribed for the defendant. And first of all he excepteth against Eusebius and his adherents, as open enemyes, saying: by lawe it was not permitted for the enemyes to be iud­ges. Secondarily he requireth that they shewe vnto him, whether Ischyaas the accuser, had lawful­ly receaued orders and priesthoode, for so it was layd downe in the bill of enditement. But the iud­ges considered nothing of these circumstances, the lawe proceedeth against Macarius. When the accusers were to seeke for proofe, the sute is delayd vpon this consideration, that certayne chosen men shoulde goe in commission to Mareôtes, and there sitt vpon this matter. When that Athanasi­us perceaued, such as he had excepted against, to haue bene pricked in the commission (for Theognis Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Valens, & Vrsacius were sent) he exclaymed, that there was deceat, & double dealing in the handling thereof. He pronounced that it was open wrong, for to keepe Ma­carius the Priest in fetters and close prison, and to suffer his accuser, to accompany such iudges as were knowen to be his professed enemies. He sayd moreouer, that it was for no other ende, but that records, and the doings of the one side might be knowen, the other vnknowen: the one quitted, the other condenmed. When that Athanasius had sounded out these and the like sentences: when that he had both called the whole assembly to wittnesse, and also opened this lamentable plight before Dionysius the Senator, and no man pityed the case: he pryuily conueyed him away. Such as were [Page 249] sent into Mareôtes recorded onely the Actes of one side, and looke what the accuser reported, the same was iudged to be most true. Cap. 32. in the Greeke. As soone as, Athanasius was gone and straight way taken his iourney to the Emperour: he was first of all condenmed by the councell, the party being absent, and the cause vnknowen. Next, when as the dealings in Mareôtes were ioyned with these, they agree vpon his deposition: many sclaunders are contumeliously fathered vpon him, at the recitall of the causes, which moued them to depose him: but not a worde of the sclaunderers, for they runne them ouer with silence that of malice falsely accused him, and were shamefully foyled them selues, Arse­nius who afore was reported to haue bene slayne, is nowe entertayned of them. And he who afore time was counted a Bishop of the Meletian sect, euen then subscribed to the deposition of Athana­sius, and called him self Bishop of Hypsepolis. And that which seemeth incredible, he that was said to haue died vnder the handes of Athanasius, is now aliue, and deposeth Athanasius.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 33. in the greeke.

How that the councell assembled at Tyrus remoued to Ierusalem, and celebrated the dedi­cation of the newe Ierusalem, at what tyme the Arians were admitted to the communion. And how that the Emperour by his letters caused the coun­cell summoned at Tyrus, to meete at Constantinople, that in his presence the trueth toutching Athanasius cause, might the more narrowely be sifted out.

Immediatly after these thinges, the Emperours letters came to the councels handes, signifying that with all speede, his will was they shoulde repayre to Ierusalem. Therefore the bishops lay­ing all other matters aside, do leaue Tyrus, and take their iourney to Ierusalem. A solemne feast is there held, for the consecration of those places: Arius with his confederats is admitted into the Church. for the bishops sayd, that in that behalf, they would satisfie the Emperours letters, wher­by he had signified vnto them, that he allowed very well of the sayth of Arius, and Enzoius. The bi­shops The councel held at Tytꝰ being most of Arians, do depose Athanasius, & cō ­mēd in their letters to the Church of Alexandria, the heretick Arius. also wrote vnto the Churche of Alexandria, that they shoulde banishe from among them, all rankor, spite, and malice, and setle their Ecclesiasticall affayres at peace and quietnes. They signi­fied moreouer by their letters, that Arius had repented him of his heresie: that he had acknowled­ged the trueth: that thenceforth he would cleaue vnto the Church: and that therefore they had not without good cause receaued him, and by the consent of them all, exiled Athanasius. Of the selfe same things likewise, they wrote vnto the Emperour. While these things were in handling, there came eftsones other letters from the Emperour vnto the councell, signifying that Athanasius was fledd vnto the Emperour him selfe, and that of necessity they must meete at Constantinople about his matters. The letters sent from the Emperour were written as followeth:

Constantinus the puysant, the mighty and noble Emperour, vnto the Bishope assem­bled Cap. 34. in the greeke. at Tyrus, sendeth greeting.

VErily I knowe not what matters your assemblie, through tumult and troublesome sturre The epistle of Constan­tine vnto the Bishops as­sembled at the councell of Tyrus. hath decreed: me thinkes the trueth it selfe you haue in maner subuerted, by meanes of your hurlyburly and kindled heat of contention. for whilest that you prosecute your pri­ucy spire and hatred, one towards an other, the which you wil leaue in no wisovnpractised; you seeme to neglect the seruice of God, & the furtherance of his truteh. But I trust the diuine proui­dēco of God will [...]g [...]o passe, that after the proofe of this pestilēt contention; it may wholy be banished that we may also perceaue whether your coūcel, & assembly, hath had any care of the trueth, & also whether you haue decided of the matters called into question, & geuen sentence, without parcial fauor, & poysoned malice. VVherfore my wil is that with spede you all repaire vnto me, to the end you your selues, by no other then your selues, may yeld an exquisite accōpt. The cause that moued me to writ this vnto you, & to sūmone you hither by my letters, you may learne by that which followeth. As I rode in my waggon vnto a certain place within the city, & that happy soil, called after thy name Cōstantinople Athanasius the bishop together with certaine other priestes in his company, me [...] me in the middest of the streete vpon a sodame, & vnlooked for, which amazed me not a litle▪ I take God to witnesse who seeth al things, that I coulde not haue knowen him [...] the first fight, had not some of my trayne (when that I gaue diligent eare [Page 250] thereunto, as reason did require) both tolde me, who he was, and what iniury he had done vnto him. I truely did neyther talke vvith him at that time, neyther reason of any circumstance. And when he entreated, that I woulde geue him the hearing, I was so farre from it, that with the de­niall, I had almost caused him to be sent packing, with rough entertainment. His sute was no­thing else, but that all you might be brought thither, to the ende he might in our presence expo­stulate face to face with you, the iniurie he suffred ne cessity driuing him thereunto. The which sute of his seeminge very reasonable vnto me, and the season also requiring the same: made me very willing to write this vnto you, that all you being already assembled at Tyrus, shoulde forthvvith hasten vnto my campe: and iustifie in my presence (whome you will not denye to be the right seruant of God) your right, and syncere iudgement, and sentence in this behalfe. For peace raigneth euery where through my religious worshiping of God: And the name of God is deuoutly, and reuerently extolled of the Barbarians them selues, who vnto this day were ig­norant of the trueth. euery man knoweth that he which is ignorant of the trueth, is also igno­rant of God. But the Barbariās through my industrie, that (as I sayd before) am a right vvorshi­per of God: came to the knowledge of God, and learned to serue him in holines, whome they perceaue in all thinges, with the carefull eye of his diuine prouidence, to defende me. This thing moued them at the first, to tast of the trueth in Christ, whome also for the awe, and loyaltie they owe vnto our imperiall scepter, they serue vprightly: but we, which woulde seeme (I will not say to obserue) nay to maintayne the sacred and holy mysteries of his Church, doe practise no­thing else but that which breedeth discorde, and discention, and to be short, that which tendeth to the vtter ouerthrowe, and destruction of mankinde. But see that you come vnto vs (as I sayd) with speede, perswading your selues of this, that our mind is, as much as in vs lyeth, first of all, to maintayne soundly, without corruption all that is contayned in holy Scripture: so that no ble­mish of sclaunder or infamy may redounde thereunto: abandoning, vvearing avvay, and roo­ting out, all the rotten aduersaries of christian religion, vvho vnder color of Christian professiō haue crept in & sovved in the Church of God sundry blasphemous sectes & heretical schismes.

CAP. XXIII. Cap. 35. in the Greeke.

Ʋ Ʋhen as all the synode came not vnto the Emperour, Eusebius together with that crue, framed a newe accusation against Athanasius: that he shoulde report he woulde stay the carying of corne from Alexandria to Constantinople. wher­at the Emperour being moued, banished Athanasius in­to Fraunce.

THe aforesayd letters of the Emperour, sett the whole councell together by the eares, so that diuers of them returned home to their cities. but Eusebius, Theognis, Maris, Patrophilus, Vr­sacius, and Valens gott them to Constantinople, they reason no longer of the broken cup, or the table that was ouerthrowen, or of Arsenius that was sayd to be murthered: but they frame them selues, to forge out an other accusation. They informe the Emperour, that Athanasius threatned Athanasius is accused by the Arians. he woulde cause, that no corne shoulde be conueyed from Alexandria (as they then vsed) to Con­stantinople: and that Adamantius, Annubyon, Arbathion and Peter that were Bishops, hearde it out of Athanasius his owne mouth. but then truely the accusation is like to be hearde, when the ac­cuser carieth creditt with his person. The Emperour was wonderfully moued at this, and tooke great indignation against Athanasius, exiled him, & commaunded that he should abide in Fraunce. some report that the Emperour did it for this pollicie, Socrat. li. 2. cap. 2. in the epistle of Cō stātinus sayth so. to see whether with his absen [...]e, he coulde reduce the Church to vnitie and concorde. for Athanasius was the man that woulde in no wise com­municate with the Arians, being exiled he ledd his life at Triuere a city in Fraunce.

CAP. XXIIII. Cap. 36. in the greeke.

Of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra, and Asterius professor of humanitie.

THe Bishops then being assembled at Constantinople, deposed also Marcellus, Bishop of Asteriꝰ an a­rian heretick. the lesser Galatia, for this cause. There was one Asterius in Cappadocia, that professed hu­manitie, and leauing that, embraced the faith in Christ: wrote bookes thereof, which vnto this day are extant. The pestilent doctrine of Arius is proued out of them, to were: that Christ is [Page 251] no other wise the power of God, then the locusts and flyes, are sayd in Moses to proceede from the handie worke of God, and other such lewde reasons. This Asterius kept company with Bishops, and specially of the damnable sect of Arius. He frequented vnto their assemblies, for he longed after some bishoprike or other. But because that in the time of persecution, he had sacrificed vnto Idols: he was not admitted to execute the function of a Priest. He wandreth and rogeth throughout Sy­ria, shewing the bookes he had written. Marcellus vnderstanding of this, going about to sett him The error of Marcellus. selfe against Asterius, fell him selfe into the contrary heresie. for he was not afraide (euen as Pau­lus Samosatenus sayd before) to affirme that Christ was but a bare and naked man. The Bishops that mett at Ierusalem hearing of this, made no accompt of Asterius, because he was a laye man: but Marcellus who was of the clergie they call to an accompt, for the booke he had written. When they perceaued that he maintayned the opinion of Paulus Samosatenus: they charge him to re­cante. He with shame inough promiseth to burne the booke. But when as the councell was dissol­ued in haste (for the Emperour had called the Bishops to Constantinople) agayne they reason of Marcellus, at Constantinople, before Eusebius, and the other Bishops then present. As soone as Marcellus refused to performe his former promise, that is to fire the booke which he had vnadui­sedly framed: the Bishops then present, depose him of his bishoprike, & sent Basilius in his rowme to be Bishop of Ancyra. Eusebius moreouer wrote three bookes, against his pamflett, and confuted his wicked opinion. Marcellus after that, recouered his bishoprike againe in the councell helde at Sardice, where he sayd: they vnderstoode not his booke, and therfore suspected him, that he had sa­uored of the opinion of Paulus Samosatenus. but what opinion we may conceaue of this man, we will declare in an other place.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 37. in the greeke.

How that Arius being called from Alexandria to Constantinople after the exile of Athanasius, for to render an accompt before the Emperour of the tumult he made at Alexandria: rai­sed a great sturre against Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, In the ende died miserably.

WHile these thinges were a doing. the thirtieth yeare of Constantinus raygne was expy­red. Arius raiseth sedition in Alexandria. Arius with his company returning to Alexandria, sett the whole citye on an vp­rore. The citizens of Alexandria, tooke very grieuously, that not onely Arius with his confederats was restored: but also that Athanasius their Bishop was condemned to banishment. When the Emperour vnderstood of the peruerse minde, and corrupted purpose of Arius, he sendes for him againe to Constantinople, there to render an accompt of the tumult, & sedition he had ray­sed afresh. At that time Alexander who a litle before succeeded Metrophanes in the bishoprike of Constantinople, gouerned that Church. This Alexander proued him selfe a religious, a godly, & a deuout man, in the quarel then betwene him & Arius. for when Arius came, & the people was de­uided into two parts, & a great tumult raised in the citye▪ whilest that some maintained the Nicene Creede, & the same to remayne firme & stable, others affirmed the opinion of Arius to be lawfull, & agreable with y trueth, Alexander came forth into this great heat of disputation: specially because that Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, had geuen out great threats, that without all peraduenture he would worke his depriuation, vnlesse he would admitt Arius, & his company, to y communion. but Alexander feared not the deposition so much, as the abrogation of the Nicene Creede, which they endeuored with all might possible to ouerthrow. for when he tooke vpon him the patronship of that councels decrees: he supposed it was his bounden duety to foresee, lest the canons and decrees of that councell shoulde any kinde of way be impayred. Wherefore being now busied with this con­trouersie, he layd aside the quirks of logicke, and fledd for ayde, and asistance vnto Almighty God: he gaue him selfe to continewal fasting, and left no prayer vnrepeated. such a kind of seruice & de­uotion he solemply embraced. He got him into the Church of Peace (for so they called the Church) he locked in him selfe, and finished such kinde of seruice as pleased him best: he gott him to the Al­tare, and downe he fell on his bare knees, before the communion table, praying vnto God w t teares that trickled downe his cheekes: in which kinde of order he continewed many dayes and many nights. He called for helpe at the handes of God, and his petition was graunted. His prayer was thus: Graunt I besech thee o Lorde (sayth he) that if the opinion of Arius be true, I my selfe may The prayer of Alexander Bishop of c [...] stantinople. neuer see the ende of this sett disputation: but if the fayth which I holde be true, that Arius the author of all this mischiefe, may receaue due punishment for his impious deserte. This was the [Page 252] zealous prayer of Alexander. Cap. 38. in the greeke. The Emperour being desirous to knowe the minde and dispositi­on of Arius, sent for him to his pallace, demaundes of him, whether he woulde subscribe vnto the Canons of the Nicene councell. He without any more adoe very cheerefully putts to his hande. When as for all that, he dalyed both craftely and lewdely, with the decrees of that councell. The Emperour maruelling at this, put him to his othe: he falsely and faynedly sware also. The craf­ty [...]uglinge which he vsed to bleare their eyes in subscribing as I haue hearde was this. Arius The craft of Arius in swea ring before the Empe­rour. wrote his opinion in a peece of paper of his owne, the same he caryeth vnder his arme: com­ming to the booke, he takes his othe, that he veryly beleeued as he had written. This which I write of him, I haue hearde to be moste true. But I gather playnly that he sware after his sub­scription, out of the Emperours letters. The Emperour beleeuing verily that he dealt playnely, commaundes Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, to receaue him to the communion. It was vpon a saturday, the day after, Arius looked to be receaued into the Church, and communion of the faythfull▪ but v [...]ngeance lighted forthwith vpon his lewde, and bolde enterprises. When he had ta­ken his leaue, and departed out of the Emperours hall: he passed through the middes of the citie with great pompe and pontificality, compassed with the faction and trayne of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, that wayted vpon him. As soone as he came nigh Constantines market (for so was The misera­ble ende of Arius the he retike. the place called) where there stoode a piller of redd marble: sodaine feare of the haynous faules he had committed, tooke Arius, and withall he felt a greate laske: Syrs (sayth Arius) is there any draught or iakes nigh: when they tolde him that there was one in the backe side of Constantines market, he gott him thither straight. The mans harte was in his heeles, he looked pitiously: to­gether with his excrements, he voydeth his gutts: a greate streame of bloode followeth after: the sclender and small bowells slyde out: bloode together with the splene, and liuer, gusheth out▪ im­mediatly he dieth like a dogge. Those iakes are to be seene vnto this day at Constantinople, be­hinde (as I sayd before) Constantines markett and the porch shambles. All passengers as many (I say) as goe by, are wonte to pointe at the place with the finger, to the ende they may call to re­membrance, and in no wise forgett, the miserable ende of Arius, that died in those iakes. This be­ing done, terror & astonishment amazed the mindes of Eusebius his confederats that followed him. The report thereof was bruted abroad, not onely throughout the whole citie, but in maner (as I may say) throughout the whole world. The Emperour by this meanes, cleaued the more vnto chri­stian religion, and sayd that the Nicene Creede was ratified, and confirmed to be true, by the testi­mony of God him selfe: and reioyced exceedingly at the thinges which then came to passe. His The sonnes of Constantinus magnus. 1. Constanti­nus. 2. Constanti­us. 3. Constans. three sonnes he made Caesars, seuerally one after an other euery tenth yeare of his raygne. His el­dest sonne whom after his owne name he called Constantine, the tenth yeare of his raygne, he made Emperour ouer the westerne partes of the empire: the seconde sonne whome after his graundfa­thers name he called Constantius, the twentieth yeare of his raygne, he made Emperour ouer the Easterne partes of the empire: The third and yongest of all, called Constans, he consecrated Em­perour, the thirtieth yeare of his raygne.

CAP. XXVI. Cap. 39. in the Greeke.

The sicknes, the Baptisme, the death and funerall of Constantinus magnus.

THe yeare after, Constantine the Emperour being threescore and fiue yeare olde, fell sicke, and leauing Constantinople, sayled to Helenopolis, vsing for his healthe, the hott baths that were nighe the towne. When that he sickned more and more, he differred bayning of him selfe, left Helenopolis, and gott him straight to Nicomedia▪ Abiding there in a certayne ma­nour without the towne walls, he was baptized in the fayth of Christ. In the which baptisme he greatly reioyced: made his last will & testament: appoynted his three sonnes heyres of the empire: distributed to thē their seuerall inheritances, as he had in his healths time: he bequetheth to Rome, and to Constantinople, many famous monuments: he putteth the Priest (by whose meanes Arius was called from exile, of whome we spake a litle before) in trust with his testament, charging him to deliuer it to no mans hand, saue to his sonne Constantius, whome he had made Emperour of the The death [...]f Constan­ [...]nus magnꝰ. [...]nno Dom. 40. [...]ap. 40. in [...] Greeke. East. His will being made, and his life lasting a fewe dayes after, he died. At his death there was none of his sonnes present. Wherefore there was a Post sent into the East, for to signifie vn­to his sonne Constantius the deathe of his father. * The Emperours corps, his familiares and dearest friendes chested in a coffin of golde, and carryed it to Constantinople, there they sett it [Page 253] in an high lodging of the pallace, doing thereunto great honor, and solemnitie, vntill that one of his sonnes was come. When that Constantius was now come from the East, they sett forth the corps, with a princely funerall, and buried it in the Apostles Churche (for so was it called) the which Church Constantine buylded, lest that the Emperours and Priestes shoulde be bereued of the Apostles reliques. The Emperour Constantine liued threescore and fiue yeares, he raygned 31. and died the two and twentieth day of May, Felicianus and Tatianus being Consuls, the second yeare of the two hundreth seuenty and eyght Olympiade. This booke compriseth the historie of one and thirtie yeares.

The ende of the first booke of Socrates.

THE SECONDE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

The proeme where he layeth downe the cause that moued him to repeate at large such things as afore time he had briefly written in his first and seconde booke.

R Ʋffinus who wrote the Ecclesiasticall historye in the latine tongue, was very much The seconde booke of Socrates com­priseth the history of 25. yeares, being the full raign of Constan­tius ending Anno Dom. 365. deceaued The error of Ruffinus. in the tymes, for he thought that the perill and daungers which Atha­nasius stoode in, happened vnto him after the death of the emperour Constantine. He was ignorant of his banishment into Fraunce, & of many other miseryes that hap­pened vnto him. But we imitating his opinion, and censure, in discourse of the Ec­clesiasticall affayres: haue written the first and seconde booke of our historye▪ from the thirde vnto the seuenth booke, by borowing some out of Ruffinus: by picking and culling other some out of sundry other writers: also by laying downe some thinge, we learned of others who as yet be aliue: we haue sett forth the historye in a most absolute and perfect maner. But after that by meare chaunce, the workes of Athanasius came to our handes, where both he complayneth of the misery he endured, & also declareth after what sorte he was exiled, through the sclaunderous facti­on of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia: we thought farre better to attribute more credit vnto him, who suffred these things, and to others, who sawe them with their eyes, then to such as coniecture and gesse at them, and so plunge them selues in the pitt of error. Moreouer by searching diligent­ly the epistles of sundry men, who liued at that tyme, we haue sifted out (as much as in vs laye) the trueth it selfe. Wherfore we haue bene constrayned to repeate agayne, such thinges as we mentio­ned in the firste and seconde booke of our historye, and haue annexed thereunto out of Ruffinus, such histories as were agreeable vnto the trueth. Not only that, but this also is to be vnderstoode, By this we gather that there be two editions of Socrates hi­story, the first (as he sayth him selfe) vn­perfect: the seconde & the last which is this, very perfect & abso­lute. how that in the first edition of these our bookes, we layd downe neyther the depriuation of Arius: neyther the Emperours epistles: but explicated in fewe words, without figures of Rhetorick, the matter we tooke in hande, lest the tediousnes of our long historye, shoulde tyre the louing Reader. When as for the cause aboue mentioned, it behoued vs so to doe ( Theodorus most holy Prieste of God) yet nowe (to the ende the epistles may be knowen in forme and fashion, as the Emperours wrote them selues: and the thinges also which Bishops in sundry councells haue published vnto the worlde, whylest that they laboured dayely to sett for the more exquisite decrees and constituti­ons to the furtherance of Christian religion) we haue diligently added to this our latter edition such thinges as we thought fitt for the purpose▪ that truely we haue performed in the first booke and in the seconde nowe in hande we minde to doe no lesse▪ but nowe to the historye.

CAP. II.

How that Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, endeuored agayne to establishe the doctrine of Arius, so that tumults were raysed in the Churche afreshe and howe that Athanasius by vertue of Con­stantine the yongers letters, returned to Alexandria.

AFter the death of the Emperour Constantine, Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and The [...]g [...]is Bishop of Nice: supposing now they had gotten a fitt time: endeuored with all might pos­sible, to wipe out of the Churche of God, the creede, contayning the clause of one substance, and to setle in the rowme thereof, the detestable heresie of Arius. But this they knewe full well, they coulde not bringe to passe, if Athanasius came agayne to Alexandria. They went about to compasse their drift very craftely, vsing the Priest (by whose meanes we sayd before Arius re­turned from exile) as an instrument to their purpose. But the maner of the handling thereof, I thinke very needefull to be layde downe. This Priest presented vnto Constantius the Emperours sonne, the last will and testament and the bequeathed legacies of the Emperour deseased. He per­ceauing y t to haue bene laid downe in his fathers wil, which greatly he desired (for byy wil, he was emperour of the Easterne parts) made very much of the priest, graunted him great libertie, char­ged him to vse his pallace, freely and boldly at his pleasure. After this libertie was graunted him by the Emperour: he forthwith acquainted him selfe with the empresse, with the Eunuches and chamberlaynes. At the same time there was an eunuch, by name Eusebius, chiefe of the emperours One rotten sheepe infe­cteth an o­ther. chamber, who through persuasion of this lewde Priest, became an Arian, and infected also the o­ther eunuches of his company. And not only these, but the Empresse also, through the entisement of the Eunuches, and the aduise of the Priest, fell into the pestilent heresie of Arius. In a while af­ter, the Emperour him selfe called the same opinion into controuersie, and so by a litle and a litle, it was spredd euery where. And first the Emperours garde tooke it vp, next it occupied the mindes of the multitude, throughout the city. The Emperours chamberlaynes euen in the very pallace it selfe, contended with women about the opinion, in euery house and family throughout the city they brawled and went together by the eares. This infection spred it selfe quickly, ouer other contries and regions: and the controuersie much like a sparcle of fire, rising of small heate or scattered em­bers kindled the mindes of the hearers with the fiery flame of discorde and dissention. For euery one that desired to knowe why they made such a tumulte, by and by, had an occasion geuen him to reason, and euery one was not satisfied with questioning, but contentiously woulde argue thereof▪ thus the heate of contention turned all vpside downe, and troubled the quiet estate of the Churche. This sturre and sedition preuailed onely in the cities throughout the East: for Illyrium and other Illyrium is nowe called Sclauonia. contryes of the West, enioyed peace and quietnes▪ for they could in no wise permitt the canons of the Nicene councell, to be abrogated, and sett at nought. After that the heate of contention was blowen abroad, and burned euery day more and more: the faction of Eusebius tooke this tumult, to be a furtherance to their purpose: for so they hoped it would come to passe, that some Bishop or o­ther woulde be chosen of Alexandria, which woulde maintayne the same opinion with them. But at the very same time, Athanasius by the meanes of Constantine the yongers letters, who was one of the Caesars, and so called after his fathers name: returned to Alexandria, the letters were writ­ten by the Emperour vnto the people of Alexandria from Triuere a citie of Fraunce, in forme as followeth: Cap. 3. in the Greeke. The epistle of Constan­tinus the yonger vnto the Churche of Alexandria, for the admission of Athanasius their Bishop. Constantinus Caesar to the people of the Catholicke Church of Alexandria, sendeth greeting. I hope it is not vnknowen vnto your discreete wisedome, that Athanasius the profes­sor of sacred diuinitie, was for a tyme banished into Fraunce: lest that through the mischieuous dealing of lewde men (for bloodesuckers and cruell beastes, sought to bereue him of his life) his innocent person shoulde of necessitie be constrained, to take his deaths wounde. VVherfore to the ende he might auoyde the malice of these dispitefull men, he was taken as it were out of their iawes which menaced him, & commaunded to liue vnder my dominion, where (though his excellent vertue, ministred vnto him from aboue, wey nothinge at all the greuous casualties of aduersity) euen as in the city he liued before, he may haue plenty, & want no necessaryes, for the maintenance of his porte. Therefore when as our Lorde, and my father of famous memory. Constantine the Emperour had purposed in his mind to haue restored him a Bishop, to his owne s [...]ae and proper seate, the which he enioyed among you, that are knowen to beare greate zeale [Page 255] to godlines: and being preuented with death (as it fareth with mankind) before he coulde ac­complishe his desire: I thought it verely my parte and duety, to execute the intent of so godly an Emperoure. VVith what estimation and reuerence I haue entertayned the man, he shall reporte with his owne mouth, after his returne vnto you. Neither is it to be maruelled at all, that I she­wed him such curtesie. For me thinkes I sawe in him the great longing ye had for him, and I be­helde also the fatherly reuerence and grauity of the man himselfe, all which, moued me not a li­tle thereunto, nay throughly perswaded me. God of his goodnes (welbeloued brethren) haue you in his tuition. Athanasius with the confidence he had in these letters, returneth to Alexan­dria, whome the people of Alexandria doe receaue, with most willing mindes. But such as in that citie were infected with the leprosie of Arianisme, conspired against him, so that many skirmishes and tumultes were raised, which ministred occcasion vnto the confederats of Eusebius, falsly to ac­cuse Athanasius before the Emperoure: that of his owne doinge, without the generall consente of the assembly of Bishops, he had setled him selfe in that church. The accusation was so odious, that the Emperoure being therewith incensed against Athanasius, draue him out of Alexandria. But howe this was compassed, I will shewe hereafter in an other place.

CAP. III. Cap. 4. in the greeke.

Howe that after the death of Eusebius Pamphilus, Acacius was chosen Bishop of Caesarea, and of the death of Constantinus the yonger.

ABout that time Eusebius whose sirname was Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina, Eusebius Pamphilus dyeth. Acarius bi­shop of Cae­sarea. departed this life: and Acacius his scholer, succeeded him in the Bishopricke. Who be­sids sundry other workes of his industrie, wrote a booke of the life of his maister Eusebius. Cap. 5. in the Greeke. Not long after, Constantinus the yonger, so called after his fathers name, brother to y Emperor Constantius, inuading by force certaine countreys vnder Constans his yonger brothers dominion, by fighting hand to hand with the soldiers, was slaine, Acindinus and Proclus beinge Consuls.

CAP. IIII.

Howe that Alexander Bishop of Constantinople departinge this life: nominated two men, Paulus and Macedonius, that they shoulde chuse one Cap. 6. in the Greeke. of them to succeede him in the Bishoprike.

AT that time there ensued immediately the [...]edicions mentioned before, an other tumulte in Alexāder bi­shop of Cō ­stantinople dyed being­fourescore and eightene yeares olde the citie of Constantinople, and that for this cause. Alexander the Bishop of that churche, who valiantly encountred with Arius hauing continewed Bishop there the space of three and twenty yeares, and liued fourescore and eighteene: departed this life. He consecrated none to succeede him, but charged the electors to choose one of two, whome he would nominat vnto them. And following his aduise, if they would place in the rowme a man sit for to instruct y people, of an vpright conscience, of good lise and godly conuersation: they shoulde take Paulus whome he had made priest: who though he were yonge and of greene yeares, yet in learninge olde and of greate wisedome. But in case they woulde haue him whome the etymologie of noble prowesse did highly commend, they should preferre Macedonius to the dignitie▪ who latly had bene deacon of the same Macedonius signifieth ex­cellency. church, and then was farre strucken in yeares. Wherefore about the election of a Bishop, there was greater sturre thē heretofore, and the churche was more grieuously turmoyled. The people were deuided into two parts: the one was egerly set with the heresy of Arius, the other cleaued ve­ry constantly, to the decrees of the Nicene Councell. And whilest that Alexander liued, they which embraced the creede, comprising the clause of One substance, had the vpper hand ouer the A­rians, which dayly striued, and contended very stifly in the maintenance of their heretical doctrine. But as soone as he departed this life, the contention among the people was diuers, and variable. For such as fauored the clause of One substance, chose Paulus to be their Bishop: such as of the con­trary cleaued vnto Arianisme, endeuored with all might to place Macedonius. Wherefore in the Templum pacis. Templum Sophiae. Cap. 7. in the grecke. temple of God called the church of peace, next vnto the great church then called great, but nowe bearing the name of wisedome, Paulus was chosen Bishop: in which election the voyce of the des­seased did preuaile.

CAP. V.

Howe that Constatinus the Emperoure displaced Paulus that was chosen byshope of Constantinople, and translated to that seae Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia. And howe that Eusebius caused an other Synode to be summoned at Antioch in Syria, where there was an other forme of fayth layde downe.

SHortely after the election of Paulus moued the Emperoure not a litle, at his coming to Con­stantinople. For summoning together an assembly of Byshops, which sauored of the filthie sinke of Aruis, he procured the deposition of Paulus: and causing Eusebius of Nicomedia to be [...]anslated thither, he proclaimed him Bishop of Constantinople. These thinges being done the Emperoure gott him to Antioch. Cap. 8. in the G [...]el. e. A councell of Arians summon [...]d at Antioch. Anno Dom. 344. Maximus b. of Ierusalem Iultus b. of Rome. Yet Eusebius for all this, colde not sette his hart at rest, but rol­led (as commonely we saye) euery stone to bringe his wicked purpose to passe. He summoneth a councell at Antioch in Syria, pretending the dedicatiō of the church (whose foundations, Constan­tine the father of these Emperours had layd: after whose death Constantius his sonne tenne yeares after the laying of the first stone finished the buylding) and as I may boldely say the trueth, to the ouerthrowe and subuersion of the fayth Of one substance. Unto this synod there came out of diuers prouinces, Bishops to the number of fourscore and tenne. But Maximus bishop of Ierusalem who succeeded Macarius, woulde not come thither, supposinge verely that if he came he shoulde be con­strayned to subscribe vnto the depriuation of Athanasius. Neyther did Iulius Byshop of Rome shewe him selfe there, neither sente he any to supply his rowme: when as the ecclesiasticall canon forbiddeth that any constitution be thrust into the Churche, without the censure of the Bishope of Rome. To be shorte the councell mette at Antioch, in the Consulship of Marcellus and Probinus, where Constantius the Emperoure was present. It was the fift yeare after the death of Constan­tine father vnto these Emperours. Placitus was then bishop of Antioch, for he succeeded Euphro­nius. Placitus b. of Antioch. But the confederacy of Eusebius side, imployed their chiefe labour and industry, falsly to ac­cuse Athanasius: and first they charge him with the violating of their canon, to wete: that he thrust Athanasius is sclaunde­red in the councell of Antioch. him selfe againe to execut the function of priesthood, without the admission & consent of a generall councell. For they complaine that after his returne from exile, he rushed into the church vpon his owne head. Secondly that at his returne when the tumult & schisme was raised, many were slaine moreouer that he caused some to be scurged: some other to hold their hands at y barre, they alleage also such things as were pleaded against Athanasius in the councell held at Tyrus.

CAP. VI.

Of Eusebius Emisenus. Cap 9. in the Greeke.

IN the meane space while Athanasius was charged with the aforesayd crimes: they chose Eu­sebius Georgius b. of Laodicea. first called Emisenus, Bishop of Alexandria. Who, and what he was, Georgius Bishop of Laodicea, who then was present at the councell, sheweth vnto vs. For in the booke he wrote of his life, he declareth that Eusebius came of a noble family of Edessa in Mesopotamia: from a litle one to haue bene trained vp, in holy scripture: afterwards to be instructed in prophane literature, by a professor which then taught at Edessa: last of all to haue sucked y right sense, & vnderstanding of holy scripture, at the lips of Eusebius & Patrophilus, the one bishop of Caesarea; the other bishop of Scythopolis. After this to haue gone to Antioch, where it fell out that Eustathius being accused of the heresie of Sabellius, by Cyrus bishop of Beroea, was deposed of his bishoprik. Thēceforth to haue accompanied Euphronius, the successor of Eustathius: and because he woulde not be prieste, to haue gott him to Alexandria, and there to haue studied philosophie. After that, to haue returned to Antioch, where he acquaynted him selfe with Placitus, the successor of Euphronius. Thēce to haue bene called by Eusebius bishop of Constantinople, to be bishop of Alexandria: but (sayth Georgius because that Athanasius was greately beloued of the people of Alexandria, he went not thither but was sent into the city Emisa. Where when there was much adoe made among the citizens of Emisa about the election (for he was charged with the study of the mathematicks) he fledd away & came to Laodicea vnto Georgius, who reported many notable storyes of him. Georgius brought him to Antioch, & by y meanes of Placitus & Narcissus, caused him to be conueyed to Emisa, where againe he was accused of the heresy of Sabellius. But of the circumstāces of his election, Georgius [Page 257] discourseth more at large: last of all he addeth, howe that the Emperour going into Barbary tooke him thence, and that he knewe full well, many wonders & miracles to haue bene wrought by him. So farre of the things which Georgius remembred of Eusebius Emisenus.

CAP. VII.

Howe that the byshops which mett at Antioch, after that Eusebius Emisenus had refused Alexandria, chose Gregorius to be byshop of Alexandria: and endeuored Cap. 10. in the Greeke. to alter, and so consequentlye to abrogate, the canons of the Nicene, councell.

WHen as at that time Eusebius by the councell of Antioch, was chosen bishop of Alexā ­dria, Gregorie an Arian bishop of Alexan­dria. & feared to goe thither, they consecrate Gregorie in his rowme, to enioye the seae of Alexandria. These things being done, they labour to alter the faith: who althoughe they colde reproue nothinge of the thinges decided in the Nicene Councell, yet verelye wente they about through theyr often assemblyes, to peruerte and ouerthrowe the creede contayninge the clause of One substance, and otherwise to establishe of theyr owne, that by a little and a litle they mighte soke men, in the filthie sincke of Arius. But of theyr drifte, and fetches, in the sto­ryes followinge. The epistle contayninge the fayth whiche they published was after this maner: VVe are neyther the followers of Arius (for howe can it be that we beinge Byshops, shoulde A forme of fayth layde downe by the hypocri­ticall Arian bishops which assem­bled at the councell of Antioch de­nying that they followed Arius. geue eare vnto Arius beinge but a prieste) neyther haue we receaued any other faythe then that, whiche hathe beene published from the beginninge: but when as vve examined his faith narrowely, and weyed it deepely, we rather receaued Arius returninge vnto vs, then that our selues shoulde hange vpon his opinion. The whiche you may easilye perceaue by that whiche followeth. For we haue learned from the beginninge, to beleeue in one vniuersall God, the creator and maker of all things, both visible and inuisible, and in one Sonne, the only begotten Sonne of God, who was before all wordes, and had his beinge together with the Father, which begott him: by whome all things, both visible, and inuisible were made. VVho in the later days according vnto the singular good will of the father, came downe from heauen and tooke flesh of the virgine mary. VVho fullfilled all his fathers will: who suffred, rose againe, ascended into the heauens and sitteth at the right hande of the father, & shall come againe to iudge the quick and the dead, and continewe king and God for euer. VVe beleue also in the holy Ghost. And if that you will haue vs to add more: we beleue the resurrection of the fleshe, and the life euer­lasting. After that they had wrytten these things in theyr former epistle, they sente it to the chur­ches throughout euery cytie. But continewinge at Antioch a while longer, they in maner con­demned the forme of fayth that wente before, and wrote forthwith a newe one, in these wordes: An other Creed of the Arian by­shops which is to be rede waryly. VVe beleue as the Euangelistes and Apostles haue deliuered vnto vs, in one God the Father almightie, the creator and maker of all thinges, and in one Lorde Iesus Christ, his onely be­gotten sonne, God by whome all thinges were made: begotten of the father before all worlds God of God: whole of whole: alone of alone: perfecte of perfecte: kinge of kinge: lorde of lorde: the liuinge worde: the wisedome: the life: the true light: the waye of trueth: the resur­rection: the shepherd: the dore: inconuertible and immutable: the liuely image of the diuinity, essence, power, counsell, and glorie of the father: the first begotten of all creatures: who was in the beginninge with the father: God the worde, (as it is sayde in the Gospell) and God was the Iohn. 1. word: by whome all thinges were made and in whome all thinges are. VVho in the later dayes came downe from heauen: was borne of a virgin according vnto the Scripturs: was made man, and the mediator of God and man, the Apostle of our fayth, and the guyde to life. And as he sayth of him selfe: I came dovvne from heauen, not to doe mine ovvne will, but his will vvhich Iohn. 6. sente me. VVho suffred for vs, and rose agayne the thirde daye for our sakes, and ascended into heauen, and sitteth at the righte hande of the father, and shall come againe vvith glorie and power, to iudg the quick and the dead. And we beleue in the holy Ghost vvhiche is geuen vnto the faythfull for theyr consolation, sanctification and perfection. Euen as our Lord Iesus Christ commaunded his disciples, sayinge: goe teache all nations, baptizinge them in the name of Math. 28. the father and of the sonne and of the holy Ghoste. That is of the father who is the father in deede: and of the sonne who is the sonne in dede: and of the holy Ghoste who is the holye Ghoste in deede. VVhiche names are not vnaduisedly, neyther vvithout good consideration [Page 258] layde dovvne of vs, for they plainely sett forth the proper person, the order, and the glorie of [...]he of them that are named, that there be three persons, yet in harmoniacall consente, but one God. VVherefore vve retayninge this fayth before the maiestye of God the father, and his sonne Iesus Christ: doe holde for accursed all detestable heresies. If that any shall teache contrary to the righte and sounde fayth, contained in holy Scripture, that there is, or that there hathe bene a tyme, or a vvorlde, and made before the sonne of God, let him be accursed. If that any shall saye, that the sonne of God is a creature, as one of the creatures: a budde or spring as one of the buddes, and not as the sacred Scriptures haue deliuered euery of the aforesayde vnto vs: or if that any shall preache or publishe any other, besides that vve haue receaued lette him be accursed. For vve beleue truely and vnfaynedly, all vvhatsoeuer the holy Scriptures, the Prophetes, and Apostles haue deliuered vnto vs, and vve follovve the same zealously. Suche were the Creedes of the Byshopes whiche then assembled at Antioch: whereunto Gre­gorius althoughe as yet he was not gone to Alexandria, subscribed intitlinge him selfe Byshope of Alexandria. The Councell after the finishinge of these thinges, and the establishinge of o­ther constitutions, was dissolued. At the very same time the affayres of the common weale fell out to be very troublesome. For the French natiō (so are they tearmed) inuaded the Romayne pos­sessions, Earthquake. bordering vpon Fraunce, then also there were greate earthquakes in the Easte, but spe­cially at Antioch, where the earth was hoyssed and shaken the space of one whole yeare.

CAP. VIII.

Howe that, when Gregorius was broughte to Alexandria, with Cap. 11. in the greeke. armed souldieres: Athanasius by flyinge awaye saued his life.

WHen the aforesayde busines was brought to this passe, Syrianus the captaine, together with fiue thousande armed soldiers brought Gregorius to Alexandria. The Arians that were within the citie came to ayde them. But I thinke it requisite to discourse, howe Athanasius that was violently by them thrust out of the churche, escaped their handes. It was then euentide, the people spent the whole night in vigils, for there was a cōmunion the day follo­winge. The captaine drewe nighe, he sette his soldiers in battaile araye, he besetts the churche. Athanasius vnderstandinge of this, called his witts together, and deuised howe the people might Athanasius was fayne to runne awaye for the [...]a [...]e­ga [...]de of his lite. take no harme for his sake. He commaunded his Deacon to read the collects vnto the people. He bidds him singe a psalme. When the psalme was sweetly and harmoniacally songe, all the peo­ple went forth at one of the church porches. While this was adoinge the soldiers made no sturre at all: Athanasius through the middest of the singers, escaped theyre handes safe and sounde. He beinge thus ridd out of this perill and daunger he stoode in, went in all the haste to Rome. Then Gregori [...] tooke possession of the churche. The citizens of Alexandria not brooking their doinges sette Sainct Denys churche afire. So farre of that.

CAP. IX. Cap 12. in he Greeke.

Howe that the citizens of Constantinople after the death of Eusebius, chose Paulus againe to be their Byshope: the Arians of the contrary, chose Macedonius.

EVsebius as soone as he had brought his purpose to effecte, sente a legate vnto Iulius Bishope Eusebius [...]ome time [...]shop of Nicomedia [...]fterwardes [...]ishop of [...]onstauno­ [...]le dyeth an [...]. of Rome, requestinge him to be iudge in Athanasius his cause, and to take vpon him the pronouncinge of the definitiue sentence. But the sentence that Iulius gaue of Athanasius ne­uer came to Eusebius his hearing, for immediatly after the councell brake vp, breath wente out of his body and so he died. Wherefore the people of Cōstantinople bring Paulus, againe to be their Bishop: the Arians assemblinge in Sainct Pauls churche, chose Macedonius. They were authors and chiefe doers in that sturre, who a litle before ayded Eusebius, that turned vpside downe the whole state of the churche. These were they that could doe some thing at that time: Theognis bi­shop of Nice, Maris bishop of Chalcedon, Theodorus bishop of Heraclaea in Thracia, Vrsacius bi­shop of Singidon in the higher Mysia, and Valens bishop of Mursa a citie in the higher Panonia. [Page 259] But Ʋrsacius and Valens repented them afterwardes, gaue vp their recantation in writinge vnto Iulius bishop of Rome, and thenceforth submitted them selues to the clause of One substance, and The Arians caused greate murther and slaughter in the church. the communion of the church. At that tyme, the Arians raysed ciuill warres and dissention in the church, of the which one was sturred at Constantinople, through the confederats of Macedonius. And by reason of these domesticall warres of the christians, there were many & often skirmishes, in that citie, at what tyme many were troden vnder foote, and crushed to death.

CAP. X. Cap. 13. in the greeke.

The death of Hermogenes the captaine, and howe that therefore Paulus the seconde tyme was banished Constantinople. The Arians translating Gregorius from Alexandria, placed Georgius in his rowme.

THe report and fame of the sedition at Constantinople came to the eares of the Emperour Constantius, who then abode at Antioche, he commaunded Hermogenes the captaine, that was takinge his iourney into the coasts of Thracia, to take Constantinople in his waye, & to thrust Paulus their byshop out of the church. He comming into the citie disquieted the people not a little, while he went by force about to banishe their byshop. Immediately the multitude of the people was vp, they prepared them selues to ayde their byshop. As Hermogenes proceeded and laboured together with his souldiers to sett him packinge: the multitude beynge on an vp­rore, rashely and headyly (as it happeneth in such a hurlyburly) fell vpon him. They fyre the house ouer his heade, they pull him out by the eares, and putte him to death. This was done when both the Emperoures were Consulls, to wete: the thirde Consulshippe of Constantius, The Greeke measure was 2. folde. one was called Atticus, cō ­tainīg of our measure six gallōs. 1. pot­tel & 1. quart An other was called Georgicus, of our mea­sure one bushell, a peck & one pynt. and the seconde of Constans. At what tyme Constans ouercame the Frenchemen, made truse, and concluded a league betweene them and the Romaines. Constantius the Emperour hearinge of the death of Hermogenes, tooke his horse, left Antioche, and gott him to Constantinople: there he thrusteth Paulus out of the churche, he mearced the cytie: takinge from them so ma­nie measures of grayne, as their cytie receaued aboue foure hundred thousande, the which was his fathers donation daylie geuen vnto them. For vnto that tyme, the cytie of Constantino­ple receaued, about eyght hundred thowsande measures of grayne, that was caryed thyther from Alexandria. The Emperour differred to nominate Macedonius their byshop, for he was wonderfully incensed, not onely agaynste him, in that he was chosen without his aduise and counsell: but also in that through the sturre and tumult raysed betweene him and Paulus, not onely Hermogenes his captayne, but also manie others beside, were slayne. After he had ge­uen Macedonius licence to execute his function in that churche onely, where he was cho­sen byshop: he returneth to Antioche. Cap. 14. in the Greeke. In the meane space the Arians translated Gregorius from Alexandria, for that the people hated him deadly: neyther onely for that, but also for the fyringe of the temple, and moreouer because he maynetayned their opinion very sclender­ly. They sent for Georgius borne in Cappadocia, one that was nusled in the opinion they mayne­tayned.

CAP. XI. Cap. 15. in the greeke.

Howe that Athanasius byshop of Alexandria, and Paulus byshop of Constanti­nople, went to Rome, and procured Iulius the byshop of Rome his letters for the recouery of their seaes: the which letters were answered by the byshops of the East, saying: that the byshop of Rome had nothing to doe with them.

AThanasius as yet was short of his iourney into Italie. At y e time Constans who was y e yōgest brother of y e three Emperours, after y e death of his brother Cōstantine, who (as we sayd be­fore) was slaine by y e souldiers, gouerned that westerne countries. Then also Paulus bishop of Cōstantinople, Asclepas bishop of Gaza, Marcellus bishop of Ancyra in Galatia y e lesser, & Lu­cius bishop of Adrianopolis being accused one for one thing, & an other for an other thing, & depri­ued of their churches, were at y e princely citie of Rome: & certified Iulius bishop of Rome of their whole estate, & trouble. Iulius then by reason of the prerogatiue of the churche of Rome, vphelde [Page 260] their side with his letters, he wrote freely vnto the bishops of the east, that euery one of the afore­sayd The epistle of Iulius vnto the bishops of the East & their answere vnto him a­gaine, is to be seene in the first [...]ome of the Coun­cells. The church of Rome hath nothīg to doe with the churches of the East, and so of the contrary. bishops should be restored againe, sharply rebuking such as procured their deposition rashly and without aduisement. They leaue Rome, and trusting to bishop Iulius his letters, they returne euery man to his owne church, & conuey the letters vnto whome they were written. These men, when his letters came to their hands, tooke the correction of Iulius for a contumely or sclaunder, they summone a Councell at Antioch. There as soone as they had assembled together, they deuise an epistle by vniforme consent of them all, wherein they inuey bitterly against Iulius, and signifie withall, that if any were banished the churche, and excommunicated by their decree and cen­sure, it were not his part to intermedle, neither to sitt in iudgement vpon their sentence. For when as he had remoued Nouatus out of the churche of Rome, they neither resisted, neither contraryed his doinges. This in effect was that which the bishops of the East wrote vnto Iulius bishop of Rome. But in as much as at the comming of Athanasius into Alexandria, there was great sturre and tumultes raysed by Georgius the Arian (for the report goeth that by his meanes there was much harme, murther, and māslaughter committed) & that the Arians charged Athanasius w t the sedition, as if he had bene the cause & author of all those mischiefes: I thinke it needefull with as much breuitie as may be, presently to say somewhat hereof. Although God alone, who is the true iudge, knoweth the certaintie thereof: yet is it not vnknowen vnto wise and discrete men, that such things most commonly fall out, where the people are at ciuill discord and dissention among them selues. Wherfore the accusers of Athanasius did him wronge, they charged him iniuriously. And Sabinus euen the greate patron of Macedonius his heresie, if that he had deepely weyed with him Sabinus. selfe, how great, and what greeuous mischiefes, the Arians went about to practise against Atha­nasius, and all such as cleaued stedfastly vnto the creede contayning the clause of One substance: or what hainous crimes, and heauy complaints the Coūcells assembled about Athanasius his cause, exhibited againste him: or what horrible deuises the graunde hereticke Macedonius practised a­gainst all the churches of God: certainly he should haue either runne them ouer with silence, or if This Sabinus [...]rot a booke [...]tituled, the collection of [...]he coūcells. (Socra. lib. 1. [...]ap. 13. lib. 3. [...]ap. 21) where [...]e [...]ayth no­ [...]ing of the [...]uersaries [...]f the trueth. that he had once opened his mouth, he shoulde haue vttered such thinges as would haue tended to the detection of such shamefull and reprochefull dealinges. Nowe hath he winked at all this, and blased abroade the sclaunderous crimes those beastly men charged Athanasius withall. But he sayeth not a word of Macedonius the ringleader of those heretickes, whilest he endeuoureth to cō ­ceale his horrible practises, and tragicall acts. And that which is most of all to be maruailed at, he reporteth not ill of the Arians, whome he abhorred. Moreouer he hath not once remembred the election of Macedonius, whome he succeeded. for if he had but once opened his mouth to discourse of him, he must needes haue paynted vnto the world his deuilishe dealings, and lewde behauiour, euen as the circumstances of that election do plainely set forth. But of him so farre.

CAP. XII.

How the Emperour sent Philip the gouernour, to remoue Paulus byshop of Con­stantinople [...]ap. 16. in [...] Greeke. out of the byshopricke into banishment, and to place Macedonius in his rowme.

AS soone as the Emperour Constantius remaining at Antioche, had vnderstoode, that Pau­lus yet againe was placed in the bishops seae of Constantinople: he tooke greate displea­sure, and was sore incensed against them. He gaue out a commission vnto Philip the presi­dent, who was of greater authoritie then all the other his liuetenāts, & called the second person in the empire: to remoue Paulus, and to appoynt Macedonius in his steede. Philip then, fearinge the rage and tumult of the multitude, circumuenteth Paulus very subtlely, couertly he concealeth the Emperours pleasure. He fayneth the cause of his comminge to be for the common affaires of the citie, he getts him straight vnto the publicke bathe called Ze [...]xippus: he sendes thence one vnto Paulus that should honorably salute him, and will him in any wise to repaire vnto the Emperours Liuetenant. As soone as he came, the gouernour opened vnto him his lorde the Emperours cō ­maundement. The bishop taketh paciently his sentence, although vniustly decreed against him. But the gouernour standing in great feare of the furious rage of the multitude, and such as stoode in compasse about him (for many by reason of the suspicious rumor flocked vnto the publicke bath) gaue commaundement, that one of the backe windowes of the bath should be opened: that Paulus should be let downe at the sayd windowe into a shippe, readily appoynted for the purpose, [Page 261] and thence be conueyed to exile. The gouernour had commaunded him, that he should saile thence straight to Thessalonica, the head citie of Macedonia (for thence his auncetors came) and there make his abode: that it was lawfull moreouer for him, freely and without daunger to frequent y cities of Illyrium: but he would in no wise geue him leaue to come nigh the countries of the East. To be short, Paulus thinking litle or nothing of all this, is both depriued his church, banished the citie, and forthwith brought to exile. Philip the Emperours debitie gott him with speede from the publique bath, into the church. Macedonius accompanyed him (for it was so concluded before) sit­ting by his side in the waggon, in the face of the whole multitude: the souldiers garded them with naked swordes, so that the multitude in compasse was amazed thereat, and strocken with sodaine feare. All ranne to the church, such as defended the creede contayning the clause of One substance, flocked to the church, as well as the Arian hereticks. As soone as the gouernour together with Macedonius was now come nygh the church, a maruelous great feare amazed both the multitude and the souldiers them selues. There was so great a multitude gathered together, that there was no passage for the gouernour to leade Macedonius, the souldiers were faine to thrust the people of this side, and that side, but the throng was so great, and the rowme so narowe, that they coulde not geue backe, neither recoyle. The souldiers supposinge the multitude had set them selues againste them, & of set purpose stopped their walke, that the gouernour might haue no passage theraway: drewe their swords, let flye amongest them, and layd on lustyly. The report goeth, that there fell The greate slaughter which the Arians cau­sed at Con­stantinople, about the placing of Macedonius the hereticke about three thousande, one hundred, and fifty persons, whereof some were slayne by the souldiers, some other styfled in the throng, & crushed to death. But Macedonius after all these famous acts, as if he had committed no offence, as if he were innocent, and gyltles toutching all this haynous and horrible slaughter: is stalled in the bishops seate, more by the censure of the gouernour, then the canon of the church. These were the meanes that Macedonius and the Arians vsed to clim [...], by slaughter and murther to be magistrates in the church. About that tyme the Emperour buyl­ded a goodly churche, nowe called The church of wisdome, and ioyned it vnto the churche called by the name of Peace, the which beyng of small compasse, his father afore him had both in byg­nes enlarged, and in beautie sett forth and adorned. Nowe were they both inuironed with one wall, and called after one name.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 17. in the Greeke.

Howe Athanasius being terrified with the Emperours threats, fled the second tyme to Rome.

ABout that tyme there was an other sclaunder raysed by the Arians agaynst Athanasius, Athanasius is falsely accu­sed. which forged out such an accusation agaynst him as followeth. Constantinus the father of these Emperours had geuen a good whyle before certaine grayne for almes, to the reliefe of the poore within the churche of Alexandria. This they sayde that Athanasius had soulde, and turned it to his owne lucre and gayne. The Emperoure taketh their sclaunderous reporte for trueth, and threatneth him with death. Athanasius then vnderstandinge of the Emperours hygh displeasure against him, fled away, and hidd him selfe in a secrete and obscure place. Iulius bishop of Rome, hearing the molestation and iniuries the Arians offred Athanasius: and nowe hauing receaued the letters of Eusebius, who lately had departed this lyfe: vnderstandinge of the place where Athanasius hydd him selfe: sent for him, willinge him to repayre to Rome. At the same tyme he receaued letters from the Councell assembled at Antioch, and other letters also sent vnto him from the byshops of Aegypt, which playnely affirmed, that all such crymes as Athanasius was charged withall, were meere false. Wherefore Iulius by sendinge of contrary letters, an­swered at large the byshops which assembled at Antioche, and firste he sheweth what griefe and heauines he conceaued by their letters: secōdly that they had transgressed the canon of the church, in not callinge him to the Councell, in so much the canon commaundeth, that no decree be thrust vpon the church without the censure of the bishop of Rome: moreouer that they had couertly cor­rupted the fayth: also that they concluded by mayne force, and double dealing, such things as of late they had lewdely handled at Tyrus, in that they of spyte had procured the relations of one side duely, to be registred at Mareôtes: and that their forged leasinges of Arsenius were meere sclaūders, & false reports. These & other such like thīgs, Iulius layd downe in his letters vnto y bi­shops assēbled at Antioch. we would haue layd downe here y epistles vnto Iulio, & his vnto others [Page 262] were it not that the length of their writings, and the tediousnesse of their discourse, perswaded vs to the contrary. Sabinus the fauourer of Macedonius his fond opinion (of whome we spake before) though in his booke intituled The collection of Councells, he omitted not y epistle of the bishops assembled at Antioche vnto Iulius, yet layde he not downe the letters of Iulius vnto them agayne. It was his accustomed maner so to doe. for what epistles so euer were written by any Councells, either altogether disanullinge, or at lest wise passing ouer with silence the clause of One substance, them he carefully cyted, and collected diligently: looke such as were of the contrary, them of sett purpose he ouerskipped.

CAP. XIIII.

Howe that the VVesterne Emperour requested his brother to sende vnto him such as Cap. 18. in the Greeke. were able to iustifie the depositions of Athanasius and Paulus: and howe the legats brought with them a newe forme of faith.

NOt long after Paulus leauyng Thessalonica, fayned he woulde to Corinth, and gott him Paulus. b. of Cōstantino­ple gott him to Rome. straight into Italie. there both he & Athanasius ioyntly do open their estate vnto the Empe­rour. The Emperour, whose dominions were y contries of the West, esteeming of their iniuries, as his owne aduersitie: wrote vnto his brother, requesting him in his letters, to send vnto him three men, that might render afore him iust causes of the deposition of Paulus & Athanasius. There were sent vnto him Narcissus the Cilician, Theodorus the Thracian, Maris the Chalcedo­nian, and Marcus the Syrian. After their comming they woulde not reason with Athanasius: but concealing the forme of faith decreed at Antioche, the bishops frame out an other, the which they exhibited vnto the Emperour in these words. VVe beleue in one God the father almightie, cre­ator The Creede of certaine Ariā bishops exhibited vnto Con­stans the em­perour, where they dissemble e­gregiously. and maker of all things, of vvhome all fatherhoode is called both in heauen and earth: and in his onely begotten sonne, our Lorde Iesus Christ, begotten of the father before all vvorldes: God of God, light of light, by vvhome all thinges vvere made, both in heauen, and in earth, be they visible or inuisible: who is the vvorde, the wisdome, the power, the life, the true light: who in the later dayes was incarnate for our sakes: vvas borne of the holie Virgine: vvas crucified: dead: and buryed. vvho rose agayne the thirde day from the dead, ascended into the heauens, sitteth at the right hand of the father, and shall come againe at the ende of the vvorld, to iudge the quicke and the dead, and to reward euery man according vnto his vvorks, whose kingdome shall haue no ende, but shall continew foreuer. For he shall sitt at the ryght hande of the father, not onely vvhile this vvorlde lasteth: but also in the lyfe to come. And vve beleeue in the holie Ghost, that is: in the comforter, whome he promised he vvould sende the Apostles, whome also he sent after his ascention into the heauens, for to informe and instruct them in all thinges, by vvhome their soules shall be sanctified, vvhich faithfully beleue in him. VVhosoeuer then dare affirme: that the sonne hath his being of nothinge: or that he is of any other substance, then of the fathers: or that there vvas a time, when he had no being: these the Catholicke church doth holde for accursed. When they had exhibited these fewe lynes vnto the Emperour, and shewed them to diuers others: they tooke their leaue, without further reasoninge of any other matter. Furthermore whilest that as yet both the churches of the East, and also of the West without any adoe communicated together: a newe opinion sprang vp at Sirmium a citie of Illyrium. Photinus The heresie of Photinus. who gouerned the churches there, borne in the lesser Galatia, the disciple of Marcellus that was deposed of his byshopricke, following his maisters steps, affirmed: that the sonne of God was but onely man. The discourse of these things we will referre to an other place.

CAP. XV. Cap. 19. after [...]he Greeke.

A forme of faith layde downe by the byshops of the East, contayning many longe and large circumstances.

THree yeares after, the bishops of the Easterne churches, summone agayne an other coun­cell, they frame an other forme of faith, and sende it to the bishops of Italie, by Eudoxius bishop of Germanicia, Martyrius, and Macedonius bishop of Mopsiestia a citie in Cilicia. This faith sett forth at large, contayneth many additions and glosses, besides such as heretofore were published in other creedes. it beginneth thus: VVe beleue in one God the father almigh­tie, The bishops [...]f the East summone a councell, and sende abrode this theyr Creede, with long exposi­tions therof. creator and maker of all things, of vvhome all fatherhoode in heauen and in [...]arth is called: [Page 263] and in his onely begotten sonne Iesus Christ our Lorde, begotten of the Father before all worlds: God of God, lyght of lyght, by vvhome all thinges vvere made, both in heauen and in earth, be they visible or inuisible: who is the word, the wisdome, the power, the life & true light: who in the later dayes was incarnate for our sakes, was borne of the holy virgine, was crucified, dead and buryed: who rose againe the third day from the dead, ascended into heauen, & sitteth at the ryght hand of the father: who shall come in the end of the world, to iudge the quicke and the dead, to reward euery man according vnto his works whose kingdome shall haue no ende, but shall continevve for euer. For he shall sitte at the ryght hande of the Father, not onely vvhyle this vvorlde lasteth, but also in the lyfe to come. VVe beleeue also in the holye Ghost, that is in the Comforter, vvhome Christ promised to sende his Apostles after his ascention into heauen, vvhome also he sent for to teache, and leade them in all thynges, by vvhose meanes, the soules of them vvhich faithfully beleeue in him, are sanctified. vvho­soeuer therefore dare presume to affirme: that the sonne had his beginninge of nothinge: or of any other substance then the Fathers: or that there vvas a tyme, or a vvorlde, vvhen he vvas not: these the holie and Catholicke churche doth holde for accursed. In like maner such as saye that there are three gods: or that Christ vvas not God from the beginninge: or that he is neyther Christ, neyther the sonne of God: or that there is neyther Father, neyther Sonne, neyther holie Ghost: or that the sonne is vnbegotten: or that the Father begatt not the sonne of his ovvne vvyll and purpose: these the holie and Catholicke church doth holde for accursed. Neyther can it be vttered vvithout blasphemie, that the sonne had his beynge of nothinge, in so much there can no such thinge be founde of him in ho­lie scripture. Neyther doe vve learne that he had his beynge of any other preexistent sub­stance, besydes the fathers, but that he vvas truely begotten of God the father alone. The holie scripture teacheth vs that the father of Christ is and vvas one vnbegotten, and vvithout beginning. Neyther may vve safely affirme vvithout testimonie of the sacred scripture, that there vvas a tyme vvhen he vvas not, as though vve shoulde imagine or forethinke in him, any temporall space: but vve haue to conceaue and comprehende in our mindes, God alone, vvhith begatt him vvithout tyme. For tymes and vvorldes vvere made by him. Neither can ere other, the father or the sonne properly be sayde, ioyntly to be vvithout beginninge, and ioynt­ly vvithout begettinge: but as vve knovve the father alone to be vvithout beginninge, incom­prehensble, and to haue begotten the sonne, after an incomprehensible, and an intelligible maner: so vve vnderstande the forme, to haue bene begotten before all vvorldes, and not to be vnbegotten after the same maner vvith the father, but to haue had a beginninge, the father 1. Corinth. 11. vvhich begatt him, for the hea [...] of Christ, is God. VVhen vve confesse three thinges, and three persons accordinge vnto the scriptures, to vvete: of the father▪ of the sonne, and of the holie Ghost, vve doe not therein allovve of three gods. For vve acknovvledge one onely God, perfect and absolute of him selfe, vnbegotten, vvithout beginninge, inuisible, the father of the onely begotten sonne, vvho alone of him selfe hath his beynge, vvho also alone ministreth aboundantly vnto all other things their beyng. And vvhen as vve affirme one God the father of our Lorde Iesus Christ, to be onely vnbegotten, vve doe not therefore deny Christ to haue bene God from euerlastinge, as the follovvers of Paulus Samosatenus dyd, vvhich affirmed that The heresie of Paulus Sa­mosatenus. by nature he vvas but onely and bare man, after his in [...]mation by profiting [...] and forvvardnes to haue bene made God. VVe knovve though [...]e be subiect to the father and to God, that he is God of God begotten accordinge vnto nature, that he is both a perfect and true God, and not made God aftervvardes of [...]: but that accordinge vnto the vvyll of God the father he vvas incarnate for our sakes, neuer aftervvardes lo [...]inge his di [...]niti [...]. Moreouer vve detest and The word of God is no vocal or mē tall worde. abhorre, and holde them for accursed, vvhich affirme that the sonne of God is the onely and naked vvorde of God, vvithout substance, but after a fayned and imaginatiue sort in an other: and one vvhyle doe terme him the vvorde as vttered by the mouth an other vvhyle as inclosed in the minde of some one or other: For they confesse not that euen Christ, vvho is Lorde, the sonne of God, the mediator, the image of God vvas before all vvorldes: but that he vvas Christ and the sonne of God from that tyme, since vvhich (novve full foure hundred yeares agoe) he tooke our fleshe of the Virgine. They vvyll haue the kingdome of Christ, from that tyme to haue his beginninge: and after the consummation of the vvorlde, and the dread­full daye of iudgement, to haue his endinge. The authors of this abhominable heresie are [Page 264] the Marcellians, Photinians, Ancyrogalatians, vvho therefore disproue the essence and di­uinitie Marcellians. Photinians. Ancyrogala­tians. of Christ, vvhich hath bene before all vvorldes, and likevvise his kingdome vvhich hath no ende: because they pretende the establishinge of a monarchie. But vve knovve him, not for a simple vttered vvorde, or as it vvere inclosed in the minde of God the father: but for the liuing word, God, subsistinge of him selfe, the sonne of God and Christ: and not to haue bene with his father before the vvorlds by onely prescience, to haue bene conuersant and ministred vnto him for the framing and finishing of euery vvorke of visible or inuisible things: but to haue bene the vvorde in deede, together vvith the father, and God of God▪ for this is he vnto vvhome the fa­ther Gen. 1. 2. Gen. 12. 18. Exod. 19. 20. Hebr. 1. sayde: Let vs make man after our ovvne image and similitude: vvho appeared in his pro­per person vnto the fathers of olde: gaue them the lawe: spake by the prophets: laste of all be­came man: made manifest his father vnto all men, and raygneth vvorlde vvithout ende. Ney­ther doe vve beleue that Christ receaued his diuinitie of late, but that he vvas perfect from all aeternitie, and like vnto the father in all things. Such as confounde the father, the sonne, and the Sabellians. holie Ghost. and impiously imagine three names in one thinge, and in one person, not vvithout iust cause vve forbidde them the church, because they appoynt the father, vvho is incomprehen­sble, and impatible, by incarnation to be both comprehensible, and patible. Of which heresie are the Patropassians, so called of the Romaines, but of vs Sabellians. VVe know of certainty the Patropassiās. father, vvhich sent his sonne to haue continewed in the proper nature of his immutable diuini­tie: the sonne vvhich vvas sent to haue accomplished the disposed order of his incarnation. In like maner such as say impiously and blaspheniously, that Christ vvas begotten neyther by the counsell, neyther by the vvill of the father, attributinge to God the father a counsell tyed to ne­cessitie, and an essence intangled vvith the vvant of free vvill, so that he begatt the sonne of cō ­pulsion: them first of all we hold for accursed creatures, and farre estraynged from the trueth in Christ: because they presume to publishe such doctrine of him, both contrary to the common notions & vnderstanding vve haue of God, and also repugnant vvith the sense and meaning of the sacred scripture inspired from aboue. VVe knowe that God is of his owne power, & that he enioyeth his free will, and we beleue godly and reuerently that he begat the sonne of his owne accord, & free will. VVe beleue & that godly, which is spoken of him: The Lorde made me the Prouerb. 8. beginning of his wayes, for the accōplishing of his works, yet we vnderstand no [...] that he was so made as other creatures & other things were framed. For that is impious & farr [...] frō the faith of the catholicke church, to liken the creator vnto the creatures which he shaped: or to thinke that he had the like maner of begetting with other thinges of different nature. The holy scriptures do informe vs, onely of one onely begotten sonne, vnfainedly and truely begotten. Moreouer when as we say that the sonne hath his being of him selfe, that he liueth & subsisteth in like sort with the father: for all that, vve seuer him not from the father, neither do we imagine corporall vvise, certaine spaces, and distance betvvene their coherencie. For vve beleeue that they ioyne together vvithout pause or distance put betvvene, and that they can not be seuered asunder: so that the father compriseth, as it vvere in his bosome, the vvhole sonne: and the sonne is ioyned and fastened to the vvhole father, and resteth continevvally, onely in his fathers lappe. VVe be­leeue furthermore in the absolute, perfect, & most blessed Trinitie: and vvhen vve call the father God, & the sonne God, in so doing we say not, there be two gods, but one God, of equall pow­er & diuinitie, and one perfect coniunction of raygne: and euen as the father beareth rule & ex­erciseth authoritie ouer all things, & ouer the sonne: sovve say that the sonne is subiect vnto the father, and that he gouerneth besides him, immediatly and next after him all thinges vvhich he made: and that the saincts, by the vvill of the father, receaue the grace of the holy Ghost aboun­dantly poured vpon them. Thus the holy scriptures haue instructed vs, to direct our talke of the monarchie in Christ. After the aforesayd briefe & cōpendious forme of faith, vve haue bene cō ­strained to explicate & discourse of these thinges at large: not that vve are disposed vainely and arrogantly to contend: but to remoue out of the mindes of such men as knovve vs not, all fonde suspicion & surmise cōceaued of our censure & opinion, othervvise then trueth is: & that more­ouer all the bishops of the VVest, may easily perceaue not only the sclaunders of such as main­tayne the contrary opinion, but also the ecclesiasticall and Christian faith of the byshops inha­bitinge The bishops [...]f the VVest [...]hurches [...]ere stayed [...] religion. the East, confirmed out of the manifest and vnvvrested testimonies of holie scripture, the vvhich the aduersaries are vvont lewdly to interpret. The bishops of the west churches affir­med, they would in no wise receaue these thinges, partly for that they were written in a straunge [Page 265] tonge, & therfore could not vnderstand them: they sayd moreouer that the creede or forme of faith, layd downe by the Nicene councell was sufficient, and that it was not for them curiously to search further.

CAP. XVI. Cap. 20. in the Greeke.

Of the generall Councell summoned at Sardice.

WHen as the Emperour had written againe, that Paulus and Athanasius should be resto­red to their former rowmes and dignities, and his letters had taken no place by reason of the ciuill dissention & discord as yet not appeased among the multitude: Paulus & A­thanasius make humble sute, that an other councell might be called together, to the end their cases should be the better knowen, & the faith should be decided in a general coūcell, for they protested y their depositiō was wrought, to the end y faith might be destroyed. Wherfore by y cōmaundemēt of both y Emperours, (the one signifying y same by his letters, the other whose dominiōs lay in y East, willingly cōdescending thervnto) there was proclaimed a generall councell, that all should The coūcell of Sardice was held An. Dom. 350. meete at Sardice a citie of Illyrium. The eleuenth yeare after y desease of Costantinus, the father of these Emperours, in the consulship of Ruffinus & Eusebius, the councell of Sardice was summoned. There mett there (as Athanasius sayth) about thre hundred bishops of the west churches, and (as Sabinus declareth) onely seuenty six bishops out of the East, of which number was Ischyras bishop The Arians were loth to come to the coūcel, ther­fore they dis­semble and fayne excu­ses. of Mareôtes, whome y deposers of Athanasius preferred to be bishop of that place. Some alleage for them selues their infirmitie of body: some cōplaine that their warning was to short, & therfore they blame Iulius bishop of Rome: when as since the date of the proclamation, & the leasure of A­thanasius cōtinewing at Rome, & expecting y meeting of the councell, there rame a whole yeare & six moneths. After that y bishops of the east came to Sardice, they would not come into y presence of y bishops which inhabited y West, but sent thē this message, that they would not talke, neither reason with them, vnlesse cōditionally they would barre Athanasius and Paulus their cōpany. But when Protogenes bishop of Sardice, & Osius bishop of Corduba a citie (as I sayd before) of Spaine, could in no wise brooke that Paulus and Athanasius should be absent: the Easterne bishops forth­with depart: and cōming to Philippi a citie in Thracia, they assemble a priuate coūcell among thē selues, & beginne thenceforth openly to accurse the creede, cōtaining the claule of One substance: & The Acts of the councell of Sardice. to sowe abrode in writing their opinion, that the sonne was not of one substance w t the father. But the assembly of bishops which cōtinewed at Sardice, first cōdemned them which fled from the hea­ring of their cause: next deposed from their dignities the accusers of Athanasius: afterwards rati­fied the creede of the Nicene coūcell, & abrogated the hereticall opinion which said, that the sonne was of a different substance from the father: last of all sett forth more plainely the clause of One substance, for they wrote letters therof, & sent them throughout the whole world. Both sides were Paulꝰ bishop of Cōstanti­nople, Atha­nasius bishop of Alexādria, Marcellꝰ. b. of Ancyra, are by the coun­cell restored to their churches. pleased with their owne doings, and euery one seemed to him selfe, to haue done right well: the bi­shops of the East, because the Westerne bishops had receaued such as they had deposed: the by­shops of the West, because the Easterne bishops being deposers of others, had departed before y hearing of their cause: the one for that they mayntained the Nicene creede: the other for that they went about to condemne it. Their bishoprickes are restored to Paulus and Athanasius, likewise to Marcellus bishop of Ancyra in the lesser Galatia, who a litle before (as we sayd in our first booke) was deposed, who also then endeuoured with all might to disproue, and confute the sentence pro­nounced against him, saying that the phrase and maner of speach, which he vsed in his booke, was not vnderstoode, and therefore to haue bene suspected by them, as if he mayntayned the heresie of Paulus Samosatenus. Yet we may not forget that Eusebius Pamphilus wrote three bookes, to the confutation of the booke of Marcellus, where he citeth the words of Marcellus, and refuteth them, plainly declaring that Marcellus no otherwise then Sabellius the Aphrick, & Paulus Samosatenus, thought that the Lorde Iesus was but onely man.

CAP. XVII. Cap. 21. in the Greeke.

An Apologie, or defence in the behalfe of Eusebius Pamphilus, that he was no Arian, as diuers malicious persons wrote of him.

BEcause that diuers haue bruted abroade sclaunderous reports of Eusebius Pamphilus, affir­ming that in his workes he sauoured of the heresie of Arius, I thinke it not amisse, presently [Page 266] to laye downe in fewe wordes, what of trueth we may thinke of him. Firste of all he was both present at the Councell of Nice, and subscribed vnto the clause of One substance. In his thirde booke of the lyfe of Constantine, he hath these wordes of that Councelll: The Emperoure Euseb. de vit. Constantini lib. 3. dealt so farre vvith them, for the reducinge of them vnto concorde and vnitie, that he lefte them not, vntyll he had brought them to be of one mynde and of one opinion, tout­chinge all that afore tyme vvas called into controuersie, so that vvith one voyce, they all embraced the fayth decided in the Councell of Nice: If Eusebius then, mentioninge the Councell summoned at Nice, doth saye that all quarells and questions were there ended: and that all were of one minde, and of one opinion, howe is it that some dare presume to charge him with the spotte of Arianisme? The Arians them selues also are foulie deceaued, if they take him for a fauourer of their opinion. But some man peraduenture wyll saye, that he seemed to smell of Arianisme, in that he vsed often tymes in his bookes this phrase: By Christ. Whome I answere, that not onely he, but also other ecclesiasticall writers, yea and the Apostle him selfe, who was neuer once suspected to be the author of any lewde o­pinion, vsed this phrase before them, which wrote such kinde of speache, and sundrie other sortes of sentences, for the liuely settinge forth and expressinge of the order and maner of our sa­uiours humanitie. But what Eusebius thought, when Arius taught that the lonne was a cre­ature, and to be accompted as one of the other creatures, nowe vnderstande, for in his first booke agaynst Marcellus he writeth thus: He alone, and none other, is both called, and is in deede Euseb. lib. 1. contra Mar­cellum. the onely begotten sonne of God. VVherefore they are vvorthy of reprehension, vvhich are not ashamed to call him a creature, and to say that he beganne of nothinge, as other creatures did. Hovve shall he be the sonne, or after vvhat sort may he be called the onely begotten of God, vvhen as he hath (as they say) the same nature vvith other creatures, and is become one of the vulgare sort of men, to wete: hauinge the like beginninge vvith them, and beyng made parta­ker vvith them of the creation vvhich is of nothinge? But the holie scriptures (Ivvis) teache vs no such thinges of him. And agayne a litle after he sayeth: VVhosoeuer then sayeth: that the sonne vvas begotten of nothinge, or that the principall creature beganne of nothing: he attri­buteth vnto him vnaduisedly the onely name of the sonne, but in very deede, and in trueth he denyeth him to be the sonne. For he that is begotten of nothinge, can in no vvyse be the true sonne of God, no more can any other thinge that hath the lyke beginninge. But the sonne of God truely begotten of the father him selfe, is to be termed the onely begotten, and the vvel­beloued of the father. and so he shall be God. For vvhat other thinge is the budde or branche of God, then that vvhich resembleth the begetter. The kinge is sayde to buylde or make a cytie, but not to begette a cytie: and so he is sayde to begette a sonne, but not to buylde or make a sonne. In respect of the vvorke he vvrought, he is not called a Father, but a cunninge vvorkeman, and in respect of the sonne he begatte, he is not called a vvorkeman, but a father. VVherefore the God of all vniuersalitie, is worthely to be called the father of the sonne: yet the framer and maker of the worlde. Although it be once found written in a certaine place of holie scripture: The Lord made me the beginning of his wayes, for the accomplishing of his workes, Prouer. 8. yet (as I am minded immediatly to interpret) it behoueth vs to skanne narowly, and to sift out with diligence, the sense & vnderstanding thereof, & not after the maner of Marcellus, with one word, to shake the chiefe principles of christian religion. These & many other such like reasons, hath Eusebius alleaged in his first booke against Marcellus, to y cōfutation of his opinion. In his third booke he hath expounded how this word Made or created is to be vnderstood as followeth: These things being after this sort, it remaineth that we cōsider of this sentence: The Lord made Euseb. lib. 3. contra Mar­cellum. me the beginning of his wayes, for the accomplishing of his works, which is no otherwise to be taken, then the other thinges we expoūded before. For in case he say that he is made, he sayth it not, as if he became something, of nothing: or that he was made after the selfe same maner with other creatures, of that vvhich is not (as some haue levvdely imagined) but that he had be­ynge and lyuinge, that he vvas, and subsisted before the foundations of the vvorlde vvere layde, and therefore appoynted by his father, vvho is Lorde of all thinges, the prince of all this vniuersalitie: so that the vvorde Made in this place is no othervvise to be taken, then Ap­poynted, or Ordayned. Peter also the Apostle calleth Princes and Magistrates plaine creatures, vvhere he sayeth: Submitt your selues vnto euery humane creature, for the Lords sake, whe­ther 1. Pet. 2. it be vnto the kinge, as vnto the chiefe heade, either vnto rulers, as sent of him. And the [Page 267] Prophet also: prepare thy selfe (sayth he) O Ierusalem, to call vpon thy God, for beholde he setteth the thunder, he shapeth the spirite, and shevveth vnto men his Christ. he vnderstandeth not this worde shapeth, as if the spirite were made of that which is not. for God then made no [...] the spirite when he shevved by him, his Christ vnto all men (he vvas not then nevvely proclay­med vnder heauen, for he vvas and subsisted before) but he sent him, what time the Apostles were assembled together: when the sound in the likenes of thunder came downe from heauen, Act. 2. as if it had bene the comming of a mighty winde, and filled them all with the holy Ghost: and thus he shevved his Christ vnto all men, according vnto the prophecie which sayd: beholde he setteth the thunder, he shapeth the spirite, and shevveth his Christ vnto men, laying dovvne the worde shapeth, for sendeth or ordaineth, and the word thunder in an other sense, for the preaching of the Gospell. Dauid also vvhen he sayde: Create me a cleane harte O God: he sayde it not, as Psal. 50. though he wāted a hart, but he desired a pure hart to be put in him, & made perfect. In like sense Ephes. 2. also is that spoken: that he shoulde create two, into one newe man, that is: he shoulde couple. Se likewise this, whether it may be taken after the same maner: to put on the new man which is created after God. Againe: If there be any new creature in Christ: & such like phrases the which with diligent searche we may finde in the holy Scriptures. Maruell not then if the Scripture me­taphorically doe vse this kinde of speach: the Lord made me the beginning of his wayes, made that is, appoynted or ordayned. these were the reasons of Eusebius in his bookes against Marcel­lus, and cited of vs to this ende, that the mouthes of such as vnaduisedly do sclaunder him, and con­tumeliously report of him, may therwith be stopped. They are not able to proue (although the wor­des of the order and maner be vsually and commonly founde throughout his workes) that he assig­ned vnto the sonne of God, a beginning of essence: for all that he was a great follower and fauorer of Origens workes, where, whosoeuer can attaine vnto the secrete and hidd sense of Origens bookes, he shall finde euery where, the sonne to haue bene begotten of the father. thus haue we vsed digres­sion, for to ridd Eusebius out of the sclaunderous mouthes of suspicious heads.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 22. in the Greeke.

Ʋ Ʋhen the councell of Sardice decreed that Athanasius and Paulus should be restored to their bishoprikes, and Constantius the Easterne Emperour woulde not admitt them: The Emperour of the VVest threatned him with warrs, so that Constan­tius was therewith affrayde, wrote for Athanasius and sent him to Alexandria.

AFter that both the Bishops assembled at Sardice, and also the bishops assembled at Philip­pi a citie of Thracia, in their seuerall councells had decreed such things as seemed good vn­to them selues, they returned euery man to his owne home. The East & west churches were The diuision of the East & West chur­ches. now deuided, the space or distance seuering their communion asunder, was the mount betwene Il­lyrium and Thracia called Tisueis: for so farre euery of them among them selues, though they dif­fered about the faith, yet the quarell being layde aside, they communicated together, beyonde that, there was no communion of contrary parts. such a confusion, such a sturre, and such a diuision raig­ned then in the church. Immediatly after, the Emperour of the West parts of the world, certified his brother Constantius, of the things decided in the councel of Sardice: & requested him to see Pau­lus & Athanasius placed in their bishoprikes. But when Constantius differred from day to day his brothers desire: the Emperour of the west gaue his brother in choise, either to restore Paulus & A­thanasius, & so accompt of him as his friend: or else to heare the proclamation of open warre, and so find him his deadly foe. The letters he sent by the embassadour vnto his brother were these: There The letters of Constan [...] the Empe­rour vnto his brother Constantius remaine here with me Athanasius & Paulus, who as I am credibly geuen to vnderstand, are per­secuted for pieties sake. If that thou vvilt promise me to restore them vnto their seaes, & to pu­nish seuerely such as haue iniuried them, I will send the parties them selues vnto thee: but if thou wilt not accomplish this my vvill & pleasure, knovve for suertie that my selfe vvill come thither & maugre thy berde, restore them to their proper seaes. Cap. 23. in the greeke. When the Emperour of the East had vnderstoode of this, he was wonderfull pensiue and sadd, he assembleth together many of the Ea­sterne bishops: layeth before them y . choice his brother gaue him: demaundeth of them what was best in this case to be dōe. They make answere that it was farre better to restore againe Athanasi­us, then to rayse deadly and mortall warrs. Wherefore the Emperour being constrayned of neces­sitie, [Page 268] sent for Athanasius vnto him. In the meane while, Constans the Westerne Emperour had sent Paulus honorably, together with two Bishops, with his owne letters, and with the letters of the councell for the more suretie, vnto Constantinople. When Athanasius feared & doubted, whe­ther he were best goe or no vnto Constantius (for the false reports of sclaunderous persons trou­bled him very sore) the Easterne Emperour Constantius by name, sent for him not once, but the se­conde and the thirde time, euen as his letters turned out of the latine into the greeke doe declare, and by translation as followeth.

The epistle of Constantius the Emperour vnto the exiled Athanasius.

Constantius the puysant & noble Emperour, vnto Athanasius the bishop sendeth greeting▪ our singuler & wonted clemency vvill no longer suffer thy fatherhoode, to be turmoyled and tossed vvith the surging vvaues of the seas▪ the pietie vvhich vve haue alvvaies in greate price, vvill no longer permitt thy holines, novve banished out of thy natiue soyle, bereaued of thy substance, barred of all prosperitie, to vvander through crooked and crosse vvaies, through desert & daun­gerous contries. Although we haue lingered now a great vvhile, from sending our letters, wher­by vve might signifie vnto thee the concealed secretie of our minde, hoping that of thine ovvne accorde, thou vvouldest repaire vnto vs, & vvith humble sute craue remedie & redresse of thine iniuries: yet neuerthelesse (feare peraduenture dismaying thee of thy purpose) vve sent present­ly our gracious letters vnto thy grauitie, that vvith all celeritie thou come vnto vs: in so doing thou shalt satisfie thy longing desires, thou shalt haue triall of our vvonted clemency, and be re­stored to thine ovvne seae & natiue soile▪ for to this ende I haue entreated my Lord and brother Constans, the puysant & noble Emperour, that he vvould licence thee to returne vnto vs, vvher­by thou mightest by the meanes of vs both, enioy thy contrie, & haue this token for triall, of our singuler clemencie & good vvill tovvards thee.

An other epistle vnto the sayd renowmed Athanasius.

Constantius the puysant & noble Emperour vnto Athanasius the Bishop sendeth greeting. Al­though by our former letters, vve haue signified vnto thy vvisedome after the plainest maner, that with secure mind & safe conduyte, thou shouldest come vnto our courte, because we were fully determined to restore thee vnto thy former dignitie: for all that, vve haue sent these letters also, vnto thy holines, that thou hire a common vvaggon, and remouing all timorous thoughts from thy mistrustfull minde, thou speedely repaire vnto vs, to the ende thou mayest the sooner enioy thy long vvished desires.

An other epistle vnto the sayd renowmed Athanasius.

Constantius the puysant and noble Emperour vnto Athanasius the Bishop sendeth greeting. Being of late at Edessa, vvhere there vvere also of thy priestes then present, it seemed good vnto vs, to send one of them vnto thee, that thou shouldest hasten vnto our court, and after thy com­ming into our presence, vvithour delay returne into Alexandria. And for as much as it is novve a greate vvhile agoe, since thou receauedst our letters, and hast differred thy iourney: therefore novv also vve thought good to putt thee in remembrance, that vvithout delay thou come vnto vs, and so thou shalt possesse the libertie of thy contrey, and thy long vvished ease and quietnes. To the ende thou mightest fully persvvade thy selfe of all the premises, vve sent vnto thee Ache­tas the Deacon, of vvhome thou shalt vnderstand, both vvhat our purpose is, and also hovv that thy harty desires shall preuaile. Athanasius bing at Aquileia ( for he had remoued thither from Sardice) receaued these letters. thence he went in post to Rome, shewed the letters to Bishop Iuli­us: and recreated very much the Church of Rome. for Constantius the Easterne Emperour seemed to be of the same fayth and opinion with them, when he sent for Athanasius home. Iulius certified the clergy, and layetie of Alexandria in his letters of Athanasius as followeth.

The epistle of Iulius Bishop of Rome, vnto the Priestes and people of Alexandria.

Iulius Bishop of Rome vnto the priestes, deacons & people inhabiting Alexandria, welbelo­ued brethren, sendeth greeting in the Lorde. I doe greatly reioyce vvith you (vvel beloued bre­thren) that henceforth you may behold with your eyes, the frute of your faith. that truely is to be [Page 269] seene in my brother & fellowe Bishop Athanasius: whome God hath restored vnto you, partly for his syncere & godly life, & partly also by the meanes of your prayers. hereby it may easily be coniectured vvhat pure and feruent prayers, you haue alvvayes poured vnto God. For when you called to remembrance the heauenly promises, & the entire affection you beare vnto them, all which you learned of my foresaid brother: you vnderstood plainly & through the right faith in­graffed in your mindes, you were fully persvvaded, that Athanasius (whome in your godly min­des you behelde present) shoulde not alwayes be absent, and continually be seuered from you. VVherfore I neede not vse many words vnto you, for whatsoeuer I say, the same hath your faith preuented: & whatsoeuer commonly you all hartely desired, the same through the grace of God is now fully come to passe. And that I may repeate the same againe: I doe greately reioyce vvith you, that you haue continevved so firmely and so stedfastly in the fayth, that by no meanes you could be vvithdravven from it. Moreouer I doe no lesse reioyce at my brother Athanasius, vvho, notwithstanding the manifold calamities & sundry miseries he endured, yet remembred almost euery houre, your entire loue & great longing for him. & although for a season he seemed to be absent from you in body: yet liued he alwayes as if he had bene present with you, in the spirite. I thinke verily (welbeloued brethren) that all the temptations & paines he endured, are not voyd of their praise & commendation. for by this meanes both your faith & his, hath bene knowen & made manifest vnto the whole worlde. If he had not bene tryed with such great and lamentable temptations, who euer would haue thought so stayed a censure to haue rested in your minds, or so feruēt loue & affection to haue fastened your minds vpon so notable a bishop: or that he was the man that excelled in such rare gifts, by the meanes whereof he is made partaker of the hope which is layd vp for vs in heauen. VVherefore he hath attayned vnto a notable testimony of his faith, not only in this life but in the life to come. For by the pacient sufferance of much aduersi­ty, by sea & by lande, he hath trampled & trodd vnderfoote, all the malicious treacheries of the Arians. Oftētimes by reasó of the aduersaries spite, he stood in great hazard of his life, yet made he no accompt of death: but for all that, through the grace of almighty god, & the power of our Lord Iesus Christ, he escaped their hands: wherby he conceaued good hope, that in the ende he should quit him of his aduersaries, & be restored to the comfort of you all, & beare away toge­ther with you the victorious garland; of good workes & well doing: in that he is already famous euen to the endes of the world: highly cōmended for his good life: renowmed for his free & con­stant perseuerance, in the defence of the christian & heauenly faith, & registred by the censure of you al to immortall memory, for the singuler loue & affection he shewed towards you. VVher­fore he is returned vnto you, bedecked with greater excellēcy & renowm, thē before his depar­ture. If the fire accustomed to try exquisitly the purity of fine & precious mettall, as of golde or siluer: what can be spokē of so notable a mā, in respect of his worthines, who after the quēching of so many fiery flames of sedition: after the recouering of so many daūgerous perills & greuous downfalls, is now restored vnto you & foūd innocent not only by our determination, but by the decree & cēsure of the whole councell? Entertaine therfore (welbeloued brethren) your bishop Athanasius, & also such as haue bene partakers of his affliction, with all reuerēce, ioy & gladnes. Reioyce in that you haue obtained your desires: in that you haue as it were fed, & quēched with your letters the thurst, of your sheepheard, hūgering & thursting in his absence, after your godly zeale. for in so doing, during his abode in foraine & farre cōtries, you comforted him not a litle: & while he was tossed toe & fro, with the stormes of persecution, & intangled with the snares of his malicious aduersaries, you mitigated his grief & sorow, by sending vnto him tokens, of your faithful & feruent minds towards him. VVhen that I thinke with my self, & cast in my mind the cōceaued ioy of you all, at his returne: the flocking multitude ful of religion & godlines: the so­lemne feast of sage persons assembled together: what kind of day the returne of my brother vn­to you is like to be: I can not chuse but conceaue wonderful ioy. specially for that the schisme & discord which raigned heretofore is now plucked vp by the rootes: for that his honorable return according vnto your owne harts desire, hath replenished you with incredible ioye & gladnes. so that the ioye for the greatnes thereof, hath reached vnto vs, to whome it is geuen from aboue, to haue acquaintāce & familiarity with so excellent a man. It seemeth good that we end our epistle with a prayer▪ god almighty, & his sóne our lord & Sauiour Iesus, geue you alwaies of his grace, & graunt you of his mercy the rewarde of so noble a faith, the which you haue shewed towards your Bishop, with so worthy a testimony: that both you and yours, may, not only in this world, [Page 270] but also in the life to come, enioy farre more excellent giftes, vvhich neither eye hath seene, nei­ther 1. Corinth. 2. eare hath heard, neither the hart of man conceaued the things that God prepared for them which loue him, through our Lorde Iesus Christ, to whome vvith the Almighty God, be glorye for euer and euer Amen. God haue you in his tuition vvelbeloued brethren.

Athanasius hauing gott these letters, came into the East. Constantius the emperour, although at that time he receaued him not vnwillingly: yet geuing eare vnto the crafty sleights of the dispitefull Arians, went about to begile him, reasoning with him in this sort: For all thou art restored vnto thy bishoprike by the The confe­rence of Constantius and Athanasius. decree of the councell & our ovvne determination: yet because there are in Adexandria certaine people differing in opinion from thine, & seuering them selues from thy communiō, my request is that thou permitt them one church for them selues. Athanasius made answere vnto his request very wittely & sayd: O Emperour it lieth in thee to do as pleaseth thee best: to commaunde & to execute the commaundement. I also vvil craue of thee an other thing for recompence, my hum­ble request is that thou graunt it me. When the emperour made answere, that with most willing minde he woulde condescende thereunto, Athanasius immediatly sayd: Mine humble sute is that I may obtaine that vvhich thou vvouldest haue had at my hands, to vvete: that thou vvilt graunt one Churche throughout euery citye, for such as communicate not vvith the Arians. The Arians perceauing that the request of Athanasius was not vnreasonable, made answere y t it behoued them to differre that matter vnto an other time, and consider better of it. they hindred not the emperour, but suffred him to do that which pleased him best. Wherefore the Emperour restored Athanasius, Paulus, Marcellus, Asclepas bishop of Gaza, and Lucius Bishop of Adrianopolis, euery one to his owne bishoprike againe. these two hindemost were admitted by the councell of Sardice: Asclepas for that he shewed records, wherby it appeared that both Eusebius Pamphilus & sundry others, vn­derstood fully of his case, and restored him to his dignitie: Lucius for y his accusers fledd away. by the emperous edict they all receaued their owne seaes, the cities were commaunded to entertaine them w t willing & cheerefull mindes. At Ancyra there was no small sturre, by reason that Basilius was remoued and Marcellus restored in his place, so that the aduersaries tooke therby occasion, to sclaunder Marcellus againe. The citizens of Gaza receaued Asclepas willingly. At Constantino­ple, Macedonius for a season gaue rowme vnto Paulus, & had seuerall meetinge & conuenticles at a certaine church of the city. But as toutching Athanasius, y emperour sent letters vnto the bishops, vnto the clergie and laytie of Alexandria, that they should receaue him both louingly & willingly. he commaunded moreouer by his letters y such acts as were recorded agaynst him in their courts and synods, should be blotted out▪ his letters in the behalfe of both the aforesayd are these.

The Epistle of Constantius in the behalfe of Athanasius the Bishop.

Constantius the puysant, the mighty & noble Emperour, vnto the Bishops and Priestes of the catholike church sendeth greeting. It appeareth euidently, that Athanasius the reuerend bishop, vvas not destitute of the grace & goodnes of God. although by the iudgment & censure of men he vvas iniuriously dealt vvithall, & vniustly condemned for a litle vvhile: yet the diuine proui­dence of almighty God, the beholder of all things, pronounced of him the iust sentēce of inno­cency, so that by the vvill of God and our decree, he recouered both his natiue soyle, and proper church, vvhere the holy Ghost had assigned him gouernour. He is to receaue at our handes, such things as our clemency, being led by right and reason shall think conuenient for him, so that all vvhatsoeuer hath bene heretofore decreed against such as communicated vvith him, be hence­forth quite forgotten: that all suspicion raised of him, be henceforth remoued: & that his clergy (reason so requiring) may enioy such liberty, freedome & priuiledge as they haue done in times past. Moreouer of our soueraigne benignity tovvards him, vve haue thought good to adde this also, that as many as are allotted into the sacred senate of the clergy, may vnderstande of trueth, that vve haue graunted safety & good leaue, to as many as cleaue vnto him, be they Bishops or vvhat other degree soeuer of the clergy. euery ons firme & sure consent in this behalfe, shalbe a sufficient signe or token of his faithfull minde & purpose. VVe haue commaunded that such as embrace his communion, addicting them selues vnto the sounder opinion & better sentence, all alike novv, by our permission, as heretofore by the prouidence of God may enioye the benefitts bestovved vpon them from aboue.

Another epistle vnto the people of Alexandria.

Constantius the puysant, the mighty and noble Emperour, vnto the people of the Catholike [Page 271] church of Alexandria sendeth greetinge. In as much as vve laye alvvayes before our eyes your good and politike gouernement, as a marke to shoote at, or looking glasse to behold our owne estate, and seinge that you were bereued of your Byshop Athanasius, a man approued both for sounde learninge, and honest liuinge: we determined with our selues, to sende him vnto you a­gaine. Receaue him therefore honorably, after your accustomed maner: ioyne him with you as an helper in your prayers vnto God: endeuer alwayes to retayne amongest you cōcord & peace both fit for your owne persons, and gratefull vnto vs, accordinge vnto the sacred decrees of the church. For it is not requisit that dissentiō & debate should molest & disquiet the peaceable e­stat of these our prosperous dayes. Our desire is that such a plague be purged farre from amōgst you: our request is (welbeloued people of Alexādria) that in your prayers, where you craue (af­ter your wōted custome) the aid & asistance of the spirit of God, you take Athanasius for chiefe, or (as I sayd before) an helper: to the end, according vnto your happy & prosperous successe, the Hethenishe nations as yet snared with the erroneous seruice of Idols, may hasten with most willinge mindes to embrace the profession of our most holy fayth. VVe counsell you this also, that you perseuere in the things we rehearsed before: that you entertaine willingly your Bishop, sent vnto you by the mighty power of God & our louing pleasure: & that you count him worthy all curteous salutatiō. For a of surety this is comely for you & cōuenient for our highnes. VVe haue also charged the iudges & gouernours of those prouinces by our letters, that they should weede all the tares of spite & cōtention, out of the minds of malicious persons, & punish seuerely sedi­tious & busy bodies. wherfore seing that you vnderstād all these circūstances, that our pleasure is agreable with the will of God: that we haue care ouer you for the maintenance of concord & vnity: that we haue assigned punishmente for troublesome and seditious persons: obserue dili­gently the things whiche are correspondent vnto the ordinances of the church, & the seruice of God, embrace this Athanasius with all honor & reuerēce, & poure out prayers vnto God the fa­ther, who gouerneth all thinges, both for your selues & also for the concorde & quietenes of the whole world.

An epistle for the abrogating of the things that were decreed against Athanasius. There is extant also an epistle in the same forme vnto the gouernours of Augustomnica, Thebais, Libya and Licya.

Constantius the puysant & noble Emperoure vnto Nestorius sendeth greeting. If any thing be founde decreed and recorded heretofore, to the preiudice, hurte, or damage of suche as comu­nicate with Athanasius the Bishop, our will is that the same wholly be abrogated & dissanulled. Our pleasure is moreouer that his clergie shall enioy the like franchesse & liberty, as in times past: we will haue this cōmaundement put in vre, as that Athanasius the bishop is restored to his seae: so all the clergie of his communion, may recouer and possesse the like libertye, with other ecclesiasticall persons, and so beinge, liue at hartes ease.

CAP. XIX. Ca. 24. in the Greeke.

Howe that Athanasius passinge by Ierusalem into Alexandria, was receaued of Maximus into the communion: howe he called there a Synode of Byshops and confirmed the decrees of the Nicene councell.

AThanasius the Bishop trustinge to these letters, passed through Syria & came to Palaestina. The coun­cell of Ieru­salem Anno Dom. 351. Maximus bi­shop of Ie­rusalem for­sooke the A­rians. Vrsacius and Valens being Arians repē [...] thē of there folly. He got him thence to Ierusalē, & opening vnto Maximus both y coūcel of Sardice, & also y Emperoure Constatius agreement & consent therein, he procured a synod of Bi­shops to be assēbled there. For Maximus without all delay, cited thither certaine Bishops out of Syria & Palaestina. The assembly being gathered together, he gaue Athanasius y cōmunion, & assi­gned vnto him his dignity. The councel being dissolued, wrote & signified by their letters, vnto the people of Alexādria, vnto y bishops of Aegypt & Libya, all their decrees & canōs toutching Atha­nasius, wherefore all y aduersaries of Athanasius cried out against Maximus, because y asoretime he had subscribed to his depositiō, nowe againe repenting him of his folly, as if he had not thē done well, he became of his faith, & awarded him both y cōmunion & his dignity. Whē Vrsacius & Valens who afore time were earnest followers of Arius, vnderstood of this, they condemned their former doings & got then to Rome: there they exhibit vnto bishop Iulius, their recantation & repētance in [Page 272] writing: they subscribe vnto the creede contayning the clause of One substance, and they wryte vnto Athanasius, that thenceforth they will cōmunicate with him. Vrsacius & Valens being thus wonne with the prosperous successe of Athanasius his affaires, agreed (as I sayde before) vnto the clause of One substance. But Athanasius trauelinge by Peleusium, the ready way to Alexandria, preached in euery citie where he came, and exhorted them to eschewe the Arians and to embrace such as con­fessed the faith of One substance. And in diuers of the churches, also he ordayned ministers, whiche gaue occasion vnto the aduersaries, for to accuse him againe, that he presumed to make ministers in other mens prouinces. So farre of the thinges which happened then vnto the renowmed Atha­nasius.

CAP. XX.

Of Magnentius and Bretanion the tyrantes, and of the death of Constans the Cap. 25. in the Greeke. westerne Emperoure.

IN the meane while the quiet estate of the common weale was not a litle out of square, where­of I will briefly entreate and runne ouer suche thinges as I haue determined with my selfe to laye downe. After the death of Constantine who buylded Constantinople, his three sonnes (as I haue sayde in my first booke) succeded him in the Empire. Of which numbre we haue to vnder­stande, that Constantinus, so called after his fathers name, was one, and raygned together with the reste of the Emperoures, whome the souldiers slewe, after he had raygned a very litle while, & as Constantius cōmaunded not he should not be slayne, so againe he forbad not the slaughter. But how that Constātinus the yonger, breaking out into the borders of his brothers dominions, lost his lif, whilest that he fought hande to hande with the souldiers, I haue oft mentioned before. After whose death there rose warres betwene the Persians & y Romains, where Constantius had but ill fauored successe. For the campe beinge pitched in the night time, about the boundes of the Romaine and Persian dominions, the Persian hoste seemed then to preuaile, and for a time to haue the vpper hand. Then also the ecclesiasticall affaires went very troublesome, for there was great contention in the Church about Athanasius, and the clause of One substance. These things being at this point, Magnentius the tyrant became a rebell in the West partes of the worlde, and throughe treason Magnentius the tyrant is of Futropius called Maxē ­tius. Bretanion a tyrant. Nepotianus a traitor. procured the death of Constans the Emperoure, which gouerned the west, & thē abode in Fraunce. This beinge wrought there ensued great and grieuous warres. Magnentius the tyrant inuaded all Italie, subdued Aphrick and Libya and tooke also Fraunce. Moreouer at Sirmium a citie of Il­lyrium there was an other tyrant set vp by the souldiers, whose name was Bretanion. At Rome also there was a greate sturre. For Nepotianus Constantius sisters sonne, hauing gotte vnto him a greate troop of fencers and sworde pleares aspired vnto the Emperiall scepter, but the captaines of Magnentius dispatched him. Magnentius in a little while ouerranne and subdued all the Weste partes of the worlde.

CAP. XXI.

Howe that after the death of Constans the VVesterne Emperoure, Paulus and Cap. 26. in the Greeke. Athanasius were deposed againe, Paulus in his exile was stifled to death: Athanasius fled and so saued his life.

ALl the aforesayde sturre fell out in a very shorte space, to were in the fourth yeare after the Councell of Sardice, in the Consulship of Sergius and Nigrianus. Constantius vnderstan­dinge of the whole circumstance made a title and chalenge, vnto all the dominions of his brethren, and being proclaimed Emperoure of the west, maketh expedition to wage battaile with the tyrants. The aduersaries of Athanasius supposinge nowe they had gotten fitte opportunitie, Athanasius is accused. forge out afresh haynous offences against him, afore his comming into Alexandria: they informe the Emperoure Constantius that he peruerted all Aegypt and Libya. The election of ministers he made in forayne prouinces furthered the matter, and caused the offence to seeme very haynous. The councel of Alexādria Paulus Bi­shop of Con­stantinople exiled and there stifled [...]o death. Athanasius in the meane while came to Alexādria, & there called together diuers councells of the Bishops of Aegypt, where they decreed such things as were agreable with y Canons of the coun­cell of Sardice, and also of the councell helde at Ierusalem vnder Maximus. The Emperoure who aforetime was addicted vnto the Arian heresie, wrested all the things he had lately decreed, into the contrary parte. And first of all he banisheth Palus Bishop of Constatinople, whome the mes­sengers or guydes that brought him to exile, stifled very lewdly at Cucusum a citie in Cappado­cia. [Page 733] Marcellus is expulsed Ancyra, & Basilius placed in his rowme. Lucius Bishop of Adrianopo­lis Marcellus is deposed. Lucius dieth in prison. Theodulus. Olympius. is clapt in prison, and there choked vp with stincke. But the relations that were made vnto the Emperoure of Athanasius so incensed him, that he gaue forth a commaundement, he should be ex­ecuted wheresoeuer he were takē. He charged moreouer that Theodulus and Olympius Bishops of Thracia should be put to death. Yet Athanasius was not ignorant of the Emperours greate rage, but being quickely made priuey thereunto, fled away & so auoyded the Emperours threates. The Arians backbite him for flying away namely as chiefe, Narcissus bishop of Neronias a citie of Ci­licia, Georgius of Laodicea, & Leontius who then was Bishop of Antioch. This Leontius beinge a priest was deposed, because he (endeuoringe to conceale a foule sclaunder & suspicion raised vpon him, for his familiarity with a woman whose name was Eustolia) gelded himselfe, to the ende he might thence forth boldly vse her company, & comitte nothing whereof he might iustly be accused, the same man was by the aduise & councell of the Emperoure Constantius chosen Bishop of An­tioch after Stephen who succeded Placitus. Thus much of him.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 27. in the greeke.

Howe that Macedonius hauinge gotten againe the Byshopricke of Constanti­nople, vexed such as were of the contrary opinion.

MAcedonius then, after that Paulus had departed this life with the maner aboue sayde, was made Bishop of Constantinople, he had greate liberty & accesse vnto the Emperoure, he made warres among y christians, nothing inferior to the tyrannicall practises of those ti­mes: he perswaded the Emperour to ayd him, whē as in very deede he procured the ouerthrowe & destruction of the churches, & preuayled so muche, that whatsoeuer he lewdly had compassed, the same forthewith was by a lawe confirmed. Euery citie sounded of proclamations. The souldiers were cōmaunded to see y Emperours edicts take place. As many as cleaued vnto y Creede con­taininge y clause of one substance, were not onely cut of from y churches, but also banished altoge­ther the cities. And first they ioyne heads & hāds together, to bring this to passe. But whē this pe­stilent infection had spred it selfe farre & nigh, such as had litle, or rather no care at all of y ecclesiastical affaires, determined with themselues, to constraine men to their communion. The violence The persecu­tion of the christians by the Ariā he­retickes. truely was no lesse, then y of olde, practised towards the christians, whē they were compelled and drawne to sacrifice vnto Idols. For many endured sundry kinds of torment: often racking and dis­membring of their ioynts: confiscating of their substance: some bereaued of their natiue soile: other some departed this life vnder y hands of y tormentor: some died in banishment, & neuer sawe their countrey againe. These were their practises throughout all the cities of y Easte, but specially at Constantinople. This ciuill plague & persecutiō (afore time [...]eing not out of measure) Macedo­nius did greatly augmēt, as soone as euer he had gottē y Bishopricke. But the cities of Greece, of Illyrium, & of y other partes tending towards the West, were voyd of all these tumults & calami­ties, because they agreed within themselues and obserued the canons of the Nicene councell.

CAP. XXIII.

Athanasius reporteth what horrible actes were committed at Alexandria by Georgius the Arian Byshop. And what clemency Constantius the Cap. 28. in the Greeke. Emperoure shewed vnto Bretanion the tyrant and rebell.

LEt vs heare (if ye please) Athanasius himselfe, making relation of the horrible practises cō ­mitted then at Alexandria, by Georgius the Arian, for he was present and felte himselfe some parte of the lamentable afflictiō. In the Apologie which he wrote in the defence of his flight he declareth the behauiour of the Arians in this sorte: There came to Alexandria certaine people Athanasius Apollogie. which sought vs out, to execution, so that the ending was farre worse then the beginninge. The souldiers vnwares beset the church: in steede of deuout seruice of God, they take in hand despe­rat swords. Thē Georgius that was sent by them frō Cappadocia, cōming in lent time, added of his owne vnto the lewd practises which he learned of them. After that the Easter weeke was ended, the virgins beganne to be clapt in prison: the Bishops were bound & led by bands of soul­diers: the fatherles and widowes were dispossessed of their houses: the families were rifled: the Christians were violently trayled and lugged out of their houses: theyr dores were nayled vp: the clergie mens bretherne were in greate daunger of theyre liues, for theyr brethernes sake. [Page 274] these thinges seemed very grieuous, but the afterclaps were farre sorer. The week after whitson­tide, the people did fast, they got thē therefore into the churchyarde for to pray because they all abhorred the cōmunion of Georgius. But whē this passing lewd man vnderstood of it, he stirred vp against thē on Sebastianus a captaine, who also was a Manichee. He forthwith together with Sabastianusa captaine, yet a Manichee and a greate blood sucker a great troope of souldiers, all in armour, hauinge naked swords in their handes, bowes and ar­rowes prepared, ranne vpon the people as they were a praying on the sonday. VVhen he found there but a fewe (for the hower being past the greater parte was gone away) he comitted suche haynous actes as became very well his person. He sette on fire a greate company of fagottes: he made the virgins to stande nigh the burninge flame▪ he went about to constraine them to con­fesse the Arian faith. But when he peceaued they woulde not yelde, and that they despised the burninge heate of that horrible fire: he stripped them starke naked: he buffeted them about the head and the face, so that of a longwhile after, they were scarse knowen of theyr owne friendes. Moreouer he tooke fortie persons, and plagued them with a newe kinde of tormēt neuer heard of before. Theyr backs and sides were so scurged and rente with palme twigges newely pluckt of the trees, hauinge on their prickinge knobs. So that diuers because of the stumpes that stucke in the fleshe of their backes, were constrained often times to repayre vnto surgions: others some not able to endure suche terrible payne dyed of their wounds. As many of the men, as remained yet aliue, together with the virgins, were exiled, and ledde by the souldiers to Oasis. The deade carkasses not yet fully colde, were denied the friendes of the deseased: being throwen here and there and lying vnburied (for that liked them best) the souldiers hidde them, as if they had bene neither culpable neither fauty in committinge suche horrible crimes. This did they, hauing their mindes ouershadowed with the furious rage of frentike heresie. And when as the deare friendes and familiars of the deade, reioyced at the bold protestation of their faith, yet sorowed because their carkasses were not couered with earth: the sauadge impietie and beastlye cruelty of these souldiers, reuealed it selfe with greater shame and infamie. Moreouer they banishe forthwith certaine Bishops of Aegypt and Libya, namely Ammon, Thmuis, Gaius, Philon, Hermes, Plinius, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agathon, Anagamphus, Marcus, Dracontius, Adelphius, Athenodorus, a se­conde These bi­shops were sent to exile by the Ariās Ammon, and of the priestes they banished Hierax and Dioscorus. These beinge bereaued of their natiue soyle, they handled so roughly, that some of them dyed by the waye, some other in exile neuer returninge againe. They put to death aboue thirty Bishops. They followed the s [...]eppes of wicked Achaab, imploying all their care and industrie, for the rootinge out of the trueth, from of the face of the earth. These were y practises of Georgius at Alexandria, by the re­porte of Athanasius. The Emperoure marched forewardes with his hoste to Illyrium, for thither of necessity was he constrained to goe, and there it was that Bretanion was proclaimed Emperor. As soone as he came to Sirmium, truce beinge made, he came to parlee with Bretanion. In the meane while he endeuored to winne againe the souldiers, which had refused him for their Empe­roure, after he had so done, they proclaimed Constantius alone, both their Augustus, their kinge, & The clemē [...]y of Constan­tius towards Bretanion. Emperoure. In this their proclamation there was no mention of Bretanion, who seinge himselfe betrayed, fell downe prostrate at the Emperoures feete, and craued for mercy. Constantius taking from him his princely scepter, and purple robe, lifted him vp by the hande very curteously, and exhorted him, after the callinge of a priuate man, to leade a quiet and peceable life. He sayde more­ouer, that it was fitter for an olde man suche as he was, to embrace a trade of life that were voyde of all trouble & care, thē to gape after a vaine title of honor, full of disquietnes & molestatiō. Thus it fared with Bretanion in the ende. The Emperoure commaunded that all his charges shoulde be geuen him of the publique tribute, afterwardes he wrote vnto him sundry letters to Prousa a citie in Bithynia, where he made his abode: signifyinge what singular pleasure he had done vnto him, in riddinge him from cares & troubles, shewinge also what miserie, oftentimes befalleth to raigne and gouernement: and that of his owne parte he had dealte vnaduisedly in not geuing to him selfe that which he graunted to an other. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. XXIIII.

Of Photinus the hereticke.

THe Emperoure at that time made Gallus his cosingermaine Caesar, he gaue him his owne Gallus Cae­sar. title or name, and sente him to Antioch in Syria for to keepe those partes of the Empire, whiche reached into the Easte. When he came to Antioch, there appeared in the East the [Page 275] signe or cognizance of our Sauiour, for a pillour resembling the forme of a crosse, was seene in the The signe of the Crosse seene in the aër. aer, bringing great admiration to the beholders. He sent his other captaines with great power to wage battaile with Magnentius, he himselfe remayned at Sirmium, harkening to the ende. Cap. 29. in the Greeke. Photinus the hereticke. The councel of Sirmium was held An­no Dom. 355 In the meane while Photinus the superintendent of that church, wente about openly to publish a selfe opinion, inuented of his owne braine, and because there was great tumult and much trouble risen thereof, the Emperoure commaunded a councell to be summoned at Sirmium. Of the Bshops of the East there came thither Marcus Bishop of Arethusa, Georgius Bishop of Alexādria, whome the Arians (after they had deposed Gregorius as I sayd before) placed there: Basilius who was Bi­shop of Ancyra after the depriuation of Marcellus: Pancratius Bishop of Peleusium, Hypatia­ [...]us Bishop of Heraclea. Out of the Weste there mette them Ʋalens Bishop of Mursa and Osius Bishop of Corduba a citie of Spayne, who then beinge of greate fame was forced to come vnto the councell. These Bishops assembled at Sirmium, after the consulship of Sergius and Nigria­nus, in which yeare, by reason of the warres and ciuill dissentions, there was none that could exe­cute the function of a Consull: they deposed forthwith the hereticke Photinus of his Bishopricke, for he maintained the lewde opinion of Sabellius the Aphricke and Paulus Samosatenus. Whiche Acte of theirs was approued of all men, bothe at that presente and also in times followinge, to haue bene done accordinge vnto right and reason.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 30. in the greeke.

VVhat formes of fayth were layde downe at the councell of Sirmium, in presence of Constantius the Emperoure.

THese Bishops continewinge a while at Sirmium, decided other thinges. For they wente about to abrogate their old Creeds, and to establishe newe formes of faith: one was exhibi­ted in the Greeke tonge by Marcus Bishop of Arethusa▪ two others in the Latine tongue, agreeing neither in word neither in composition, neither in sense neither in sentence, either with thēselues, or with that which the Bshop of Arethusa wrote in Greeke. One of the Latine formes I will here lay downe, immediatly after the Greeke forme of Marcus. The other afterwards re­hearsed at Sirmium, I will referre to his proper plate. Yet haue we to vnderstand that both were translated into y Greeke. The forme which Marcus wrote, was as followeth: VVe beleue in one A forme of faith exhibi­ted by Mar­cus Bishop of Arethusa vn­to the coun­cell of Sir­mium. God, the father almightie creator and maker of all thinges. Of whome all fatherhood is named in heauen and in earth. And in his onely begotten sonne, our Lord Iesus Christ, begotten of the father before all worldes, God of God, light of light▪ by whome all things were made, bothe in heauē & in earth, be they visible or inuisible things▪ who is the word, the wisedom, the true light the life: who in the later dayes was incamate for our sakes, borne of the holy virgine, crucified, died, rose againe the third day frō the dead, ascended into heauē, sitteth at the right hand of the father, & shall come againe at the end of the world to iudge both the quick & the dead, & to rewarde euery one accordinge vnto his workes, whose kingdome shall haue no ende, but conti­neweth for euer & euer. For he shall sit at the right hand of the father, not onely while this world lasteth, but also in the life to come, And we beleue also in the holy Ghost, that is in the comfor­ter, whome the Lord promised to send his disciples after his ascention for to teache & leade thē Act. 2. in all things, whom also he sent, by whose meanes the soules of thē that faithfuly beleeue in him are sanctified. They that say that the sonne of God hath his being of nothing: or that he is of an other substance then the fathers: or that there was a time or a world when he was not, these the [...] holy & Catholicke church doth hold for accursed. Againe we say: that whosoeuer affirmeth the Father and the Sonne to be two Gods, let him be accursed. If any man, when he calleth Christ God, & to haue bene before all worlds, confesse not also that the sonne of God ministred vnto the father at the creation of all thinges, let him be accursed. He that presumeth to say that he is vnbegotten, or that part of him was borne of the virgine, let him be accursed. If any say that the sonne was borne of Mary according vnto prescience, & not to haue bene with God, begottē of the father before all worlds, by vvhom all things vvere made, let him be accursed. VVhosoeuer saith that the substance of God can either be more enlarged or lesse diminished, let him be held for accursed. vvhosoeuer saith that the enlarged substāce of God made the sonne, or calleth the sonne the enlarged substāce of God, let him be accursed. whosoeuer calleth the vvord of God, the mentall word of the father, or the vocall vvorde, let him be accursed. VVhosoeuer saith that [Page 276] the sonne of God is but only mā, borne of Mary, let him be accursed whosoeuer when he sayth that he was borne, God & man of Mary, vnderstandeth the vnbegotten God, let him be accur­sed. whosoeuer vnderstandeth this after the Iewish maner: I am the first God, & I am the secōd, & besides me there is none other God (which was spoken to the ouerthrowe of Idols & of them [...] say. 43. 44. that be no Gods) thereby to take away the only begottē, that was God before all worlds, let hī be accursed whosoeuer whē he heareth: The word became flesh, supposeth the word to be tur­ned Iohn. 1. into flesh, or by conuersion to haue taken fleshe vpon him, let him be accursed whosoeuer, whē he heareth the onely begotten of God to haue bene crucified, thinketh that therein he was subiect to corruption, torment, alteration, diminution, or destructiō, let him be accursed who­soeuer vnderstandeth this: let vs make man, not to haue bene spokē of the father vnto the sonne, Gen. 1. 2. Gen. 32. Gen. 19. but God the father himselfe to haue spoken it to himselfe, let him be accursed. whosoeuer thin­keth the sonne not to haue wrastled with Iacob as man, but the vnbegotten God, or some por­tiō of him, let him be accursed whosoeuer vnderstandeth this: the lord rained frō the lorde, not to be taken of the father & the sonne, but that the father rained from himselfe, let him be accur­sed. For the sonne being lord, rained frō the father, that was lord whosoeuer whē he heareth: the father lord and the sonne lorde, calleth the father being lord, both lord & sonne: & whē he rea­deth: the lord frō the lord: affirmeth there be two gods, let him be accursed. For we place not the sonne in the same rowme with the father, but subiecte to the father. Neyther was he incarnate without the will of the father: neither rained he frō himselfe but frō the lord, who hath authori­ty of himselfe, to wit, from the father: neither sitteth he at the right hand of himselfe, but harke­neth vnto the father, saying: sit thou on my right hād whosoeuer calleth the father, the sonne, & Psal. 110. the holy ghost one person, lette him be accursed whosoeuer when he calleth the holy Ghost the cōforter, tearm [...]th him the vnbegotttē God, let him be accursed whosoeuer saith there is no o­ther Iohn. 15. 16. comforter beside the sonne, contrary to the doctrine of the sonne himselfe (for he sayd: the father whome I will entreat, will send vnto you an other cōforter) let hī be accursed whosoeuer saith that the holy Ghost is a peece or porcion of the father, & of the sonne, let him be accursed whosoeuer affirmeth the father the sonne & the holy ghost to be three gods, let hī be accursed whosoeuer saith that the sonne of God was made by the will & pleasure of the father, as one of the creatures, let him be accursed whosoeuer saith the sonne was begotten contrary to the wil of the father, or whether the father would or no, let him be accursed. For the father begatte not the sonne against his owne wil, neither was he cōstrained by the law of nature, as if he had bene vnwilling thereūto: but of meare good will, without all time, without passiō begat he hī of him selfe▪ whosoeuer saith that the sonne had neither be getting nor beginning, & so consequētly a­ffirme that there are two without begining, & two without begetting, & so appoint two Gods, let him be accursed the sonne is the head & the originall of all creatures: & the head of Christ is God, for so we referre all things reuerently by the sonne, vnto one begining of the whole vniuer sality, which is with out begening. Agayne weyinge deepely with our selues that clause also of christian profession, we say that whosoeuer affirmeth Christ Iesus, the sonne of God, who mini­stred vnto the father at the creation of all things, not to haue bene before all worldes, but onely frō the time since the sonne was borne of Mary, to haue bene Christ, & thē his deity to haue be­gone, This forme of fayth is so [...]atched to­gether with­out time or [...]asō, that in many places [...] requireth a [...]ry reader, [...]e authors [...]ereof mis­ [...]ed with it [...]emselues [...] called it in [...]gaine as ap­ [...]areth in [...]e ende of [...]s chapiter. [...]m. 3. as Paulus Samosatenus was perswaded, let him be accursed.

An other forme of faith first layd downe in Latine, afterwardes translated into the Greeke.

IN so much it pleased them dil [...]gently to consider of the faith, all whatsoeuer appertained there­unto was exquisitly & curiously handled at Sirmium, & in presence of Valens, Vrsacius, Germanius with other Bishopps, they agreed, that there was one God, the father almightie, euen as it is taught throughout the whole world: & one onely begotten sonne of his, Jesus Christ & our Saui­our, begotten of him before all worlds▪ y it was not lawfull to say there were two Gods although the Lord himselfe had sayd: I goe vnto my father & vnto your father, vnto my God and vnto your God. Wherefore he is the God of all, as the Apostle hathe taught vs: VVhat is he the God of the Iewes onely? Is not he also the God of the Gentiles? Yea of the Gentiles toe, for there is but one God which shall iustifie the circumcision by faith. All the other things are correspondēt neither doe they contayne any ambiguitie at all. And because there was great contention about y vnderstanding of y word which the Latines call Substantia & the Grecians [...] about y equality [Page 277] or as they call it, the vnitie of substance: they decreed, y thenceforth y controuersie should not once be remembred: y t the church of God should no longer be troubled with y interpretatiō thereof, and y for two causes, first because y Scriptures of God made no mention thereof, secondarily because that the interpretatiō thereof exceeded the sense aud capacitie of man, for y holy Scriptures testi­sted that no man was able to set forth the generation of the sonne, in these wordes: His generation who shalbe able to declare? For it is most true that the father alone knoweth howe he begat the Esay. 53. sonne, againe, y sonne alone knoweth howe he was begotten of y father. They sayd no mā doubted but that the father was greater in honor, dignitie, diuinitie, and fatherly title, and that by the te­stimony of the sonne himselfe where he sayth: The father which sent me is greater then I. They sayd moreouer this was Catholicke, neither vnknowen vnto any, that there were two persons, the father and the sonne: the father greater, the sonne subiect together with all other things which the father made subiect vnto him: the father to be without beginning, inuisible, immortall, impati­ble: the sonne to be begotten of the father, God of God, light of light, and that no man (as I sayde before) was able to rehearse his generation saue the father alone: the sonne our lorde and God to become incarnat, to haue taken a body vpon him, that is man: euen as partly he shewed vnto the Angels, and partly all the Scriptures doe informe vs of him, but especially the Apostle, the prea­cher of the Gentiles, that Christ tooke manhood of the virgine Mary according vnto the which he suffred. They sayd it was the principle, & ground of our whole faith, alwayes to holdfast the faith in the trinitie, as we read in the Gospell: Goe teach all nations, baptizinge them in the name of Math. 28. the Father & of the Sonne & of the holy Ghost. The number of the trinitie is absolute & perfect. The comforter, the holy Ghost sent by the sonne, came according vnto promise for to sanctifie and lead the Apostles and all the faithfull. They goe about to perswade Photinus after his depriuatiō, to condescend and to subscribe vnto these thinges, promising to restore him vnto his Bishopricke againe, if he would recant and renounce the selfe opinion, he had inuented of his owne braine and thenceforth promise to cleaue vnto their doctrine. He refused the cōditions, and prouoked them to disputation. A certaine day was appointed for conference, the Emperoure commaundeth the Bi­shops thē present to be at it, there came thither also at the request of y Emperour not a fewe coun­cellers. The assembly being met, Basilius who thē was Bishop of Ancyra, tooke Photinus in hand: Photinus the hereticke was [...]oyled in open di­sputation. the notaries penned all they spake. While they reasoned one with an other, the disputation waxed hot, and in the end Photinus had the foile & was condemned to vanishment. From that time forth he liued in exile, and wrote in the Greeke and Latine tonge (for he was well seene in both) a boke a­gainst all heresies, endeuoringe therein to publishe his owne opinion. So farre of Photinus. We haue yet to vnderstand that the Bishops assembled at Sirmium, misliked thēselues with the forme of faith, laid downe in the Latine tonge, for after the publishing thereof, they espied contradicto­ries therein. Wherefore they went about in all the hast, to call in all the coppies, and when as di­uers were concealed, the Emperour by his edicte gaue charge, that all should be broughte in, and such as hid thē shoulde be punished. Yet were there no threats or cruelty that coulde recouer the thinges once blased abroad, because they had runne through many hands.

CAP. XXVI.

Of Osius Bishop of Corduba. Cap. 31. in the Greeke.

WHereas we haue made mention a [...]itle before of Osius Bishop of Corduba that he was constrained to shewe himselfe at the councell of Sirmium, I thinke it requisite nowe to say somwhat of that matter. Although in a while before, through the lewd practises of the Arians, he had bene in exile: yet then, at the sute and procuremēt of the Bishops which assem­bled at Sirmium, it tell out that the Emperoure cited him, purposinge with himselfe to perswade him or by foule meanes to constraine him, to be of the same opinion with the assembled Bishops, and in so doinge their faith shoulde seeme to cary with it greate force and creditte. To this ende he was drawen against his will (as I sayd before) vnto the councel. But when as this olde father woulde in no wise subscribe vnto their faith, they scurged his sides, and set his members vpon the racke. So that in the end by compulsion he gaue his assent, & subscribed vnto the formes of faith, which then were published. These were the Ac [...]es at Sirmium and thus were they ended.

CAP. XXVII.

Magnentius the tyrant is ouercome, and dieth miserably, the Iewes inhabiting Cap. 32. in the Greeke. Diocaesarea rebell against the Romaines and are soiled. Gallus rebelleth and is put to death.

COnstantius the Emperoure remayned at Sirmium, waytinge what ende the battell waged with Magnentius should haue. But Magnentius as soone as he tooke the princely citie of The crueltie of Magnen­tius. Rome, he executeth many of the Senators: he dispatcheth not a fewe of the common mul­titude. When the captaines of Constantius had gathered a great army of Romaine souldiers they marched towards him: he thē left Rome & got him to Fraunce. There were many skirmishes, one while this side, an other while that side had the vpper hand. At length Magnentius was ouercome at the castell of Mursa in Fraunce, in he got him, and kept it a while, where such a straunge thing as followeth is reported to haue come to passe. Magnentius going about to animate his souldiers nowe altogether discouraged with the foile & ouerthrowe they had takē, got him vp into an highe seate. The souldiers, after the accustomed honor done vnto the Emperours, mindinge to sounde fortunate successe vnto Magnentius, by force as it were, their lippes wagging before their minds, they turne their good wishes vnto Constātius, for they all with one mouth proclaimed, not Magnē tius, but Constantius, Augustus. Magnentius supposinge this to be a signe of misfortune, conueyed himselfe forthwith out of the castell, & fled into the furthest partes of Fraunce. The captaines of Constantius pursued after him earnestly. Againe they pitched their cāpe at a place called Miltose­leucus, where Magnentius being ouerthrowen, ranne away alone and got him to Lions a citie of Fraunce three dayes iorney from the castell of Mursa. Magnentius comming to Lions first of all The misera­ble death of Magnentius. he slewe his mother, next his brother whome he had created Caesar, last of all he became his owne murtherer. This was done the sixt Consulship of Constantius, the seconde of Constantius Gallus the fiftenth day of August. Not long after Decenius an other brother of Magnentius hanged himselfe. Decenius hanged him­selfe. Siluanus the tyrant was no sooner vp but he was dispatched. And although Magnentius the tyrant, had such an ende: yet the common wealth was not without great trouble & tumults. For immediatly there stept vp, an other tyrant whose name was Silua­nus and molested the quiet estat of the cōmon weale in Fraunce, but the captaines of Constantius di­spatched him quickely out of the way. Cap. 33. in the Greeke. The Iewes become re­bells & are ouercome. when these things were come to an end, there rose other ci­uill warres in the East, for the Ievves inhabiting Diocaesarea in Palaestina, tooke armour against the Romaines, and inuaded the bordering regions. But Gallus called also Constantius, whome the Emperour Constantius had made Caesar, and sente him into the Easte, came thither with great po­wer: ouer came the Iewes in battell: and made the citie Diocaesarea, euen with the ground. Cap. 34. in the greeke. Gallus a re­bell, being in great trust became a traitor & so lost his head. This Iulia­mus was Em­peroure after Constantius & became an Apostata. [...]uhus Bishop of Rome 15. yeares. Liberius Bi­shope of Rome Anno [...]om. 352. [...]a. 35. in the [...]ecke. When Gallus had brought these thinges to passe, being swollen and puffed vp, with the pride of good suc­cesse and prosperous affaires, could no longer containe himselfe within his bounds: but forthwith beinge inflamed with tyrannicall motion turned his minde against Constantius, so that Constan­tius not long after, espied him out, and perceaued his drift. He had executed of his owne absolute authoritie, Domitianus who was president of the East, and the greate treasurer, not making the Emperoure priuey vnto his doings. Wherefore Constantius was sore incensed against him. He being wonderfully affrayd, yet of force came vnto him. Constantius hearing of his comminge, y he was nowe in the Westerne partes of his dominions, to wete in the He Flauona, caused his head to be taken of his shoulders. In a litle while after, he appointed Iulianus y brother of Gallus, Caesar, & sent him into Fraunce against y Barbarians. Gallus whose name was also Constantius, ended his life the seauenth Consulship of Constantius, and the third of his owne. Iulianus the yeare following was created Caesar▪ in the Consulship of Arbition and Lollianus, the sixte of Nouember. But of Iulianus we will discourse in the third booke. Constantius beinge rid of these present mischiefs, tur­ned himselfe to wage battell with the church of God. Remouinge from Sirmium, vnto the prince­ly citie of Rome▪ he called together a councell, and commaunded diuers Bishops out of the East to repaire with all speed into Italy, and that the Bishops of the Weste shoulde meete them there. In the meane space while they trauell into Italy, it fell out that Iulius Bishop of Rome after he had gouerned that churche fiftene yeares departed this life, and Liberius succeded him in the Bi­shopricke.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of the heretike Aetius the Syrian, the mayster of Eunomius. Cap. 35. in the Greeke.

AT Antioche in Syria there stept vp an other hereticke, founder of a straunge and forayne VVhere in Aëtius diffe­red from the Arians. opinion, whose name was Aetius, called also the Atheist. He although he maintayned the same things and vpheld the selfe same opinion with Arius: yet seuered he him selfe from y e Arians, because they admitted Arius into the communion. For Arius (as I sayd before) meant one thing with in, and vttered an other thing without: being at Nice, he allowed & subscribed vnto the forme of faith layd downe by the councell, & deceaued the Emperour which raigned thē, with his fraude & subtltie. This was y e cause that made Aetius seuer him selfe from the Arian sect. vntil that tyme, Aetius was knowen not onely for an hereticke, but also for a greate patron of the pestilent doctrine of Arius. When he had gott some smacke of learninge at Alexandria, he left that citie, Leontius. b. of Antioch. and went to Antioch in Syria, where he had bene borne, and there was he made Deacon of Leon­tius thē bishop of Antioch. In a short while after, he was able to amaze such as reasoned with him, The Greeke worde is [...] & the speci­all title of A­ristotles pre­dicaments, yet doth it signifie, as the sense here & otherwise geueth vs to vnderstand, his booke of Elenches by him intituled [...] with his subtle quirkes of sophistrie. This did he by the meanes of Aristotls Elenches, (for so is the booke intituled) for whylest he disputed, vnwittingly coulde he frame such captious and so­phisticall propositions, as his owne capacitie coulde not dissolue, the reason was, because he had not learned Aristotls dryft of cunninge and learne▪ Logicians. For Aristotle, agaynste the sophisters who then derided and abused philosophie, wrote such a kinde of reasoninge, for the whetting of yonge mens witts, displaying their behauiour, and ouerthrowinge their sophisticall fallacies with wittie reasons, and well couched subtilities. The Academikes that comment vpon Plato and Plotinus works, doe mislyke very much with such thinges as Aristotle hath so argutely and subtly written: but Aetius not procuring vnto him a maister that was an Academicke, cleaued vnto these captious & subtle fallacies. Wherfore he could not deuise how to vnderstand that there was an vnbegotten birth: or how to imagine y the begotten could be coeternall with the begetter, so barraine a brayne had he of his owne, and so ignorant and vnskilfull was he in holy scripture: for he had nothing in him, saue a subtle kind of reasoning, quarellous and contentious languages, such as may easily be found in the [...], ignorant, & vnlearned: he had read ouer the auncient wri­ters, such as published commentaries vpon holy scriptures, and condemned Clemens, Aphricanus, and Origen, sage men, of singular learning for vnlearned persons: the epistles which of set purpose he had patched and stuffed with litigious triflles & sophisticall conclusions, the same he sent vnto the Emperour Constantius, and to sundry others: And therefore was he called the Atheist. And VVhy Aëtius was called an Atheist. although he affirmed the selfe same thinges with Arius, yet of his owne crue not attayning vn­to his intricate and captious maner of reasoning, was he counted for an Arian hereticke. Where­fore being excommunicated out of the church, yet woulde he seeme as though of his owne accord he had seuered him selfe from their communion. Of him therefore as originall of this errour, the Eunomius the hereticke Aetians had their appellation, but now are they called Eunomians. For in a litle while after Eu­nomius his scribe, who sucked of his filthy sinke of hereticall doctrine, became a ringleader to this sect. But of Eunomius in an other place.

CAP. XXIX. Cap. 36. in the Greeke.

Of the Councells held at Mediolanum and Ariminum, with the Creedes then concluded vpon.

BY that time there met in Italie, not very many bishops out of the East, for heauie age & long iourneyes were letts, so that they coulde not come: but out of the West there came aboue the number of three hundred bishops. The Emperours edi [...] was proclaimed that the coun­cell The coūcel of Millayne. should be held at Mediolanum. When the bishops of the East came thither, first of all they re­quire, that sentence by their generall consent should be pronounced agaynst Athanasius, thinking verily thereby, to stoppe all gappes from goinge or returninge of him any more to Alexandria. After that Paulinus bishop of Triuere in Fraunce, Dionysius bishop of Alba an heade citie of Italy, and Eusebius byshop of Vercellae, a cytie of the Lygurian Italians had perceaued, that the byshops of the East bent all their myght to enact a decree agaynst Athanasius, for no other purpose, but to ouerthrowe the true faith: they stoode vp, and cryed out, that in so doing the christian religion should be cancelled by the meanes of their deceatfull & fraudulent treachery: that the crymes layd [Page 280] to Athanasius his charge, were false reports & meere sclaūders: and y they had inuēted such things to deface the true and catholicke faith. When they had ended these lowde speaches, the Councell brake vp. Cap. 37. in the Greeke. The Emperour vnderstāding of this, cōmaūded them forthwith to exile & banishmēt, & determineth w t him selfe to summone a generall coūcell, to y end, after citing of all the easterne bi­shops, into the west contries, he might (if it were possible) bring them all to embrace vnitie and concorde. But after better aduisement taken with him selfe, he sawe it was a very hard matter to compasse, by reason of the farre contries and longe iourney, and therefore he commaunded the Councell shoulde be deuided into two partes: the bishops then present to assemble at Ariminum a citie of Italie: the bishops of the East to meete at Nicomedia a ritie in Bithynia. But his purpose tooke no prosperous successe. for nere nother of y Councells agreed▪ within them selues, both was deuided into sundry factions. For neither could the bishops which mett at Ariminū in Italy, agree amonge them selues, neyther the bishops of the East among them selues, for they raysed a newe schisme at Seleucia a citie of Isauria, but howe all this came to passe, I will hereafter rehearse in processe of our discourse, if that first I say somewhat of Eudoxius. In the very same time Leontius▪ who preferred Actius the hereticke to the degree of Deaconship, hauing departed this lyfe: Eu­doxius bishop of Germanicia a citie of Syria, then beyng at Rome, thought it high time for him to returne into the East: he dealeth doubly with the Emperour forlicence to depart with speede, al­leadginge for him selfe that the citie of Germanicia stoode in greate neede of his helpe and ghost­ly counsell. The Emperour litle thinkinge what fetches he had in his heade, gaue him his pas­port. Eudoxius. b. of Antioche. He through the sute and furtherance of the Emperours chamberlaynes, left his owne ci­tie, and crept through wyle and subtletie into the byshopricke of Antioche: he endeuoureth to restore Actius agayne into the church: and goeth about to summone a Councell of byshops, and to make him Deacon agayne. But his lewde dryft was longe in brynginge about, because the hatred owed vnto Actius was of more force to repell him, then the hartie good wyll and furthe­rance Eudoxius vsed to restore him. but of this we neede no more wordes. Of them which assem­bled at Ariminum, the Easterne byshops not mentioninge the businesse aboute Athanasius, si­gnified that the cause of their comminge was to discourse of other matters. Ʋrsacius and Ʋalens, who at the firste were Arians, and afterwards exhibited a recantation vnto the byshop of Rome, subscribing (as I sayd before) vnto the clause of One substance: stoode them in great stead, for these two, continewally cleaued vnto the stronger and the surer side. There came also to take their part Germanius, Auxentius, Demophilus, & Caius. In the assembly of bishops then present, when diuers men would haue diuers things enacted: Vrsacius & Vales affirmed y all formes of faith layd downe in times past, were thenceforth to be cācelled, & that y new forme of faith published a litle before, at y councell of Sirmiū, was to be cōfirmed. When they had so sayd, they gaue forth a shete of pa­per, which they had in their hāds to be read. The second creede written before at Sirmium, & sup­pressed there (as I sayd before) read also at Ariminū, & translated out of the Latine into y Greeke tōgue, was layd downe in these words: This Catholick faith was published at Sirmiū, in the pre­sence of Costantius our liege lord, Flauius Eusebius, & Hypatius renowmed consuls, the eleuenth A forme of faith layde downe in the councell of A [...]imino in [...]aly, by cer­taine Arian [...]ishops. Kalends of Iune. VVe beleue in one onely true God, the father almightie, creator and maker of all things, & in one onely begotten sonne of God, who was before all worlds, before all begin­ninges, before all tymes that may be imagined: and begotten of God the father vvithout any passion, before all comprehensible knowledge, by vvhome both the vvorld and all things were made: one only begotten, begotten of the father alone, God of God, like vnto the father which begatt him according vnto the scriptures: vvhose generation no man hath knovven saue the fa­ther vvhich begatt him. him vve knovve, his onely begotten sonne, to haue come dovvne from heauen at the fathers becke, to banishe and vvype avvay synne: to haue bene borne of the Vir­gine Marie: to haue bene conuersant vvith the disciples: to haue fulfilled according vnto his fa­thers will, all his message, to haue bene crucified, to haue suffred & died: to haue descended into hell, and there to haue disposed all things, at whose sight the porters of hell gates trembled: to haue risen againe the third day: againe, to haue accōpanied with his disciples, & after 40. dates were expired to haue ascended into heauen, where he sitteth at the right hand of the father, and shall come againe at the last day with the glory of his father, to reward euery one according vn­to his workes. And we beleue in the holy ghost, whome the onely begotten sonne of God, Iesus Christ him selfe, promised to send mankind, the cōforter, as it is written: I go vnto my father, & [...]h. 14. 16. I will pray my father to send you an other comforter, the spirite of trueth: he shall take of myne, [Page 281] and shall teache & leade you in all things. The word Substance being simply layd downe of the fathers, & vnknowen of the ignorāt people, geuing vnto many great cause of offence, insomuch it is not founde in holie scripture: vve haue thought good to abandone it, and henceforth spea­kinge of God to make no mention of the vvorde Substance, because the sacred scriptures haue not once remembred the substance of the Sonne, or of the holie ghost. VVe say that the sonne is like the father in all things, & that because the word of God hath affirmed & taught it vs. Whē these things were read, such as were not pleased with the circumstances and contents therof, rose vp and sayde: We came not hither as though we wanted faith and beleese (for we retayne that The answere of the Ca­tholicke bi­shops. faith which we learned from the beginning) but we are come to withstand nouelties, if ought be practised preiudiciall vnto y same. If those thīgs which you haue now read, neither sauor neither rend to y establishing of noueltie: accurse & renounce the heresie of Arius in such wise, as the old & auncient canon of the church hath banished all hereticall & blasphemous doctrine. It is apparent vnto the whole world what tumults & troubles the blaspemous opiniō of Arius hath raysed, euen vnto this day, in the church of God. This offer was not accepted of Ʋrsacius, Ʋalens, Germanius, Auxentius, Demophilus, & Caius, & thervpon the bond of vnitie retained in the church of God, was broken asunder. For these men cleaued vnto such things as the councell of Ariminū had decreed: y other confirmed the canons of the Nicene Councell, & derided y contents of the creede y was read in their presence, but specially Athanasius, so y by occasion thereof he wrote vnto his friends after this maner: VVhat auaileth it (I beseech you) vnto the Catholicke church for the furtherāce of The epistle of Athanasiꝰ vnto his fa­milier friēds, where he lai­eth downe his censure of the creede going before condemning it for hereti­call. pietie & godlines, now to propose questiōs of the faith? & to intitle their creede with the names of the Consuls which then were in office? for Vrsacius, Valeus, and Gormanius haue wrought that which was neuer done or heard of among the Christians, when they had written such things as they thought necessarily to be beleued of them, they layd downe the Consulls, the moneth and the day: that it might easily appeare vnto all vvise men, their faith not to haue bene before the raigne of Constantius. Euery one of them hauinge respect vnto their ovvne hereticall doctrine, haue layde dovvne their seuerall censures. Furthermore vvhen they take penne in hand to pro­nounce vvhat they thinke of the Lorde, they name vnto them selues an other Lorde, to vvete, Constantius. for it vvas he that opened them the gapp vnto impietie. And vvhile they denied the sonne of God to be aeternall (for they fell into such outragious impietie, they became deadly foes vnto the Christia faith) yet they intitled the Eniperour sempiternall. But peraduēture they tooke example of the holie prophets, vvho noted vnto vs the times they lyued in, for to intitle their creeds with the names of Consulls. If they presume to alleage them as a president to their doynges, they are foully deceaued, and bevvray very much their owne ignorance and folly. For though the Prophets made mention of the tymes they lyned in, as vve reade in Esay and Oseas, who lyued in the dayes of Ozia, Ioathan, Achaz, and Ezech [...]a: as vve reade in Ieremie, who pro­phecied in the dayes of Iosia: as vve reade in Ezechiel & Daniel, who florished vnder the raigne of Cyrus & Darius: and as vve find in other prophecies reuealed vnto the vvorld at other times: yet vvere not they the first founders of the seruice of God & sacred religion. It vvas long before their times, it vvas from enerlasting, it vvas before the foundacions of the vvorld vvere layd, the which verily God him selfe, by Christ hath prepared for vs. The tymes vvhen theyr fayth had her originall▪ they dyd not signifie, for there had bene faithfull men longe before them: but those vvere the dayes vvhen such promises of God & prophecies of thinges to come vvere prea­ched by them. The promises verily concerned chiefly the incarnatiō of our sauiour: the circum­stances thereof and such thinges as vvere annexed therevnto, signified plainely the thinges that should happē both to Iewes & to Gentils. Moreouer in the aforesayd specified times, their faith (as I sayd before) had not her first foundatiō & beginning but the prophets thē selues: for they liuing thē foreshewed such things to come. But these our fouthsaiers, neither writing of stories, neither prophecying of things to come do write, This Catholicke faith was published: adding im­mediatly thervnto the names of the Consulls, the moneth of the yeare, & the day of the vveeke. Euen as the holy men of old haue declared both the times of the matters they wrote of, and the yeares of their owne ministerie: so these men haue noted vnto vs the dayes when their faith first beganne. I would to god they had only vvritten their owne beliefe, for now they haue assigned an originall or beginninge of their faith, and they fall a reasoninge of it, as if it had neuer bene heard of before. They vvrite not, This is our beliefe, but in this fort, This Catholicke faith was pu­blished. VVherfore their bold & pressipteous enterprise bewraieth their barren & wirles braines: [Page 286] and their nevve founde faith is no othervvise, in playne vvordes, then the Arian heresie. So they vvrote, then they beganne to beleeue, from that tyme forth they determined to reueale theyr faith in no other sense then vve reade in Luke the Euangelist: There vvas geuen out then Luc. 2. a commaundement from Augustus Caesar, that the vvhole vvorlde should be taxed. that com­maundement vvas not geuen before, but then tooke place from those dayes forth, and vvas published by him vvhich vvrote it. So vvhen these men doe vvryte: This faith is nowe published, they shevve theyr errour nevvly inuented, and not to haue bene before. But if they adde the vvorde Catholicke, they plunge them selues vnvvares in the hereticall pudle of the Cataphry­gians: so that they singe after theyr note: The Christian faith was reuealed vnto vs, The Chri­stian faith beganne of vs. And as they tooke Maximilla and Montanus for theyr Lorde, so these men in steede of Christ haue chosen Constantius. If the fayth beganne in those dayes, in the tyme of theyr Consulships, vvhat shall become of the auncient fathers and blessed mar­tyrs? VVhat shall become of them, vvhome these men them selues instructed in the fayth, and departed this lyfe before these Consulls? Hovve shall they rayse them from the deade, to roote out of theyr mindes their former religion, and to plant afreshe their late inuention of faith? They are so senselesse and so voyde of vnderstandinge, that they can doe nought else saue forge out fayned causes: the vvhich beynge as they are both fonde, slender, & vpon slip­pery foundations, may casilie be confuted and ouerthrovven. These were the contents of Athanasius his epistle the which he sent vnto some of his familiar friendes, the studious may at theyr pleasure examine it with them selues, and knowe throughly such thinges as he hath discoursed of, both subtly and substantially. We haue onely alleadged a portion thereof, lest we shoulde seeme ouer tedious. Toutchinge the premises we haue moreouer to vnderstande, that the Councell deposed Ʋalens, Ʋrsacius, Auxentius, Germanius, Caius, and Demophilus, be­cause they refused to renounce and accurse the hereste of Arius. Wherefore takinge their depa­sition impaciently, they runne vnto the Emperour, and shewe him the forme of faith that was read in the Councell. The Councell also wrote vnto the Emperour an epistle, wherein they si­gnified vnto him what they had decreed, the which beynge translated out of the Latine into the Breeke tongue, is vsually read as followeth.

The Epistle of the Councell assembled at Arminum vnto the Emperour.

According vnto the commaundement of God, and the edict of your gracious highnesse, vve haue thought good to ratifie vvith our consent, such canons as of olde did concerne the Chri­stian faith. For vve haue met together out of all the cyties throughout the vvest partes of the The bishops [...]ssembled at A [...]imino in talie, where [...]e Arans [...]re cōdem­ned, do write [...]us vnto the [...]mperour [...]onstantius. vvorld, to the ende the faith of the most holie and Catholicke church may be the more famous, and the aduersaries thereof the better knovven. After deliberation and good aduisement ta­ken, it seemed best vnto vs firmely to retayne, and in retayninge to holde fast vnto the ende that faith, vvhich hath bene continevved hitherto from tyme out of memorie, vvhich hath bene preached of the Prophets, Euangelists, & Apostles through the grace of our Lorde Iesus Christ, vvho is the protectour of your empire, & the cōseruer of your health. It seemed very absurd, nay vve thought it an haynous offence, to alter ought of the things that vvere rightly and reuerently decided: but especially to intermedle vvith the canons of the Nicene Councell, so exquisitely handled, & so throughly sifted out by the ayde & succour of your father of famous memory the Emperous Constantine: the sage doctrine & graue censures of vvhich councell pearced the eares & hath bene prīted in the minds of all people: by whose only force it came to passe that the he­resie of Arius was foyled & ouerthrowen by whose meanes also not only this, but all other rot­ten heresies whatsoeuer are rooted out. VVhat may well be added therevnto, it is doubtfull, to take any thinge therefro is daungerous. If ere other be permitted, there vvill ensue there of such libertie, that euery one vvill sovv such levvde doctrine as pleaseth him best. VVherfore Vrsacius and Valens beyng of late infected vvith the pestilent here sie of Arius, and therefore iustly ba­nished our communion, they did not onely repent them of their fond dealing, their conscience yelding manifest testimonie, & accusing thē of the same, to the end they might againe be made partakers of the same communion: but also as their ovvne vvrytinges doe beare vvittnesse, they craued pardon vvith humble and earnest petitions, so that in the ende all theyr levvde behauiour, all their corrupt learning was forgeuen & forgotten. these things were done at what time the councell of Mediolanū was held in the presence of certaine priests of Rome. But when [Page 283] we call to remembrance how that Constantine the Prince, worthy of noble praise among all po­sterity, What credit & reuerence they [...]eue vnto the coū c [...]ll of Nice. imployed great labor & industry for the curious sifting & true knowledge of the Nicene Creede: it seemed vnto vs a thinge contrary to all reason for to renewe any thinge thereof, or to innouate any thing preiudicial to the same, after his desease, who first was baptized, then de­parted this life, & now resteth in ioy: & to make light accompt of so many blesled confessors & martyrs who framed & furthered this doctrine, vvho also according vnto the auncient purpose of the catholick church were so perswaded, & persisted in the same vnto their liues end. VVhose faith God the father through our Lord Iesus Christ, hath cōtinewed vnto the yeares of your im­periall raigne, by whose helpe your kingdome is enlarged, & your self become Lord of all these our coūtries & dominions vnder heauen. But of the contrary those miserable men & bewitched The lewde behauiour of the Arians. mindes, caried away with a furious kind of motion, haue gone about to proclayme them selues authors & preachers of wicked doctrine vnder colour of well doing, & to ouerthrowe the right sincerity of the trueth. For as soone as the coūcel at your cōmaundement met together, they laid wide open their cōcealed fraude & couered deceat: as soone as also they perceaued Germanius, Auxentius, & Caius, who had brought discord & dissentiō into the church of god, to be in all re­spects like affectioned with thē, they assayed through wiles & wilful assēblies, to establish some nouelty. whose doctrine & opiniō, though but one in name, yet in number it farie exceeded the heape of all blasphemies. But when as they sawe they would not cleaue vnto their opinion, nei­ther condescend vnto their lewde practises: they transported them selues into our side, as if they had determined to subscribe vnto the contrary doctrine. but not long after their cankred minds were knowē well mough. VVherfore that the quiet estate of the church may not be tossed with such waues of troublsome dissētion: that all be not set on tumults & vprores: it seemed very ne­cessary vnto vs to ratifie the decrees confirmed of olde, inuiolably to conserue them, & to forbid these men our cōmunion. For this cause haue we sent legats with our letters vnto your maiesty, of whome you may vnderstand the mind & meaning of the coūcell: whome also we haue char­ged first of all to proue the manifest trueth by autority & testimony of old & aūciēt lawes wisely decreed, & to opē vnto your indifferēt censure & iust sentēce not (as Vrsacius & Valens affirmed) that quietnes shoulde ensure, if the canons lavvfully decreed, and aduisedly decided shoulde be ouerthrovven (hovv can they pleade for peace which haue pearced through and broke asunder the bonde of vnitie) but that discorde and debate shoulde rise thereof not onely in other cities, but also in the Churche of Rome. VVherefore vve humbly request your maiestie of your gra­cious The Bishops assembled at A [...]imino re­quest three thinges of the Empe­rour Constā ­tius. 1. that he winke not at nouelties. 2. that he call home the bi­shops from exile. 3. that there be no alteration of olde canons. fauour and vvonted clemency to accept this our message, that you permitt no noueltie to creepe into the church of god to the cōtumelie of such as already are departed this life: but that you graunt vs licence and your lavvfull fauour, firmely to perseuere in those thinges vvhich our auncetors haue decreed, in as much as it is euident vnto all men, that vvhatsoeuer they did, it vvas throughe vvell aduised councell, prudent consideration, and the ayde of the holy Ghost. for the innouations of these men doe graffe in the mindes of the faythfull, incredulitie: in the mindes of the vnfaythfull crueltie. Also vve humbly request your highnes, that the Bishops vvhich vvander in farre and foraine regions, grieuously afflicted by reason of great yeares and the misery of vvant and necessitie, may by your safe conduyte returne home from exile, to the ende the Churches remayne not desolate & destitute of their Bishops being thus farre asunder. last of all our humble sute is vnto your maiestie that nothing be either diminished or added vn­to the old & aūcient decrees: but that all whatsoeuer haue bene obserued vnto this day through the godly procuremēt of your father, may henceforth be of force, strength & vertue: & that here­after there may rise no molestation vnto vs about those things, that you suffer vs not to be bani­shed our churches: but that bishops may be resiant with their slocke: that they may enioy peace & tranquillity for prayers & deuout seruice of God: that they may pray cōtinewally for the pre­seruation of your healthe, your empyre, and prosperous estate, the which God of his goodnes long continewe. Our legats wil enforme you of the subscriptions & the bishops names: they are also of learning sufficient, to let you vnderstand by testimonies of holy Scripture, all the circum­stances of the decrees.

These things y councell wrot & sent vnto y Emperour by certaine bishops. but Vrsacius & Valens preuenting their comming, reuiled & discredited y councell w t the emperour, shewing vnto him a patched forme of faith, which they had brought in their pocket: y Emperour in so much he was afore time infected w t y Arian opinion, began wonderfully to stomacke y councel. & to aduaūce into honor & estimation Vrsacius & Valens. Wherfore y bishops y were sent by y councel [Page 284] wayted very long about his court, yet coulde they get no answere of him. At length by other mes­sengers the Emperour wrote vnto the councell in this maner.

The epistle of Constantius vnto the councell assembled at Ariminum.

Constantius the mighty and triumphant Augustus, vnto all the Bishops assembled at Arimi­num sendeth greeting. Although it is not vnknowen vnto your holines, that vve haue alvvayes great care and consideration of the diuine, the reuerend, and sacred religion of Christ: yet had vve as yet no leasure to talke vvith the tvventy Bishops, whome your wisedomes sent in embas­sie vnto vs. For vve haue hitherto bene vvholy occupied about the expedition we made against the Barbarians. And requisite it is (as you knovve very vvell) for him that vvill deale in matters of religion, to be voyde of all care and troublesome affayres. Therefore vve haue vvilled the Bi­shops to vvayte for our comming at Adrianopolis, so that vvhen vve haue rightly disposed the common affayres of the publique weale, we may then geue care and wey diligently afterwards such things as they shall lay before vs. In the meane vvhile let it not grieue your vvisedomes to expect their returne, that after their departure hence and the bringing of our ansvvere vnto you, ye may finish and conclude such thinges as shalbe for the vse and furtherance of the Catholicke Church. When the Bishops had receaued these letters, they wrote backe againe vnto the Empe­rour in this sorte. VVe haue receaued your maiesties gracious letters (most godly Emperour) The rescript of the coun­cell held at A [...]immo vn to the Empe­rour Con­stantius. wherby we gather you had not sufficient leasure (by reason of the necessary busines of the com­mon vveale) to geue our legats the hearing: moreouer that you geue vs in charge to vvayte for their returne, vntill that your highnes of your vvisedome hath deepely vvayed the thinges vve haue decreed and layde dovvne agreeably vnto the canons and constitutions of our auncetors. But novve by these our letters vve protest and assure your maiestye, that vve vvill in no vvise shrinke from our sentence and determination. VVe haue also charged and enioyned our legats the same. VVherefore vve humbly beseech you, of our vvonted clemency to voutchsafe the rea­ding of these our simple letters, and to take in good parte such thinges as vve haue enioyned our legats. Your clemency moreouer knovveth as vvell as vve, hovve heauy and hovve lamentable a case it is, so many churches in the time of this your most blessed raigne, to be bereaued of their Bishops. And therefore vve are humbly to craue againe and againe (most holy Emperour) that before the sharpe and nipping season of vvinter (if it so seeme good vnto your highnes) you wil licence vs to returne home vnto our Churches, to the ende vve may poure out together vvith the people our accustomed prayers vnto God the father Almighty and to our Lorde and Sauiour Christ, his onely begotten sonne, for prosperous estate of your raigne, euen as we haue accu­stomed in times past, and yet cease not to doe.

After they had written thus and continewed there a while longer, when as the emperour voutchsafed not to answere them, euery one returned to his owne home. The Emperour because he had purposed with him selfe to sowe the Arian opinion throughout euery Church, & endeuored with might and mayne euery where to preferre the same, tooke hereby occasion at the Bishops returne, to bring about his baynous offence: and sayd, that in contempt, and despite of him, contrary to his will they had dissolued the councell. Wherefore he gaue Ʋrsacius authoritie, freely at his pleasure to practise all mischiefe agaynst the Churches of God: and commaunded him moreouer, to send into the Churches of Italie the forme of fayth that was read in the councell of Ariminum: and such as would not subscribe vnto the same shoulde be deposed, and others placed in their rowmes. First of all Liberius Bishop of Rome, as soone as he Liberius b. of Rome ex­iled. Felix b of Rome an A­rian. denied his hande thereunto, was exiled by Vrsacius: and Felix Deacon of the Church of Rome, ad­dicted vnto the Arian opinion, was of the same Vrsacius by mayne force and violence preferred to the bishopricke. Wherfore all the Westerne partes of the worlde by reason of these newe deuises, were at great discorde and tumults, while that some were by force deposed and sent to exile, some other substituted in their rowmes, these thinges were wrought by vertue of the Emperours edicts sent into the West contries. Liberius not long after was called home from exile, recouered his bi­shopricke Laberius b. of Rome re­stored agaīe. again [...], because that the people of Rome was on an vprore, and thrust Felix out of the Church, so that the Emperour was constrained against his will to agree thereunto. Vrsacius ha­uing played such prankes in Italie as pleased him best, tooke his iourney into the East, and got The councel of Nice in Thracia, cal▪ him to the citie of Nice in Thracia. There, after he had continewed a long while, he called a coun­cell, and went about to ratifie the forme of faith that was read at Ariminum, and translated (as I [Page 285] sayd before) into the greeke tongue: to publishe and sett forth the same with glorious titles as a­greed vpon by a generall councell, calling it the Nicene fayth, to the intent that thereby, in vsing the name of Nice he might snare the ignorant, the rude and simple people. For they thought ve­rily that it was the same forme of fayth, which of olde was confirmed at Nice a citie of Bithy­nia, but their forged pretence was no long furtherance vnto them. For in a short while after their treachery was reuealed, and the authors thereof derided for their labor. So farre of such thinges as were done in the West.

CAP. XXX. Cap. 38. in the Greeke.

The crueltie of Macedonius the Arian, and tumults raysed by him at Con­stantinople and elsewhere.

NOwe that we haue sufficiently discoursed of the West Churches, let vs turne our talke and direct our penne into the East, and there first beginne with the Arians: The Arian Bi­shops being puffed vp with pride and confidence they put in the Emperours edicts, presu­med more boldly to bring their purposes to effect, but in what sorte they sommoned the councell I will afterwards declare, when that first I haue runne ouer their lewd practises before the councel. Acaius & Patrophilus as soone as they had deposed Maximus bishop of Ierusalem, placed Cyrillus Cyrillus b. of Ierusalem an Arian. The hainous practises of Macedonius the Arian. in his rowme. Macedonius went about vtterly to ouerthrow y contries & bordering cities of Con­stantinople, vsing his seruants & ministers as fit instruments to the defacing of the church of God. he made Eleusius bishop of Cyzicum: Marathonius bishop of Nicomedia, who afore time had bene deacon vnder Macedonius him selfe, & very carefull about the affaires of men & women, y were ad­dicted vnto monasticall & solitary life. But now heare how Macedonius went about to ouerchrow y contries & cities within y prouince of Constantinople. This man, aspiring (as I said before) vnto y bishoprick, plagued infinitely such as were determined to perseuere in y opinion contrary to his, & thrust out of the church not only such as in y councell seemed to vary from him, but also y Noua­tians (for he knew of suerty that they embraced the creede containing the clause of one substance) & cruelly tormented them. Agelius their bishop was faine to flie away for to saue his life. Many ex­cellent & notable men were then apprehended, and grieuously plagued, because they refused to be partakers of their communion: yea after torments they were constrayned by force to communi­cate with them. for they stretched wide open and gagged their mouthes, they popped in the myste­ries: such as were thus handled tooke it farre more grieuous then all the other torments. they trayled women & children by maine force into their communion. if any refused or gaynesayd their doings, immediatly they were scurged, after stripes imprisoned, and in the ende compelled to en­dure more bitter torments. Whereof I will alleadge one or two examples, whereby the woodnes and crueltie both of Macedonius, and also of others, who at that time were renowmed and famous for such lewde feates, may euidently appeare vnto the whole worlde. Of the women that denied to The cruelty of the Arian hereticks. communicate with them, some were layd along in chestes and at the lidds, their breastes sawed of: some other had their papps burned with searing irons glowing hott, and with egges laid therunto that were rosted so harde, that they scalded for heate. These newe kinde of torments neuer heard of before among Pagans & Ethnicks were practised of these men which professed christianitie. These things I my selfe haue heard Auxanon (of whome I spake in my first booke) reporte, being a very old man: who though he was a priest of the Nouatian Church, yet suffred he very much of the Ari­ans, before he had entred into orders. He reported how that together with Alexander Paphlagon, who led a very straict and seuere kinde of life, (after the same sorte with him) he was imprisoned, scurged and endured many torments: that Alexander after the grieuous lashes of the whipp dyed in prison, and was buried nigh the sea shore on the right hand as ye goe to Byzantium hauen, cal­led Ceras, by interpretation an horne, where there is a Nouatian Church bearing the name of A­lexander. They destroyed at the commaundement of Macedonius not onely other Churches in o­ther cities, but also the Nouatian Church within the citie of Constantinople, nigh the signe of the storke. but why I made mention of this seuerally, at this tyme, as I hearde with mine owne eares of Auxanon an olde graybearde: now I am about to declare. By the commaundement of A lawe a­gainst the churches of God, made by Arians. the Emperour, and the cruelty of Macedonius, it was proclaymed that the churches of such as em­braced y creede containing y clause of one substance should be throwen downe, euen to y foundati­ons. this law being ioined w t y violēce of Macedonius proceaded to y ouerthrow also of this church such as were appoynted to bring these feates to passe, busily occupied their braynes and prompt­ly [Page 286] dispatched them. I can not chuse but greatly maruell at the Nouatian secte, to see what singuler affection they bare vnto their Churche: and what charitable minde such as then were deposed by the Arians, but nowe enioy their Churches in peace, shewed towards them. For as soone as the commissioners for the suppressing of Churches had geuen the onsett, immediatly a great number of Nouatians, and diuers others which maintayned the doctrine of one substance, pulled downe that Church, remoued it to an other place, and there erected it againe. The place is situate right ouer against the citie, and at this day called Sycae, it is the thirtenth porcion of the prouince of Cō ­stantinople. The church was remoued in a very short space, by reason that so great a multitude of people with great good will and promptnes of minde sett to their helping handes. for one caryed the tyles, an other the stones, the thirde the timber, others conueyed other stuffe into Sycae. The women also and the children were a furtherance to the buylding, for they thought their prayers woulde be the sooner hearde, and to profitt them selues very much, in that they imployed their la­bor and industrie to the consecration of buylding vnto the Lorde. In that sorte the Church of the Nouatians was translated to Sycae, but after that, Constantius being dead, Iulianus the Emperour commaunded that the place where the Church aforetime had bene buylded, shoulde be giuen to the Nouatians. The people againe, in such sort as before, went about the buylding of the Church, and the translating of the stuffe into the place where it stoode at the first, and being builded farre more gorgeous then it was at the first, they called it after the name of the resurrection. That Church (as I sayd before) was the thirde time buylded in the raigne of Iulianus. At that time both the true Ca­tholiks and the Nouatians were a like handled. And because the true christians abhorred the tem­ples where the Arians frequented, they resorted together with the Nouatians vnto three other Churches (for the Nouatians had so many Churches permitted them in that city,) and there they deuoutly serued God together: litle there was to the contrary but that they had bene linked toge­ther in the bonde of vnitie and concorde, had the Nouatians not refused to retayne their olde mind, from the which they had fallen. But as toutching other matters ech embraced other, with such sin­guler affection & entire loue, that one was ready to hazard his life for the other. They were mo­lested together not onely at Constantinople, but also in other cities and prouinces. In a while af­ter Eleusius who lately had bene placed Bishop of Cyzicum, imitating the steppes of Macedoni­us, Eleusius a cruell Arian Bishop. Macedonius an Arian & a [...]reat mur­therer of the true Christi­ans. armed him selfe against the Christians, afflicted them euery where & tormented them grieuou­sly: he made the Nouatian Church which was at Cyzicum euen with the grounde: and Macedo­nius gaue the last stroke and finall conclusion to the haynous offences which he committed. For vnderstanding that there were many both at Paphlagonia and Mantinium of the Nouatian opi­nion, which coulde by no meanes commodiously be remoued by Ecclesiasticall authoritie: he pro­cured that foure bands of souldiers at the Emperours commaundement should be sent into Paph­lagonia, to the ende the inhabitants might be terrified with the great shewe of glistering armour, and thereby brought to embrace the Arian heresie. But such as inhabited Mantinium, being kind­led with an earnest zeale towards Christian religion, went agaynst the souldiers with chearefull mindes and valiant courage: after they had mustred together a greate host, they all marched for­wards to battell: some had taken in their hande long hedging bills, some axes, some other mett by chaunce with rusty armour. When they ioyned together and came to handygriping, many of the Paphlagonians were beaten downe, the souldiers (fewe onely excepted) were slaine euery one. Al­though there be many of the Paphlagonians which presently can report y same, yet haue I heard it of a certaine husbandman of Paphlagonia, who had bene present him selfe at the skirmishe and borne away many blowes. And though Macedonius had wrought many such notable feates (as he thought) in the behalfe of religion, where slaughter, and battell, and bondage and ciuill dissentions fell out: yet that haynous offence of his procured vnto him and that most iustly, great hatred, not onely among them which then bare away incurable woundes (he being the cause thereof) but also among his owne familiar and deare friendes, so that the emperour also had him in disple asure and alienated his minde from him, partly for this thing, and partly for an other cause, which was as followeth. He went about to pull downe the temple where the tombe of the Emperour Constan­tine lay, and put the people which prayed within, and serued God deuoutly in great feare of their liues. Macedonius had purposed to translate the Emperours bones, lest the tombe with the falling of the temple should breake, and deface y monument. The people vnderstanding of this withstoode The transla­tiō of bones and reliques is forbidden as an vnlaw­full thing by the true christians, but the Arians did practise it his enterprise, affirming it a thinge vnlawfull to translate the Emperours bones, that it was in maner nothing else but the digging of him vp againe, out of his graue. The people was deuided [Page 287] into two parts: the one iudged the deade carkasse in no wise to be iniuried with remouing: the o­ther thought that wicked offence might lawfully be done. They which maintained the faith of one substance with generall consent resisted the deede: but Macedonius making no accompt of the gainsayers, translated the carkasse into y church where Acacius the martyr had bene buried. This was no soner done, but the multitude of the contrary side ranne thither in all the hast, they set them selues one against the other, & without any delay they went together by y eares. so great a slaugh­ter was committed, that the body of the Church was aflote with streames of blood, and yet not on­ly there, but also from the Church porch vnto the streete, the way was all blood and deade carkas­ses crossing one an other. When the Emperour vnderstoode of this woefull and lamentable case, he was wonderfully incensed against Macedonius, partly for that he murthered so many men, and partly also that he durst presume without his consent to translate his fathers bones. After that he had committed the gouernment of the westerne dominions vnto Iulian (whome lately he had made Caesar) he returned into the East. but how Macedonius in a short while after, was depriued of his bishoprick, and receaued so small a punishment for so greate an offence, I will declare in an other place.

CAP. XXXI. Cap. 39. in the Greeke.

Of the councell helde at Seleucia a city of Isauria.

NOwe I beginne to discourse of the other councell resembling the councell of Ariminum, The councel of Seleucia held Anno Domi. 363. summoned also by the Emperours edict in the East. Although it pleased him at the first that the Bishops shoulde meete at Nicomedia in Bithynia: yet the greate earthquake which shooke the countrey and ouerthrewe Nicomedia, was a let so that they coulde not assem­ble there. This came to passe in the consulship of Tatianus and Cerealius the eyght and twentyeth of August. They consulted for to remoue the councell into the citie of Nice which was not farre of, but altering their sentence they appoynted to meete at Tarsus a citie of Cilicia. neyther yet coulde they all agree vpon that, and therefore they assemble at Seleucia a citie of Isauria called Roughe. These things were done in one and the same yeare, when Eusebius & Hypatius were Con­suls. The number of Bishops which met there was a hundred and threescore. There was also with them one Leônas a man of great autoritie & fame in the Emperours court: in whose hearing it was Leônas. commaunded by the emperours edict they should reason of the faith. Lauricius also, captaine of the Lauricius. garrison in Isauria, was commaunded to supply and minister vnto the Bishops, whatsoeuer they wanted. The bishops being met together the eight and twentieth of September disputed to & fro, their disputation was laid downe in writing by publick notaries, for there were scriueners present of swift pēning & great exercise, ready for to note their obiections, resolutions, & what other thing soeuer was vttered. All which thinges are at large set forth in the booke of Sabinus, intituled the collection of councells where the studious Reader may peruse them at his pleasure: but I of my part will therfore runne ouer briefly the chiefe pointes therof. The first day of their assembly, Le­ônas commaunded, that euery one should freely propose what pleased him best. but they that were present affirmed it was not lawful, to call any thing into question before they came whose presence was required in the councell. For Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople, Basilius bishop of An­cyra & sundry others were looked for of the councell: who mistrusting their cause & suspecting they should be accused of hainous crimes, absēted them selues of set purpose. Macedonius pleaded sick­nes The Arians absent them selues with excuses. for him selfe: Patrophilus, that he was sandblinde, troubled with dropping & bleare eyes: and by reason of the aforesayd causes that of necessitie they were constrained to stay in the suburbes of Seleucia the rest alleadged other causes of their absence. And when Leônas saide they might pro­pose questions for all they were absent: the Bishops answered, that it was not meete any thinge should be reasoned of, before they had first diligently examined the liues and conuersation of such as were accused. for Cyrillus bishop of Ierusalem, Eustathius bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, and di­uers others had hainous crimes laide to their charge. Wherefore there was great contention be­twene them that were present whilest y the one part would first examine their liues, the other part reason and question of the faith. The doubtfull and darke sentence of the Emperour was cause of that hurlyburly. For the letters which he wrote vnto the councell commaunded one while one thinge, an other while an other thinge first to be handled. The varience that rose among them that were present so deuided them, that it ministred occasion vnto the councell of Seleucia to parte them selues into two factions: vnto the one side there cleaued Acacius Bishop of Caesarea in [Page 288] Palaestina, Georgius Bishop of Alexandria, Vrsacius Bishop of Tyrus, Eudoxius bishop of Antioch together with thirty others: of the other side there were Georgius Bishop of Laodicea in Syria, So­phronius Bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagoma, Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum, together with many others. When that that side preuayled which first woulde haue had them reason of the faith: the Complices of Acacius motioned that the Nicene creede shoulde be abrogated and that a new forme of fayth was to be layde downe: the contrary part (being moe in number) approued all other thinges of the councell of Nice, the clause of one substance onely layde aside. And when as they had thus brawled amonge them selues from morning to night, at length Siluanus Bishop of Tar­sus cryed out amonge them, that it was not their parte to laye downe a newe forme of fayth, but to retayne vnuiolably that which was decided at Antioch, at the dedication of the Churche. He had no sooner spoken, but the confederats of Acacius rose vp and gott them away: the other side bring forth the creede concluded vpon at Antioch, they reade it, and immediatly the councell was dissolued. The day after, meeting together at the Churche of Seleucia, they barre the doores, and ratisie with their subscriptions the forme of fayth that was read the daye before. In their steede which were absent, their readers and Deacons subscribed, for they had signified before, that they woulde by their Deputies approue the aforesayd creede.

CAP. XXXII. Cap. 40. in the Greeke.

Howe that Acacius of Caesarea rehearsed an other creede in the councell of Seleucia: also how that he and his complices after the Emperours returne out of the west mett at Constantinople and procured the coun­cell of Ariminum to be ratified adding there­unto of their owne.

ACacius and his complices founde great fault with the canons of that councell, because they subscribed when the Church doores were shutt▪ for (sayth Acacius) the thinges which are done in huckermucker, as they ought not to be approued, so are they not voide of suspicion. This he sayde because he caryed in his pockett an other forme of fayth ready to be offred vp. he read it in the presence of Lauricius and Leônas that were noble men: and bent his whole might to haue onely the same confirmed. these thinges were done the seconde daye of the councell, and be­sides nothing. The thirde day Leônas went about to call both partes together, at what time Mace­donius Bishop of Constantinoplē, and Basilius Bishop of Ancyra were present. When both these men mett together and presented them selues, to wete of the contrary side vnto Acacius, his con­sederats woulde not shewe their faces in the councell, but sayde that it was requisite they should be banished the assemblie, who of late had bene deposed, and then also were accused. After much adoe when this side had the vpper hande, they that were accused left the councell, in whose rowmes A­cacius together with his company succeded. Then Leônas stoode vp and sayde that Acacius had presented vnto him a booke: yet knewe they not that it was a forme of fayth, which confuted some­tymes priuely, sometymes openly and playnly the opinion of the contrary side. When that all made silence and gaue diligent eare, thinking nothing lesse then that it had bene a forme of fayth: at length, Acacius read his creede or fayth, with a certayne preface written before it as followeth: VVe vvhich by the Emperours edict mett yesterday, that is the fift of the kalends of October at A certaine protestation of Arian Bi­shops where vnto they annexed their creede. Seleucia in Isauria, haue labored vvith all might possible to continevve vnitie & agreement in the church of God: to dispute & reason of the faith, according vnto the sacred testimonies of the Prophets & euangelists, with modest & quiet mindes, as the most vertuous Emperour Constan­tius hath geuen vs in charge: & to conclude nothing for canons of the Church vvhich might be founde contrary to holy Scripture▪ but seing there were such kinde of men at the councell, vvho rayled at some: shutt vp some others mouthes: forbade these to speake: excluded the other from their cōpany: ioyned with them out of diuers prouinces certaine deposed & expulsed persons & entertained them contrary to the old canon of the church: the coūcel (as Lauricius the most vali­ant captaine saw, more is the pity, with his owne eies) was all set on tumult & grieuous dissenti­on. VVe haue spoken these things to this end, that you may vnderstand we reiect not the forme of fayth that vvas published & confirmed in the dedication at Antioch: but vve bring forth the same presently, sithence that we knowe for suerty that the fathers then agreed vpon this contro­uersie which concerned the faith. but in as much as the clauses of vnity in substance, & equality [Page 289] in substance, disquieted the mindes of sundry men, not onely in tymes past, but also at this pre­sent, so that novve also such as affirme the sonne to be vnaequall to the father are sayd to be au­thors of noueltie: therefore haue vve layd aside the clauses of vnitie and aequalitie in substance, as words not agreeing with holy Scripture: also we accurse the clause of vnaequalitie, and hold all the patrons and fauorers thereof for excommunicated persons. VVe confesse playnely the likenesse the sonne hath with the father, imitating the Apostle vvhere he saith of the sonne, who is the image of the inuisible God. VVe protest therefore and beleeue in one God, the father al­mighty Acacius creede an Ariā bishop. maker of heauen & earth, of visible and inuisible things. VVe beleeue also in his sonne our Lord Iesus Christ, begotten of him before all vvorlds vvithout affection, God the vvord, of the only begotten God: the light, the life, the trueth, the vvisedome: by vvhome all things vvere made both in heauen and in earth, be they visible or inuisible. VVe beleeue that he in the latter dayes tooke flesh of the blessed virgine Mary, to the ende he might take avvay the sinnes of the worlde: that he vvas made man, that he suffred for our sinnes: that he rose againe, ascended in­to the heauens, sitteth at the right hande of the father, and that he shall come againe vvith glo­rie to iudge both the quicke and the deade. VVe beleeue also in the holy Ghost, vvhome our Lorde and Sauiour called the comforter, promising after his departure to send him to his disci­ples, vvhome also he hath sent: by whome he sanctifieth the faithfull in the Churche, and such as are baptized in the name of the father, and of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost. all those that besides this fayth shall publishe any other, vve doe excommunicate out of the holy and Catholicke Churche. This was Acacius creede, whereunto both he and his complices (as ma­ny in number as I reported before) subscribed. The creede being reade, Sophronius Bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagoma, stoode vp and spāke agaynst it in this maner, for I will vse his owne wordes: If that the nevve deuises and dayly inuention of your brayne, be layde dovvne The words of Sophro­nius vnto the Arians. for creedes: it can not othervvise fall out, but that shortly, vve shall be founde vvithout one grayne of fayth. These as I haue learned were the wordes of Sophronius. In my opinion if that his auncetors and such as liued then with him, had so settled their myndes as toutchinge the Nicene councell, all this sturre and tumultes had quite bene taken away, all this hurlybur­ly, this rashe and vnaduised sedition had neuer raygned in the Churche. but to what passe these thinges are nowe come, let them iudge that can better discerne and geue sentence thereof. When they had reasoned toe and fro of this matter, and of them that were accused, and brawled toge­ther a longe whyle, at length the councell brake vp. The fourth daye they assemble agayne, and a freshe they chide one with an other. In circumstance of talke Acacius gaue forthe this ver­ditt as followeth: If the Nicene creede was once altered of olde, and afterwards often▪ what can you saye to the contrary, but that presently a newe forme of fayth without any preiudice at all, may be established of vs? whereunto Eleusius made answere: We are not nowe come to this assemblie for to learne that which we learned before: neyther to receaue the fayth which we haue not receaued before: but to walke in the fayth of our forefathers, and not to fall from the same vnto our lyues ende. This was Eleusius answere vnto Acacius, calling the creede of Antioch, the fayth of the fathers. but a man may here replye and saye thus: Howe O Eleusius callest thou The reply of Socrates in the name of the indifferēt reader. such as assembled together at Antioch, fathers: and yet denyest their auncetors to be fathers? for the Bishops of Nice and the establishers of one substance, ought more properly to be called fathers, partly for that they were more auncient, and partly also because that the Bishops as­sembled together at Antioch were consecrated and promoted by them vnto the reuerend office of priesthoode. If that the Bishops which assembled at Antioch were founde to be such as cutt their fathers throtes, these men of their progenye, without good aduisement doe treade the trace of murtherers. And howe (I beseeche you) doe they allowe of their electing and laying on of han­des, as sufficient and lawefull, when as they cancell their faythe, and abrogate their canons for vnperfect and corrupt doctrine? If they had not the holy Ghost, which lighteth vpon euery one that entreth into holy orders: these men receaued not the function of priesthoode. for how coulde they receaue of them which had it not to geue? these thinges in my opinion may very well be vr­ged agaynst Eleusius. Agayne there rose an other controuersie among them for when as the com­plices of Acacius had affirmed in the creede read before them, that the sonne of God was like vnto the father, they demaunde wherein the sonne was like vnto the father? Acacius maketh an­swere: By this an­swere of A­cacius we may see the double dea­ling of the Arians, how vnder faire & smoth wordes they cloked the poyson of their hereti­call doctrine. that the sonne was like vnto the father not in substance, but onely in will and mynde. but they on the contrary side affirmed playnely that he was in substance like vnto the father. they [Page 290] reasoned all that daye of this question. Acacius being sufficiently confuted, when they demaun­ded of him the reason why in his bookes he had written and auoutched the sonne in all thinges to be like the father: and nowe denied that the sonne was of one substance with the father? made this answere: No man that euer was eyther of olde tyme, or of late dayes, is wont to be tryed by the bookes whiche he wrote. After they had diligently sifted out this question of bothe sides, and coulde not agree thereupon, Leônas rose vp and dissolued the councell, this was the ende of the councell which was helde at Seleucia. The next daye after, when they made sute for the pro­roging of the councell, he woulde not sitt with them agayne, but tolde them flatly, that the Emperour had sent him to be present at an vniforme and peaceable councell, but in so much that diuerse of them be at discorde and debate amonge them selues, I can not away (sayth he) with your company. Goe your wayes therefore, dally and brawle ye at home in your owne Chur­ches. This being done, the conspiracie of Acacius supposing nowe they had gott their desired excuse, absented them selues and woulde not shewe their faces agayne before the councell. The other side mett againe at the Churche, and cited Acacius with his company to appeare before them for to decide Cyrillus matter who was Bishop of Ierusalem. Here we haue to learne that Cyrillus b of Ierusalem was an Arian and depos [...]d [...]o [...] some hamous crimes. this Cyrillus had bene accused before, (why I am not able to saye) and deposed from his bishop­rick, often called to purge him selfe, and to haue absented him selfe the whole space of two yeares, thinking thereby to escape and the cryme to be forgotten. As soone as he was deposed he sent an appellation in writing vnto the deposers, appealing from them vnto the Iudges of the higher court. Constantius the Emperour admitted his appellation. Cyrillus was he that first of all and a­lone gaue forth a president preiudiciall vnto the practise of the ecclesiasticall canon, as if the matter had bene decided before laye Iudges. At length he came to Seleucia for to haue his cause heard, and therefore the Bishops sent for Acacius and his company, to the ende they might not onely heare Cyrillus cause, but also examine such as were accused and had fledd vnto the faction of A­cacius. but in the ende when they had oft cited them and they appeared not: they deposed Acaci­us him selfe, also Georgius Bishop of Alexandria, Ʋrsacius Bishop of Tyrus, Theodorus Bi­shop Acacius an Arian with his company deposed. of Chaeretapon a citie of Phrygia, Theodosius Bishop of Philadelphia in Lydia, Euagrius Bishop of the Ile Mitylene, Leontius Bishop of Tripolis in Lydia, and Eudoxius who first had bene Bishop of Germanicia, and afterwards crept by wiles into the bishoprick of Antioch in Syria, last of all they deposed Patrophilus for disobedience and stubburne behauiour. Dorotheus the Priest had accused him, they cited him, but he appeared not. These onely were deposed. They proceeded further & excommunicated Asterius, Eusebius, Abgarus, Basilicus, Philus, Philedius, Eu­thychius, magnus, and Eustathius, and decreed they shoulde remaine in that state vntill they had an­swered for them selues and cleared them of the crimes laid to their charg. When they had brought these things to this passe, and sent letters vnto the Churches of such as were deposed, certifying them what they had decreed in their behalfe: they ordaine Amanus bishop of Antioch in Eudoxius rowme, whome the faction of Acacius apprehended and deliuered to the hands of Leônas and Lau­ricius, they forthwith send him to exile. This being done the bishops which ordained Anianus, made a long plee, and discoursed at large before Leônas and Lauricius against Acacius & his confederacy, where they signified in playne words, what extreme wronge the censure & sentence of the councell sustained. but when as they preuailed nothing, they tooke their voyage into Constantinople for to certifie the Emperour what they had decided in y councell. Cap. 41. in the greeke. The Emperour was then come thi­ther from the west, & had taken away y office of proconsulship, & in steede thereof ordained at Con­stantinople a certaine gouernment the which he endowed with the title of honor: but Acacius had preuented them & laid grieuous accusations to their charge before the emperour, perswading him y their forme of faith was in no wise to be admitted. Wherfore the emperour being grieuously in­censed against them, determined to cutt them of: he made a lawe, y as many as were Magistrats & bare office in the common wealth should be brought back agayne to embrace a populare & priuate kinde of life. for of the bishops some were called to gouerne the common wealth: some were Sena­tors The Bishops then were Magistrats & of [...]reat au­toritie in the common wealth. and councellers: some other were Presidents & Lieuetenants of prouinces. While this sturre raigned, Acacius and his complices remained at Constantinople, & calling vnto them y bishops of Bithynia they held there an other councell. They were all fifty in number, Maris also Bishop of Calcedon came vnto them: they confirmed the forme of fayth that was read at Ariminum, at whose beginning and title, the Consuls were written. I woulde thinke it a superfluous thinge to repeate the same here, had they not added therunto of their owne: but in so much they haue written [Page 281] and annexed something of their owne braine, it is requisite that we rehearse it againe. They wrote An Arian Creede read at A [...]immo & no we confir­med by the Ariā Bishops in the coun­cell held at Constātino­ple Anno Dom. 364. as followeth: VVe beleue in one God, the father almighty, of whome are all things: & in the on­ly begotten sonne of God, begotten of the father before all worldes & before all begininge: by whome all thinges were made both visible & inuisible: the one only begottē, begottē of the fa­ther alone: God of God, like vnto the father which begate him, according vnto the Scriptures: whose generatiō (as holy Scripture doth witnesse) no man knoweth but the father alone which begat him. This only begottē sonne of God vve knovve to haue bene sent frō the father, to haue come dovvne from heauē as it is vvritten: to haue bene conuersant vvith his disciples: & after the accōplishing of his message according vnto the vvill of his father to haue bene crucified, dead, & buried: to haue descended into hell at vvhose presence the infernall povver trembled: to haue risen againe the third day from the dead, & againe to haue accōpanied his disciples: & after for­ty dayes vvere expired to haue bene taken vp into heauē, vvhere he sittteth at the right hande of the father & shall come at the generall resurrectiō vvith the glorie of the father, to reward euery one according vnto his vvorks. and vve beleue in the holy ghost, vvhom the only begottē sonne of God himselfe, our Lord & God promised to send mankind a comforter, as it is vvrytten, the spirit of trueth, whome also he sent after his assumptiō into heauē. The clause of substāce being of diuers simply layd downe, because the ignorant people vnderstood it not, gaue greate occa­sion of offence. It semed good therefore, in as much as there was no mentiō thereof in holy scri­pture quite to take it away, & henceforth not to reason thereof, because the word of God hathe no where remembred the substāce of the father & of the sonne. For the substance or subsistēcie of the father, of the sonne, & of the holy ghost may not be once named or reasoned of. we there­fore as we are taught by holy scripture doe affirme, that the sonne is like the father. All heresies whatsoeuer, either heretofore condemned, or lately sprong vp, if they be found contrary to this faith, let them be held for accursed. These things as you see were then decreed at Cōstantinople. The number of the creeds when, and where & by whome they were made. Nowe hauing at length runne ouer the confuse multitude of Creeds & formes of faith, let vs once againe briefely repeate the number of them. After the Creede that was laid downe by the Nicene councell, the Bishops framed two others at Antioch when they assembled to the dedication of the church: the third was made in Fraunce of the bishops which were with Narcissus, & exhibited vnto the Emperoure Constantine: the fourth was sent by Eudoxius vnto the Bishops throughout Italie. Three were published in wryting at Sirmium, where of one being gloriously intitled with the na­mes of Consulls, was red at Ariminum. The eight was set forth at Seleucia & procured to be red by the complices of Acacius. The ninth was geuen abroade with additions at Constantinople, Vlphilas Bi­shop of the Gotthes be­came an A­rian in his la­ter dayes. there was thereunto annexed that thenceforth there should be no mention made of the substance of subsistencie of God. Whereunto Vlphilas Bishop of y Gotthes then first of all subscribed. For vnto that time he embraced the faith established by the councell of Nice, and was an earnest follower of Theophilus steps, Bishop of the Gotthes, who had bene at the Nicene councell & subscribed vnto the Creed. But of these things thus much.

CAP. XXXIII.

Howe that after Macedonius was deposed, Eudoxius was made Bishop of Cap. 42. in the greeke. Constantinople: and of Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia.

ACacius & Eudoxius together with their faction made foule tumults & greate sturre at Con­stantinople, fully purposing to remoue frō their bishopricks some of the contrary side. And here also we may not passe ouer with silence, howe that both parts inuēted causes of depri­uatiō not for piety & religion sake, but of priuat malice & quarellous spite: for though they varied in the faith, yet in deposing one an other they charged not ech other with their beleefe: but such as were of Acacius side, tooke the Emperours displeasure (who purposed among diuers other to re­uenge him of Macedonius) as a fit occasion, & first they depose Macedonius frō his bishoprick, part­ly for that he had bene the cause of great slaughter, & partly also because he admitted into the com­munion a certaine deacon that was taken in adultery. They remoued Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicū for baptizing one Heraclius a sacrificing priest of Hercules at Tyrus who was knowē to be a great coniurer & preferring him to the order of deaconship: they depriued Basilius otherwise called Basi­las, who was made Bishop of Ancyra in Marcellus rowme, for that he cruelly tormented & impri­soned a certaine man, for because he forged sclaundres & discredited diuers persons, and lastly for molesting the quiet estate of the churches in Aphricke by his epistles: they suspended Dracontius [Page 292] for leauing Gallacia & remouing to Pergamus: they displaced moreouer Neonas Bishop of Seleu­cia where y coūcel was held: Sophronius bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia: Elpidius bishop of Satalum in Macedonia: Cyrillus Bishop of serusalē & many mo, for sundry other causes. Cap. 43. in the Greeke. Eustathius was not suf­fred to speak for himselfe, his faults were so hay­nous and so wel knowen. Nei­ther had Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia licence permitted him, for to purge himselfe, because that a little before he had bene deposed by Eulauius his owne naturall father, who was Bi­shop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, for apparelling himselfe in such weede as was not decent for the dignity & order of priesthood. In this Eustathius rowme, Meletuis (of whome I mind hereafter to speake) was made Bishop. Moreouer Eustathius was afterwards condemned by the councell held at Gangra that was summoned for the hearing of his matters, because that after his former depo­sition in the councell of Caesarea, he had attempted many things, cōtrary to the canons & customes of the church. He forbad mariadge & set forth precepts of abstuēce. He parted asunder diuers that were coupled together in wedlock, & perswaded suche as refrained the churches & publick assem­bly, to raise conuenticles & brotherhood in their priuat houses. He tooke seruāts frō their maisters vnder colour of religion. He himselfe vsed the Philosophers habite & constrained his followers to vse a straunge kind of Atyre. He caused the women to be shauen. He forbad the accustomed & pre­scribed fasting dayes, & commaunded abstinence on the sundays. He abhorted y prayers that were made in maried mēs houses. He detested the offring and the communion of the maried priest, who when he was a lay man had lawefully coupled himselfe in the bonde of wedlocke. This Eustathius when he had taught and set abroch these and many other such lewd precepts, was (as I said before deposed by y councell held at Gangra in Paphlagonia, and his doctrine accursed. But these things were done a good while after. When that Macedonius about y time was remoued, Eudoxius sup­posing the seae of Antioch, to be farre inferior vnto y Bishoprick of Constantinople, was proclai­med Bishop of Constantinople by Acacius & his adherents, who made lawes & put them in pra­ctise contrary to their owne former decrees. For after y deposition of Dracontius they made Eudo xius Bishop of Constantinople who nowe the seconde time had translated himselfe from one seae vnto an other, & in so doing they were founde farre contrary to thēselues. After this they ratifie y forme of faith that was read at Ariminum together with y additiōs and glosses as a very absolute thing, & send it abroade into the whole world, commaunding y whosoeuer refused to subscribe vnto the same, should, by vertue of the Emperours proclamation be condemned to perpetuall banishe­mēt. They signified this their purpose vnto many of the Cast churches, which maintained y t same hereticall opinion with them & to Patrophilus Bishop of Scythopolis, who from the councell of Se­leucia got him straight to his owne citie. When Eudoxius was setled Bishop of the noble citie of Constantinople, y great church calied after the name of wisedome was honored w the solempne feast of dedication, in the tenth Consulship of Constantius, the third of lulianus Caesar & the fifteneth day of the moneth of February. Eudoxius beinge stalled in his seate gaue this out for y first sentēce The wicked & skoffinge sentence of Eudoxius. which at this day is riffe in euery mans mouth: y sonne is religious, the father irreligious. where­fore when tumult and sedition rose by occasion of these wordes: let this saying (sayth he) nothing grieue you at all, for the father is irreligious in that he worshipeth none: the sonne is religious in that he worshipeth the father. When he had thus interpreted his mind, the contentious multitude quieted themselues and in steede of the hurlyburly the whole churche was sette on laughter. His fonde saying vnto this day is counted a famous iest. The authors of error and schisine occupiyng their braine about such trifling quircks, about such fond and friuolous words, haue broken asunder the bonde of vnitie and concorde retained in the church of God. The councell held at Constanti­nople had such an end as I haue shewed before.

CAP. XXXIIII. Ca. 44. in the Greeke.

Of Meletius Bishop of Antioch.

NOwe it remaineth that according vnto our former promise, we say somewhat of Meletius. This man after the deposition of Eustathius (as I sayd before) was first chosen Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, afterwards was he taken thence and translated to the bishoprick of Beroea a citie of Syria. After he had bene at the councel of Seleucia, and subscribed vnto the forme of faith which the faction of Acacius had framed and exhibited vnto the councell, immediatly be re turned to Beroea, the Antiochians after the summoning of y councel at Constantinople, vnderstā ­ding for certaine y Eudoxius had made light of their church, & for greater lucre crept vnto the By­shopricke [Page 293] of Constantinople, sent to Beroea for Meletius and made him Bishop of Antioch. He in a Meletius was after Eudo­xius Bishop of Antioch, he was by the Emperoure deposed for maintaining the Nicene creed against the Arians & Euzoius pla­ced in his rowme. good while after his comming, medled not with high matters and my steries of faith, but deliuered onely vnto his auditors such things as concerned maners, good life and godly conuersation: yet in countinewance of time he expounded thē the faith and the clause of one substance. The Emperour hearing of this, commaunded him to exile and gaue charge that Euzoius (who afore time had bene deposed together with Arius) shoulde be stalled Bishop of Antioch. But suche as bare good will and great affection vnto Meletius (laing aside for altogether the Arian opinion and confederacie begannne to meete priuatly and had their particular conuenticles: when as they which alwayes had cleaued vnto the fayth of one substance refused theyr communion for two causes, partely for that Meletius had bene made pricste by the Arians, and partely also for that his followers had bene baptised of them. Thus the churche of Antioch leaned vnto that side whiche agreed with it selfe. But the Emperoure hearing that the Persians had proclaimed warre against the Romaines gotte him in all the haste to Antioch.

CAP. XXXV. Cap. 45. in the greeke.

Of the heresie of Macedonius.

MAcedonius beinge banished the citie of Constantinople and takinge very impatiently the Of impaci­ency cometh heresie. sentence pronounced against him, could by no meanes quiet himselfe but got him vnto the contrary side, vnto such as had deposed Acacius at Seleucia together with his cōplices: he dealt with Sophronius & Eleusius by messengers, that they should firmely addicte themselues vnto the forme of faith set forth at Antioch, afterwardes confirmed at Seleucia: he requested them ear­nestly to call it after that famous & renowmed title, the fayth of one substance. Wherefore there frequented vnto him many of his familiars together with sundry others who after his name are nowe called Macedonians: there resorted vnto him diuers others also, who at y councel of Seleu­cia were foes vnto the faction of Acacius, who also at the beginninge maintained, both publikely and priuately the fayth of one substance, but nowe tread the same vnder foote. This Macedonius The blasphe mous opiniō of the here­tike Macedo nius. Maratho­nius an olde heretike. thoughe he affirmed that the sonne of God was like vnto the father, as well in substance as in all other thinges: yet auoutched he that the holye Ghoste had not these titles of honor but tearmed him theyr seruante or drudge. The reporte goeth that Macedonius was not the firste founder of this blasphemous opinion, but Marathonius who longe before his time had bene Bishop of Ni­comedia, and thereupon such as maintayned y t opinion to haue bene called Marathonians. Unto these mens company it was that Eustathius (who for the cause aboue specified lefte Sebastia) lin­ked himselfe. When Macedonius denied that the holy Ghost was equall and partaker of the god­head whiche is in the blessed Trinitie: Eustathius made answere, I of mine owne parte (saith he) doe not minde to call the holy Ghost God, neyther yet dare I presume to tearme him a creature. Wherefore suche as embrace the faith of one substance doe call these men Pneumatomâchous, by Pneumato­machot. interpretation deadly foes vnto the diuinitie of the holy Ghoste. But howe it cometh to passe that Hellespontus is full of these Macedonians I will discourse when fitte occasion is ministred. The faction of Acacius endeuored with all might, againe to call a councell at Antioch, for it repen­ted them that they affirmed the sonne in all thinges to be like vnto the father. Wherefore the The councel of Antioch was held An no Dom. 365 they cōs [...] me the Arian o­pinion. The blasph [...] mous opinio of the Arias. yeare followinge in the consulshippe of Taurus and Florentius, they assemble together at An­tioch in Syria, at what time Euzoius gouerned that churche and the Emperoure also abode there. Many of thē after theyr meeting, call into question such things as they had decreed in tymes past: they affirme that the Clause of likenesse by the Councell of Ariminum, and the Councell helde at Constantinople, is quite to be abandoned and not once to be named againe: they clocke their opinion no longer, but pronounce with open mouthe that the some was altogether vnequall and vnlike the father not onely in substance but also in will, and also that he had his beinge (as A­rius dreamed) of nothinge. Suche as then also were at Antioch of the secte of Aetius, in­tangled them selues in the snares of this pestilente opinion. Therefore besides that the Arians Anomoioi. were called Anomoioi whiche signifieth that they affirmed the Sonne to be vnlike the Fa­ther: they were of the Antiochians, who defended the faythe Of one substance and then were deuided for the foresayde cause of Meletius called Exoucoutioi, signifying they had affirmed the Exoucouti­oi. Sonne of God to haue had his beinge of nothinge. When they were demaunded wherefore they constantely affirmed in their Creede that the Sonne was God of God, and nowe durst presume [Page 294] to say that he was vnlike the father and had his beinge of nothinge: they wēt about to bleare their eyes with a ridiculous kind of fallacie. Whereas we affirmed (saye they) the sonne to be God of God, we meante it in that sense as the Apostle wrote where he sayde, that all thinges were of God. Therefore the sonne is of God in as muche as he is included in the worde all. And for this cause we layde downe in our Creedes the Clause: accordinge vnto the Scriptures. The author of this lewde and fonde Glosse was Georgius Bishoppe of Laodicea, who beinge igno­rante and vnskilfull in suche kinde of phrases, perceaued not howe Origen in tymes paste had playnely interpreted suche siguratiue kinde of speaches contayned in the Epistles of Paul. The confederacie of Acacius though they were iustely charged with captious and sopisticall dealing yet weyinge neyther the sclaunder risinge thereof, neither the sentence pronounced against them repeated there the forme of fayth, whiche they had rehearsed at Constantinople: this beinge done cuery one repayred to his owne home. Georgius after his returne to Alexandria (for there after the departure of Athmasius who then hidde himselfe in some obscure place, he was pla­ced Bishop) vered very sore, and punished extremely suche as were of the contrary opinion and Cyullus. Herenius. Heraclius. Hilarius. Cyrillus. plagued the people of Alexandria whiche hated him as a tode. Herenius was chosen Byshoppe of lerusalem in Cyrillus rowme. Whome Heraclius succeeded, after him Hilarius, after all Cy­rillus returned to lerusalem and recouered the Bishopricke againe.

CAP. XXXVI.

Of both Apollinariuses the father, the sonne, and their heresie. Cap 46. in the Greeke.

ABout that time there sprange vp a newe heresie the occasion was as followeth. At Laodi­cea a ciue of Syria there were two men, the father and the sonne of one name, for both was called Apollinarius, whereof the one I meane the father was a priest, the other, that is the sonne was a reader. Both were professors of humanity. The father caught grammer, the sonne Rhetorike. The father beinge borne at Alexandria, first kept schoole at Berytus, afterwardes re­mouinge to Laodicea, he got him a wife, on whome he begate Apollinarius. They both florished at Laodicea in the time of Epiphanius the sophist, and hauing greate familiarity with him they were neuer seene out of his company. Theodotus Bishop of that seae, fearinge greatly lest their fami­liarity with him shoulde bringe them from the faith, and so fall to embrace paganisme, forbadde them his company. They made no accompt of the Bishops commaundement, but kept still com­pany with Epiphamus. In processe of time Georgius the successor of Theodotus hauinge oft assaied, and seinge he coulde by no meanes separate them from Epiphanius, excommunitated them bothe, hopinge thereby with punishment to perswade them to the contrary. But the yonger Apollina­rius stomaking this dealinge, put considence in his painted figures of Rhetorike, and inuented a newe opinion, the whiche at this day after the name of the author is called the heresie of Apolli­narius. Imp [...]nere causeth heresie. Some doe affirme that they fell not out with Georgius for the aforesayd cause, but for that they hearde him preache straunge and contradictorie doctrine: affirminge sometimes the sonne to be like vnto the father as in the councell of Seleucia, at other tymes maintayninge the heresie of Arius, and so for triflinge and lighte occasion to haue fallen from the churche. Whilest that no man gaue eare vnto them, they endeuored to establishe a newe kinde of doctrine: firste they taughte that Bod the worde, tooke manhoode accordinge vnto the order of incarnation without The heresie of Apollina­ [...]us. soule: againe recantinge the same, they affirmed he tooke soule, yet not the minde or reason (beinge the highest and chiefest parte of the soule) but that God the worde was shutte vp, inclu­ded, and comprised in man, in place of the minde. Onely in this they varie from the church which are called their followers, as for the Creed containing y clause Of one substance to be in the blessed Trinitie, they stedfastly cleaue vnto it. But I will heare ceasse and differre the discourse of bothe these Apollinariuses vntill an other conuenient place.

CAP. XXXVII.

Of the death of Constantius the Emperoure.

WHile the Emperoure Constantius remayned at Antioch Iulianus Caesar had muche adoe in Fraunce with many barbarous nations. After that he had gotte the vpper hande the souldiers did so loue him that they proclaimed him Emperour. Constantius hearing of this, was wonderfully troubled and disquieted in minde, so that the griefe thereof cast him into a daungerous disease. Wherefore beinge first baptized of E [...]oius, he made expedition to geue him battaile, And comming as farre as Mopsus wells, betwene Cappadocia and Cilicia, by reason of [Page 295] the great thought and sorowe he conceaued of his vnlucky affayres, he fell into y t senseles & heady sicknesse called Apoplexia, & thereof presently dyed, in the Consulship of Taurus & Florentius, the Constantius dyed Anno Dom. 365. third day of Nouc̄ber, the first yeare of the two hūdreth, eightie, & fift Olympiad. Costatius lyued fiue & forty yeares, he raigned thirtie eight, that is thirtene together with his father, and fiue and twentie after his fathers death. This second booke compriseth the historie of so many yeares.

The ende of the seconde booke of the Ecclesiasticall historie of Socrates.

THE THIRDE BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Of Iulianus his linage and bringing vp: also howe that being Emperour, he left Christian profession, and embraced paganisme and gentilitie.

WHen the Emperour Constantius had departed this life in the borders of Cilicia, the This second booke com­priseth the historie of 2. yeares and 5. moneths du­ringe the raigne of Iu­lian & Ioui­n [...]n the Em­perours en­ding Anno Dom. 368. Iulian suc­ceeded Con­stantius An. Dom. 365. Constantius. Dalmatius. Constantius. Gallus. Iulianus. thirde of Nouember within the Consulship of Taurus & Florentius: lulianus the ele­uenth of December following, & the same Consulship, leauing the west parts of the world, came to Cōstantinople, & there was proclaimed Emperour. Now therfore in as much as I haue determined w t my selfe to discourse of this Emperour Iulian, a mā passing eloquent, let none of his friends looke at my hāds for curious & lofty stile, as though it behoued my penne to coūteruaile y excellēcie of y person. But seeing our drift is otherwise bēt namely for to deliuer y posteritie in writing y true histories of y church, we will follow accordīg vnto out former promise, a lowly & soft kind of phrase correspōdent vnto y capacitie both of lear­ned and vnlearned readers. Wherefore entring to discourse of him we purpose to proceede in this order, after our preamble hath vsed a litle digressiō, & fet a small cōpasse, for to lay downe his kin­red, his nurture, & the maner how he attained vnto y emperiall crowne, Constantinus y Emperour who chaūged y name of Byzantiū, & termed it Cōstantinople, had two brethren of one father, but by diuers mothers, the one was Dalmatius y other Costantius. Dalmatius had a sonne of his owne name: Constatius also had two sōnes, Gallus & Iulianus. When as after the death of Cōstantinopls fosider, y yōger Dalmatius had ben staine of y souldiers: these orphanes likewise bereaued of their naturall father, escaped narowly the vnlucky successe of Dalmatius, for they had bene cut of & dis­patched, had not sicknesse & diseases (as it was thought incurable) saued Gallus life & youthly age of eight yeare old preserued Iulianus aliue, & kept him from y tyrāts clawes. But after y t the Em­perour was appeased, & his furie withdrawen frō raging against thē, Gallus was trained vp vnder schoolemaisters at Ephesus in Ionia, where their auncetors had left either of thē great legacies. Iulianus also being come to y stature of a sprīgall, gaue him selfe to learnīg in y cathedrall church of Cōstātinople, where was a free schoole, he went in simple & meane attire, & was taught of Ma­cedonius Macedonius the Eunuche. Nicocles the Laconian. Ecebolius the Sophist y Cunuch. he learned grāmer of Nicocles y Laconian: & Rhetorike of Ecebolius y sophist, who thē was a Christiā. The Emperour Constātius prouided very well, lest y by hauīg an ethnike to his maister (for Iulianus was a Christiā frō his cradell) he should fall to y superstitious idolatry of pagās. Whē he had profited very much in good discipline & godly literature, y fame wēt of him amōg y t people, y t he was a man both able & fit to gouerne & beare office in the cōmon wealth. The which thing afterwards being then rife in euery mans mouth, disquieted y Emperour not a litle. Wherfore he caused him to be remoued from y princely citie of Cōstātinople into Nicomedia, & Iabanius the Sophist. charged him not to treade in y schoole of Iabanius y Syrian Sophist. Iabanius then was expelled by y schoolemaisters of Constātinople, & kept a schoole at Nicomedia who powred out y poison of his cākred stomake & displeasure cōceaued agaīst y schoolemaisters in a certaine booke which he published agaīst thē. & though Iulianus was therfore forbiddē to frequent Libanis lessōs because he [Page 296] professed paganisme and heathenishe literature: yet for all that, was he so in loue with his works, that he procured them vnto him secretly and by stelth, and perused them with greate labor and di­ligence. When he had taken good successe and great profit in Rhetorike, it fell out that Maximus Maximus the Ephesi [...] phi­losopher was a coniurer, & therfore put to death. the philosopher not the Byzantian the father of Eucleides, but the Ephesian, came to Nicomedia▪ whome the Emperour Valentinianus afterwardes founde to be a coniurer, and recompenced him with present death▪ but that (as I sayde before) fell afterwards. At that time there was no cause that draue him thither, but the fame of Iulian. Of this man it was that Iulian learned the pre­cepts of philosophie: but as for religion he had such a maister as inflamed his minde to a­spire vnto the imperiall scepter. When these thinges came to the Emperours eares, Iulian nowe muzinge betwene hope and fearefull hatred, howe he myght be voyde of suspition, who of late had bene a true Christian, but nowe an hypocriticall dissembler, shaued him selfe, and Iulian a coū ­terfeyte shauching. counterfayted a monkishe life. For all that, priuely he applyed heathenishe and philosophicall di­scipline, but openly he read holy scripture, so that he was made reader in the church of Nicome­dia. Thus craftely vnder cloke of religion did he appease the furious rage of the Emperour in­censed agaynst him. These things did he of feare, yet not dispayring of hope, for he sticked not to tell diuers of his familiar friends, that it woulde be a happie worlde if he were made Emperour. When it went thus with him, Gallus his brother was created Caesar, who taking his iourney into the East came by Nicomedia for to see him. After that Gallus in a while after was slayne, imme­diatly from that time forth Iuliamus was had in greate suspicion of the Emperour, and therevpon commaunded that he shoulde be straightly looked vnto, he espying fitt opportunitie to escape his keepers, conueyed him selfe away and saued his life. At length Eusebia y Empresse, finding him by chaunce lurking in some secret and obscure place, intreated the Emperour in his behalfe, that he would not onely doe him no harme: but also graunt him his lawfull fauour for to repaire to A­thens for further knowledge in philosophie. To be short he sent for him: made him Caesar: gaue him Iulianus was made Caesar, and sent into Fraunce. his sister Helen to wife: and sent him into Fraunce for to wage battaile with y barbarian nations which rebelled agaynste their Christian Emperour. For the Barbarians whome the Emperour Constantius had hyred a litle before to geue battaile vnto Magnentius the tyrāt, when as they pre­uayled nothing against him, they fell a ransacking and spoyling of the cities within the Romaine dominions: and because Iulian had but a greene head and of no great yeares, the Emperour gaue him charge to enterprise nothing without the aduise and counsell of his sage & expert captaines. When y they hauing this large commission waxed negligent, so y the Barbarians had the vpper hand: Iulianus permitted the captaines to banquet, to take their pastime & pleasure, & layd downe a sett and certaine reward for euery Barbarian that was slayne, whereby he did the more incou­rage the souldiers. By this meanes it fell out that the power of the Barbarians came to nought, and that he him selfe was greatly beloued of his souldiers. The fame goeth that as he entred into a certaine towne, a greene garland hanging by a corde betwene pillours (wherewith commonly A garlande foreshewing the crowne of the empire they are wont to trimme their houses, and sett forth the beautie of their cities) fell vpon his head, and sitted him very well, insomuch that all the people then present, gaue a great shout thereat▪ for it was thought that the falling garland prognosticated vnto him the glory of the imperiall seepter following after. Some say that Constantius sent him against the Barbarians, hoping that in skir­mishing with them he shoulde there be dispatched▪ but whether they report truely or no I knowe not. For after that he had maryed him to his sister, if then he shoulde pretende him friendship and practise mischiefe towards him, what other thing were that then to procure vengeance to lyght vpon his owne pate. but whether it be thus or otherwise, lett euery man iudge as he thinkes best. When Iulian had signified vnto the Emperour the carelesse and s [...]outhfull disposition and negli­gence of the captaines, he sent him an other, that was valiant, seruiceable, and a man for Iulianus owne vayne. Iulian after his comming fought manfully with the Barbarians: who sent an embassa­dour vnto him shewinge the letters patents and commission of the Emperour that commaunded them to go into the borders of the Romaine countries. But Iulian layd their embassadour in hold, waged battaile with the multitude, ouercame the enemy, and sent the king of the Barbarians cap­tiue Iulianus of the souldiers proclaymed Emperour, & crowned with a chaine of golde. vnto the Emperour Constantius. After this lucky and prosperous successe, the souldiers pro­clayme him Emperour. The emperiall crowne was not then present, but one of his trayne tooke a chayne of golde from about his necke, and compassed his head therwith in steede of the crowne. In this sort it was that Iulianus beganne his raigne. What he did in time following, whether it became a philosopher or no, let other men iudge that shall heare thereof. For he determined with [Page 297] him selfe thenceforth to send no embassadour vnto Constātius, neyther to doe homage, or to honor him as his superiour, patrone, or wellwiller: but to deale in all matters accordinge vnto his owne will and pleasure. He altered the presidents throughout euery prouince, he discredited Con­stantius in euery citie by reading openly and sko [...]ing at his letters written vnto the Barbariās, so that all fell from Constantius & followed after Iulianus. In the ende he layd aside all his hypocrisie Iulian the Emperour is become an Apostata, & so was he called vnto his ende. & dissembling of Christian religiō. For as he passed throughout euery citie he set wide open their temples and idoll groues, he sacrificed to pictures, and entitled him selfe an high priest: so that the pagans celebrated afreshe their heathenishe & abhominable feasts. When these things were thus brought to passe, he tooke occasion to raise ciuill warrs against Costātius, & procured (as much as lay in him) all miserie, calamitie, & mischiefe which accustome to follow warre, to be committed. Neither truly could this philosophers mind haue bene throughly knowē without great slaughter & bloodshedīg, vnlesse God (who is the only iudge of his owne secret coūcell) had without y cala­mitie of others cut of frō his purpose y other aduersary. For as Iulianus cōtinewed amōg y Thra­cians, tydings were brought him of Constantius death. Thus was the Romaine empire then deli­uered from ciuill warres. Immediatly Iulianus got him to Constātinople, and forthwith deuiseth how to winne the peoples harts, and to linke them vnto him in loue and obedience. He compassed The policie of Iulian for the winninge of the people with him selfe this craft. Knowinge of a certaintie that Constantius was deadly hated of all them that embraced the Creede contayninge the clause of One substance: partly for that he had de­depriued them of their churches, and partly also for that he had banished and exiled their bishops: vnderstanding also that the Ethnickes could in no wise away with him, because that he kept them from sacrificinge, and that they hoped to see the day when their idoll groues should be frequented, and their altars loded with sacrifice: seeing that both these sorts of men seuerally owed spite vnto the deseased Constantius, and to be short how that all men abhorred the Eunuches, and detested the haynous spoyle of Eusebius: he craftely applyed him selfe to euery sort, and framed his behauiour according vnto euery ones humor. He dissembleth and fla [...]tereth with some: others he allureth w t benefites and swellinge pryde of hoped promotion. But euery where he proclaymeth, and all the world is geuen to vnderstand his disposition towards idolatrie. And first he inueyeth at y crueltie of Constātius, next to the end he might make him odious amōg the cōmon sort of people, he calleth home by edict y bishops he had exiled, cōmaūding also that their cōfiscated substance should be re­stored thē againe. He gaue charge that without any adoe y ethnickes should haue free accesse into their tēples: he made a law y the Eunuchs shoulde make restitutiō of such substāce as they had in­iuriously takē away. he cōmaunded y Eusebius the Emperours chiefe chāberlaine should haue his head strooke of his shoulders, not only for the great iniuries he offred to diuers mē, but also (as he was geuē to vnderstād) for y his brother Gallus through his malicious procurement had bene put Eunuchs, Barbours, & Cookes were banished the Emperours court. to death. At lēgth he buryed Constātius honorably. Afterwards he r [...]d y court of y eunuches, bar­bours and Cookes: the Eunuches, because y by their meanes it came to passe, that Constātius be­ing diuorced frō his wife, maryed not againe: the cookes, because he had vsed a spare kind of dyet: the barbours, because (as he sayd) one was inough for [...] great many. For the aforesayd causes he banished these kind of men out of his pallace. He turned out diuers of the notaries to their former trades, and vnto some he cōmaunded that the stipend dew vnto scriueuers shoulde duely be payed. Moreouer he cōmaunded that the ordinary cariadge prouided for necessaries, shoulde no more be by Mules, Oxen, and Asses: but permitted that in such publique affaires the onely vse of horses shoulde be retayned. There be but fewe which commende these his doinges, and sure I am, there be many that discommende them: because that in remouing the admiration and glorie of the em­periall treasure and sumptuous magnificence, whereat many dyd wonder, he brought the Em­pire into an abiect porte, and contemptuous kinde of state. In the nyght he made orations, and pronounced them the day followinge in the Senate: so that he alone of all the Emperours from the raygne of Iulius Caesar, vnto his tyme was hearde to sound orations in the Senate. Although he fauoured greately and bare singular good wyll vnto all learned men and paynefull students, yet aboue all others he esteemed such as professed philosophie, so that the fame thereof beynge bruted abroade, all such kinde of men bragginge not a little of theyr profession frequented vnto the Emperours pallace, of which number manie attyred in mantells, were more reue­renced for theyr peltinge habite then theyr professed doctrine. All these sorte of men became heauie friendes vnto the Christians, as lewde varletts they alwayes applyed them selues to the Emperours relygion. The Emperoure him selfe beynge puffed vp beyonde all [Page 298] measure with the swellinge pryde of vayne glorie, wrote a booke the which he intituled Caesares, wherein he bitterly inueyed against all the Emperours his predecessors. Beyng also of the same minde, and hauing his stomacke distempered with the cancred poyson of malice, he made decla­mations and inuectiues against the Christians. In that he banished Cookes and Barbours out of his courte, we haue to gather that therein he played the parte rather of a philosopher then of an Emperour: and in that he opprobriously taunted and reuyled his auncetors, he shewed him selfe playnely to be neyther philosopher, neyther Emperour. For both those sortes of men are voyde of malicious backbytinge, and despitefull enuie. For euen as it behoueth the Emperour to seeke after those precepts of philosophie which tende to the moderation and modestie of minde: so the Philosopher if he imitate the Emperour in all thinges, he shall passe the boundes of his cal­linge, and forgett his profession. Thus much briefly of the Emperour Iulians linage, his brin­ginge vp and disposition, also howe he came to be Emperour: nowe let vs returne to discourse of the ecclesiasticall affayres within that tyme.

CAP. II.

Of the commotion risen at Alexandria, and the death of Georgius.

IT fell out vpon this occasion at the beginninge, that there rose a greate vprore at Alexandria. There was a certaine place within the citie, which of old time lay all wast and open, full of all filth and vncleanesse, where the Ethniks (with rites and ceremonies done to the honor of Mi­thra) accustomed to offer vp men for sacrifice. This platt of ground seruing to no vse or purpose, The Persians worshipped the sonne, which they called Mi­thra. Constantius gaue to the church of Alexandria. Georgius purposing with him selfe to founde there a church, causeth the ground to be ridd, and the filthe to be caryed away. Hauing purged the place, there was found a chauncell of great heyghth where the Ethniks had layd vp the reliques of their mysteries. There was also found therein an infinite number of dead mens skulles, both of yonge and olde, the which as we are geuen to vnderstande, were slayne when the Pagans vsed bowells and intraylls for diuination and deuelish southsaying, thereby to dasell and bleare the eyes of sim­ple and ignorant soules. When these were found in the vesteryes and secret closets of Mithra, the Christians went about to disclose vnto the world their practises, to the end their fond ceremonies myght be derided of all men. They cary about the bauld skulls of the dead for the people to gaze vpon. The Pagans inhabiting Alexandria perceyuing their drift▪ stomaked the Christians, boy­led within them selues for anger, tooke that which first came to their handes, sett vpon them, and slewe of them euery kind of way: so that some were runne through with swords, some other bray­ned with clubbs, other some stoned to death, some strangled with halters about their necks, some other were nayled to the tree, casting in their teeth the death of the crosse. In the end, as cōmonly it falleth out in such hurlyburlyes, they held not their hands, no not from their dearest friends: one friende fell vpon an other, the one brother sought the other brothers lyfe, the parents put theyr children to death, and to be short the one cutt the others throte: so that the Christians were fayne The death of Georgius bi­shop of Ale­xandria. to ceasse from rydding the filth and foule closetts of Mithra: and Georgius was of the gentils pul­led out of the church by the eares, tyed to a camell, torne in peeces, and burned to ashes, together with the beast.

CAP. III.

Howe that the Emperour taking grieuously the death of Georgius, rebuked sharply in his letters the people of Alexandria.

THe Emperour beyng wonderfully moued with the death of Georgius, wrote bytter letters vnto the people of Alexandria. The reporte goeth, that such as conceaued displeasure a­gaynst him in the quarell of Athanasius, committed these thinges agaynste Georgius, for to dispatche him out of the way. But in my opinion they that be at variance amonge them selues, most commonly holde together when necessitie constrayneth them, in tumultes and seditions to withstand the violence of desperate and damned persons. Wherfore the Emperours epistle char­geth not the Christians seuerally, but all the inhabitants of Alexandria. Georgius (as it is very lyke) had diuersly molested and greeued them all, and therefore the people was furiously sett on fiery seditiō. that the Emperour wrote generally vnto y whole multitude heare out of his epistle The epistle of Iulian the Apostata vnto the in­habitants of Alexandria. as followeth. The Emperour Caesar Iulianus, Maximus, Augustus, vnto the people of Alexandria [Page 299] sendeth greetinge. Although it falleth out amongest you that there is no reuerence geuen vnto Alexander the founder of your citie, or (that vvhich is greater) if ye stand in no avve of the great and moste holie God Serapis: yet doe I greately maruell that you vvere so voyde of common reason, naturall affection, and honest ciuilitie and that (vvhich with modestie I may add there­vnto) you had so little consideration of our person, vvhome not onely the greate God Serapis but also all the other godds haue thought vvorthie to be Emperour of the vvhole vvorlde, vnto vvhome it shoulde haue bene your parte to haue had recourse, and to haue geuen vs the hea­ringe of all such iniuries vvhatsoeuer you had sustayned at the handes of levvde and disobedi­ent persons. But peraduenture the boylinge heate of anger, and the furious motion of the mynde, ouershadovved your vvytts, and blynded your eyes, the vvhich most commonly be­ynge remoued from the seate of reason, is vvont to committe such cruell and haynous actes. And though the fonde humour of sedition feedinge on malice, vvas hyndered a little: yet for all that it brake out to the contempt and ouerthrovve of the lavves. You therefore seynge ye are numbred amonge the people and inhabitants of Alexandria, vvhome neyther rea­son coulde persvvade, neyther shame vvithdravve from attemptinge the thynges, for the vvhich you myght haue iustly detested them: I charge you in the name of Serapis tell mee, vvhat vvicked fiende hath thus furiously prouoked you to seeke the death of Georgius? you vvyll saye peraduenture he incensed agaynste you the most blessed Emperour Constantius: that he procured a bande of armed souldiers to be brought into your sacred citie: that the Liuetenant of Aegypt ransacked and kept from you the most holie temple of God, caryed avvay thence the images, the monuments, & glorious ornature prouided for the solemnitie of seruice: and also that vvhen you not digestinge those haynous acts, endeuoured (and that not vvithout iust cause) to maynetayne the quarell of your god, yea rather to retayne the glorious ornaments of your greate god, the same Liuetenant contrarie to all reason both vn­iustly and vvyckedly sett vpon you vvith armed souldiers, vvho fearing more the displeasure of Georgius the byshop, then of Constantius the Emperour, thought best in such sorte to saue him selfe. For novve of a longe vvhyle he had behaued him selfe more orderly and ciuilly then tyrannically disposed tovvardes you. For the vvhich causes you vvere incensed agaynste Georgius the open aduersarie of the godds, and haue thus defyled vvith conspiracie and slaughter your holie citie, vvhen as you myght haue sued him in the lavve, and brought him to his tryall, and the sentence of the Iudges. In so doinge this haynous offence had not broken out into bloodshedinge and horrible murther: but vvoulde haue pacified the matter in aequall ballaunce and preserued you vvithout harme or domage: it vvoulde haue sharpely punished the authour of such levvde practises, and kept vnder all them vvhich not onely despise the gods, but also sette at nought such noble cities and famous assemblies, supposinge the crueltie they exercise vpon them to be a furtherance vnto their povver and authoritie. Conferre this my epi­stle vvith that vvhich of late I sent vnto you, and weye diligently the difference betvvene them. In the former I haue highly commended you, but novve in the later I take the immortall godds to vvitnesse, vvhen that I endeuour (as duetie requireth) to prayse you, the horrible offence vvhich you committed, stoppeth my mouth, and stayeth my penne. VVhat? dareth the subiect as a madde dogge pull man in peeces vvith his teeth? ought not he be ashamed of so haynous an offence? Is this to purifie and clense the handes, and to holde them vp streat­ched vvide vnto the gods, as if they vvere not polluted vvith the blemishe and infamie of mur­ther? But Georgius had no other then vvas devve vnto his desert, and peraduenture I my selfe might iustly haue affirmed that by all ryght he shoulde haue suffered farre vvorse. But you vvill say, that he deserued it for his dealinge tovvards you: and therein I am of your opinion. But if you say that it behoued you to punishe him, that vvill I in no vvyse graunte. You haue lavves, the vvhich ought greatly to be honored and embraced of all men both publiquely and pri­uately. But notvvithstandinge though it commonly fall out, that manie be founde faultie and seuerall trespassors, yet ought vve to fauour the publique state of the common vveale, to o­bey the lavves, and in no vvyse to violate the auncient and godlie decrees. Thinke your Nicephorus in steede of graundfather readeth Vn­cle. selues happie (O ye people of Alexandria) that this haynous offence vvas committed by you in my tyme, for I can not in maner chuse but embrace you vvith brotherly affection, partly for the reuerence I ovve vnto God, and the affection I beare vnto my graundfather of the same title vvith me, vvho sometyme gouerned both Aegypt and your citie. For the prince [Page 300] that vvyll not brynge him selfe vnder the gyrdle of his subiect, the discrete and vpryght magi­strate may not vvinke at so haynous an offence of the people, lest that necessitie constrayne to cure so greeuous a maladie vvith farre greater griefe, and more desperate medicine. But I for the aforesayd causes doe applie vnto these your sores most gentle and tollerable salues, to wete exhortation and curteous language: vvhervnto I am certainely persvvaded you vvill yeelde, if you be the men I take you for, descendinge of the auncient stocke of the Graecians, & retaining in your breasts that noble & valiant courage, hauing also all the properties of curteous and ci­uill life (I speake vnto you my louinge citizens of Alexandria) impressed in the secret closets of your mindes. This was the epistle of the Emperour.

CAP. IIII.

Howe that after the death of Georgius, Athanasius returninge vnto Alexandria, tooke agayne the gouernement of the bishopricke, of Luciser and Eusebius: and howe that Lucifer made Paulinus byshop of Antioche.

NOt longe after the people of Alexandria receaued with louinge and chearefull mindes Athanasius returneth to Alexandria after the death of Cō ­stantius. their byshop Athanasius returninge from exile, at what tyme also the Arians were bani­shed the Christian congregations, and the Church restored to the gouernment of Atha­nasius. But the Arians meetinge in priuate houses, appoynted Lucius to succeede Georgius in the byshopricke. At that tyme thus went the affaires of Alexandria. Cap. 5. in the Greeke. In the meane whyle Lucifer and Eusebius by the Emperours edict were called home from banishment. Lucifer was byshop of Caralitanum a citie in Sardinia: Eusebius (as I sayde before) was byshop of Vercellae a ci­tie of the Ligurian Italians. Both they returninge from the hygher countries of Thebae, con­sulted together by what meanes they myght recouer their byshoprickes without preiudice to the canon and decree of the churche. Cap. 6. in the greeke. Wherefore after aduisement taken it seemed good that the one of them (I meane Lucifer) shoulde goe to Antioche in Syria: the other, that is Eusebius, shoulde take his voyage to Alexandria, where by the meanes of Athanasius a Councell myght be cal­led together, and the canons of the church therein confirmed. Lucifer sent thither a Deacon, si­gnifyinge by him that he woulde subscribe vnto the decrees of the Councell. He him selfe went to Antioche, where he founde the state of the churche very troublesome. For the multitude was deuided, and the congregations at variance, not onely by reason of Euzoius hereticall opinion, but also (as I sayde before) because that the sect of Meletius, for the singular fauour they bare vnto him, seuered them selues from the faithfull. Lucifer therefore when he had ordayned Pauli­nus to be byshop of that seae, departed thence.

CAP. V. Cap 7 in the Greeke.

Howe that Eusebius ioyninge with Athanasius called a Councell at Alexandria, where the blessed Trinitie was pronounced to be of one and aequall substance.

AFter that Eusebius came to Alexandria, he dealte earnestly with Athanasius for the sum­moninge The councel held at Ale­xandria con­demned the A [...]ns, A­pollinari [...]s, and Macedo­nians. of a Councell: so that the byshops assembled out of diuers cities: decreed very necessarie doctrine: confirmed the diuinitie of the holie Ghost to be of one substance in the blessed Trinitie: affirmed the sonne of God at his incarnation, to haue taken not onely humaine fleshe, but also a reasonable soule, as the auncient fathers of olde haue deliuered vnto vs. They woulde not establishe neither thrust into the church of God any newe opinion. But such things as of old were inioyned by ecclesiasticall decree, and layd downe vpon good consideration by such as were wise, learned, and zelous Christians. For thus did the elders of old tyme reason of this mat­ter, and deliuer in writinge vnto the posteritie. Irenaeus, Clemens, Apollinarius bishop of Hierato­polis, and Serapion byshop of Antioch, haue w t generall consent layd downe euery where through­out their works, that the sonne at his incarnation was endued with reasonable soule. Moreouer y councell summoned for the hearing of Cyrillus cause, who was bishop of Philadelphia in Arabia▪ signified y selfe same by their letters vnto Cyrillus. Orige likewise who throughout his works tea­cheth y the sōne in takīg fleshe tooke also soule: yet in y ninth homily vpō Genesis, he openeth this mystery more plainly, where at large he discourseth how y Adam [...]are y figure of Christ, & Eue y [Page 301] figure of the church. Hereof Pāphilus and Eusebius who of him tooke his appellation, are witnes­ses sufficient, for both they imploying their labor ioyntly for to penne in paper the life of Origen, and preuenting w t Apollogies in his behalfe the sclaūderous accusations of the aduersaries: haue affirmed y t Origen was not the first that entreated of this matter, but y t he interpreted vnto the po­steritie the mysticall tradition of the church in y behalfe. Moreouer the bishops which mett in the councell of Alexandria, haue discussed the controuersie of the clause of essence and substance. For Osius bishop of Corduba in Spaine (of whome we haue spoken before) being sent by the Empe­rour Osius. b. of Cordubago­ing about to remoue one opiniō, gaue occasion to rayse an o­ther. Hebr. 1. Constantine to appease the tumult raysed by Arius, in disputinge of essence and substance, to the ouerthrowe of Sabellius the Aphricks opinion, he ministred occasion to the raysinge of a newe controuersie. But at that tyme there was not a worde of this matter in the Councell of Nice: for afterwards when diuers contended and reasoned among them selues hereof, this coun­cell tooke order toutching the clauses of essence and substance, and decreed: that in handling the diuinitie of God there should thenceforth no mentiō be made of these words: affirming y the word essence was not founde in holie scripture, and that the Apostle in deliueringe the grounde of doc­trine, was constrayued of necessitie to vse the word substance. But they decreed farther that in an other sense, to the end the opinion of Sabellius might be rooted out, these words were to be admit­ted: lest that through the want of proper wordes we should be compelled to imagine the thinge of three names to be as one, but that the seuerall names of the blessed Trinitie signifie and sett forth God, to subsist by him selfe in proper substance. These were the things decided in that Councell. I see nothinge to the contrarie, but that presently also we may laye downe what we learned and read of the wordes essence and substance. Such as laboured in Greece to sett forth the sage do­ctrine of the Grecians, gaue vs to vnderstande, that the worde Essence was diuersly to be taken, Irenaeus Grāmaticus. and had many significations: but of the word Substance they made no mention at all: nay Irenae­us Gramm [...]ticus in his Atticke Dictionarie termeth it a barbarous worde. He sayeth moreouer that it can not be founde in any auncient writer, and if that perchaunce we lyght vpon it, that it was neuer meant in the sense we take it: That Sophocles in his Tragedie of Phoenix, taketh Hy­postasis for wyles or conspiracie, and Menander for sauce, and resignifyed also l [...]es or dregges of wyne. For though the auncient Philosophers haue not vsed this worde, yet we see that the la­ter wryters haue taken it very oft for Essence. But we haue spoken before that the definition of Essence was deliuered to haue diuers significations. If that Essence may be comprised by defi­nition, howe, when we entreate of God which is incomprehensible, can we properly vse this boyced Euagrius in his booke intituled The Mooke, exhorteth vs to refrayne from rashe and vn­aduised reasoninge of the God head: he forbyddeth the definition of the diuinitie of God, because it is a simple thinge. For definitions (sayeth he) are alwayes of conc [...]e [...] and compound things, not of the abstract and simple. His wordes are these: Euery proposition, as the Logicians doe vvrite, hath eyther Genus, of vvhome it may be verifyed, o [...] Species, or Differentia, or Proprium, Fuagrius in lib. Monach or Accidens, or that vvhich dependeth of these: But in the handlinge of the blessed Trinitie, none of all th [...]se is to be required, because it can not be layde dovvne, neyther expressed by vvordes, therefore it is not to be defined, but reuerently to be runne ouer vvith silence. So farre presently out of Euagrius, but here after more at large. We of our owne parte, although we steme to haue digressed, yet in so much these things appertayne vnto the discourse of our present argument, [...] haue thought good to lay them downe here.

CAP. VI. Cap. 8. in the Greeke

The Apollogie of Athanasius in defence of his flyght in the tyme of persecution:

AThanasius at that very tyme read in the hearinge of such as were present an Apollogie, Athanasius re [...]d his A­pollogie in the counce [...] of Alexād [...] the which he had written a litle before in his owne defence, when as by reason of the ar­med souldiers that besett the churche of Alexandria, and sought his lyfe▪ he was fayne to leaue all and runne away. Whereof I haue thought good at this present to alleadge some such parcell as may seeme to brynge most profitt vnto the louing reader, leauinge the whole discourse beynge somewhat ouer longe vnto the labour and industrie of the paynefull students. Beholde The Apol [...] gie of Athanasius wr [...] in his owne defence a­gaynst the sclaunderous mouths of the Arians. ( [...]ayth Athanasius) the lewde practises of vvicked persons. Although they are priuie vnto these haynous offences, yet for all that they are nothinge ashamed of the contumelyes an d [...]uell [Page 302] tyrannle they exercised against vs: but charge vs (in their opinion) vvith a foule spott and ble­mishe of infamie, for escapinge the handes of cutthrotes and blood [...]uckers, yea they beshrevve them selues, that they dispatched vs not out of the vvay. Moreouer to the ende they may stayne my credite and aestimation, they fall to accuse me for faint courage, and timorous disposition, being forgetfull that vvhilest they blased these thinges to my dispraise, they turned the shame to light vpon their ovvne pates. For if it be a discredite to slie the handes of the tyrant, hovve much more to persecute mē vnto the death. He that flieth seeketh meanes to saue his life, but he that persecuteth goeth about to procure the others death. That vve shoulde flie in such cases the scriptures are on our side, but in thurstinge after the bloode of our brother, the commaun­dement is broken, and the author thereof is founde chiefe cause of the flight. If they blame a­ny man for geuinge them the slippe, they are vvorthie of farre greater shame and reprehension. For lett them ceasse from persecutinge and threatninge of death, then vvill the other remaine still, and not runne avvay. But their spite and malice hath no ende, they doe nought else [...]aue deuise feates to bringe men vnto destruction, yea vvhen they knovve full vvell that the flight of the persecuted is a foule shame vnto the persecutours. For no man flieth the gentle and meeke, but rather the cruell and vvicked man. They that vvere greeued and farre indetted vnto 1. Reg. 22. others, gaue Saul the slippe, and fledde vnto Dauid. VVherefore these men goe about to dis­patche such as conuey them selues out of their vvay, lest the levvdnesse of Bishops be manifest­ly knovven, vvithout doubte herein they seeme to be starke blinde. For looke hovve euident the flyght is, farre more apparent vvyll theyr slaughter and banishmentes seeme vnto the vvorlde. If they murther men, death no doubt lifteth her voyce, and soundeth out their cruel­tie: if they fall a banishinge of them, therein they sett vp monuments to the remembrance of their vvicked doinges. Had they bene in theyr ryght vvitts, they might haue easilie percea­ned their ovvne follie, and them selues ouerthrovven in their ovvne deuises. But in that they are bereaued of their vvittes and beside them selues, they fall a persecutinge of others, and vvhile they endeuour to mischiefe others, they perceaue not their ovvne malice and impietie. If they reprochefully charge them which hide them selues from such as seeke their liues, and ac­cuse them for strenge the handes of the persecutor, what haue they to say (I beseche you) vvhen they heare that Iacob fledd from the face of his brother Esau, and that Moses for feare of Pharao▪ Gen. 27. Exod. 2. 1. Reg. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 27. conueyed him selfe to Madian? VVhat haue these contentious quarellers to saye vnto Dauid, vvho fledd from Saul, vvhich sent of his garde out of his house to slaye him: hid him selfe in a caue: counterfeited his person vntill that subtly he had past Abimelech the priest, and auoyded their layinge of vvaite for him? VVhat ansvvere can these rashe bablers geue [...] vvhen they see that the greate prophete Elias, vvho so deuoutly called vpon the name of God; and raysed the 3. Reg. 17. 18. 19. 3. Reg. 18. dead, vvas faine to hide him selfe from Achaab, and runne away because of the threats of Ie­ [...]bel? For it is written howe that in those dayes, the sonnes of the prophets beinge sought for, hid them selues, and through the helpe of Abdias [...]urked in denns. VVhat haue they not read these auncient stories? vvhat, are they ignorant also of such thinges as the Euangelists haue Mat. 26. Act 9. 2. Corinth. 11. vvritten? For the Disciples fearinge the levves, stole them selues from amonge them. More­ouer Paul beynge at Damascus▪ and sought out by the gouernour of that countrey, vvas lett dovvne ouer the vvall in a basket, and so escaped the magistrate. Seeinge that holie scripture hath thus remembred the behauiour of holie men▪ vvhat coulourable shyfte can they finde to cloke their impudent dealinge? If they charge them vvith timorous feare, the fault recoyles and lighteth vpon their owne distempered brayne: If they report it to be contra­rie to the will of God, then are they founde altogether ignorant of the vvorde of God. For it is commaunded in the Lawe, that sanctuaries and cities of refuge, shoulde be ordayned for such [...]on. 35. [...]e [...]t. 4. [...]e [...]t. 19. [...]sue. 20. as vvere pursued to death, vvhere after they had sledde vnto them, they might lyue in safe­tie. Furthermore the vvorde of the father vvhich in olde tyme spake vnto Moses, hath commaunded in these last dayes: VVhen they shall persecute you in this cytie, flye into an other. And agayne: VVhen you see (sayeth Christ) the abhomination of desolation, [...]at. 10. [...]at. 24. [...]ar. 13. [...]c. 21. mentioned in the Prophete Daniel, standinge in the holie place, (he that readeth lett him vnderstande it) then lette them that be in Iudaea, flye vnto the mountaynes▪ he that is on the house toppe, lette him not come dovvne to take ought out of his house: and lett not him that is in the fielde, returne home for his raymente. The vvhiche vvhen holie men had learned, they framed their trade of lyfe agreeable therevnto. For looke vvhatsoeuer [Page 303] the Lorde commaunded at that tyme, the same he vttered by the mouthes of his Sainctes, yea before his incarnation. And this is the vvay to perfection, for men to performe that in deede, vvhich the Lorde commaunded in vvorde. VVherefore the vvorde of God being made man Iohn. 8. for our sakes, sticked not to hide him selfe, as vve commonly doe, vvhen he vvas sought for: and agayne to flie, to the ende he might auoyde the conspiracie of the Pharises vvhich perse­cuted him. For euen as by pacient sufference of hunger and thurst, and such kinde of miseries he vvoulde shevve him selfe to be true man: so also by flyinge avvay from the face of the ad­uersary. Moreouer euen from the very cradle and svvadling cloutes, as soone as he had taken Matth 2. fleshe of the virgine, being as yet but a childe, he gaue charge vnto Ioseph by the Angell, say­ing: rise, take the childe together vvith his mother and flie into Aegypt, for it vvill come to passe that Herode vvill goe about to seeke the life of the childe. Likevvise after the desease of Matth. 2. Herode, vvhen he hearde that Archelaus the sonne of Herode raygned in his steede, it plea­sed him to goe aside into the partes of Nazareth. Aftervvardes vvhen he made him selfe ma­nifest Matth. 12. to be God, and healed the vvithered hande, the Pharises vvent out and tooke councell hovve they might dispatche him: but Iesus perceauinge their conspiracie, conueyed him selfe from amonge them. Agayne vvhen he restored Lazarus to life, from that daye forth (sayth Ioh. 11. the text) they tooke councell hovve they might put him to death. Iesus therefore after that tyme shevved not him selfe openly amonge the Ievves, but departed vnto a solitary place ad­ioyning vnto the vvildernesse. Beside all this vvhen our Sauiour auoutched, saying: before A­braham Ioh. 8. vvas, I am: the Ievves tooke vp stones for to throvve at him: but the Lorde hid him selfe, and vvent out of the temple, and passing through the middest of the thronge, escaped avvay. VVhen they see these examples (but they seeing as it is vvritten doe not see) and be­thinke Matth. 13. them selues of these presidents, are they not invvardly pricked in conscience, vvhen as they pre [...]mue thus vnaduisedly to bolt out sentences, and sit in iudgment both vpon the sayings and doings of our Sauiour? To this purpose vvas that of Iesus, vvho vnderstanding of the be­heading Matth. 14. of Iohn the Baptist, and the burying of his body by his disciples, tooke shiping & wēt aside into a desert place. Thus the Lorde him selfe both did these thinges, and taught the same. I vvoulde to God these men vvoulde novv at length be ashamed of their doings, and cease e­uen presently from sclaundering of true professors: and not proceede on further in their furious disposition, charging yea our Sauiour him selfe vvith timorous feare and faint corage, blasphe­ming vvith all might the maiestie of his blessed name▪ but no man can avvay vvith such kinde of persons, that are vvholy geuen ouer vnto all vngracious behauiour, it may easily be proued that they are altogether ignorant vvhat the Euangelists haue left vs in vvriting. The cause that moued our Sauiour to slie and goe aside (being layde dovvne in the Gospell) seemed not one­ly to be agreeable vnto reason, but vvas in very deede most true: vve therefore haue to conie­cture that the same by all likelyhoode happened vnto all the Sainctes of God. for vvhatsoeuer thinges are vvritten to haue chaunced vnto our Sauiour, after the maner of men, vve haue not referre the same vnto all mankinde: in so much he tooke our nature vpon him, and liuely ex­pressed in him selfe the humane affections of our fraile constitution: euen as it is vvritten in the Gospell after Iohn: they sought to take him but no man laide handes vpon him, because that Ioh. 7. his houre vvas not as yet come. Yea before this came about, he sayde vnto his mother: Mine Ioh. 2. 7. houre is not as yet come. He spake also vnto them that vvere called his brethren: my tyme is not yet come. Agayne vvhen the houre vvas come, he sayd vnto his disciples: sleepe on novv Matth. 26. and take your rest, beholde the houre is at hande, the sonne of man shalbe betrayed into the handes of sinners. Therefore neyther suffred he him selfe to be taken before his tyme vvas come: neyther hid he him selfe, vvhen the houre vvas at hande, but yelded him selfe vnto the ene­mie. In like sorte the blessed Martyrs in the great heate, and troublsome stormes of perse­cution vvhiche often came to passe, being pursued by men fledde avvay, and hid them sel­ues in secret and solitary places, but being taken they valiantly encountred vvith the aduersa­ries & ended the combatt vvith martyrdome. These were the reasons of Athanasius layd downe in his Apollogie the which he wrote in the defence of his departure from his bishopricke in the time of persecution.

CAP. VII. Cap. 9. in the Greeke.

Eusebius after the councell held at Alexandria was broken vp, returned to Antioch, where he founde the people at variance by reason that Paulinus was there chosen Bishop: and when that he coulde not preuaile among them with exhort ations to peace and vnitie, he gott him home to his owne bishoprick of Vercellae.

EƲsebius Bishop of Vercellae immediatly after the dissoluing of the councell gott him to An­tioch. but when he founde Paulinus whome Lucifer had assigned to be their Bishop, and the people deuided into two partes (for the sect of Meletius had seuerall conuenticles by them selues) he was wonderfull sorie, because they did not all agree vnto the election of Paulinus. for in his secret opinion he condemned the act, yet because of the reuerence he owed vnto Lucifer he con­cealed his sentence: and as soone as he promised by summoning of a councell that he would pro­uide for their quiet state, he left them and went his way. but first of all when as afterwards he had done his best for the reconciling of the brethren that were at variance, yet all was to no purpose. for Meletius returning from exile and finding his complices to frequent secret meetings and con­uenticles, became their superintendent. all the other churches that were there abouts were vnder Euzouis the Arian. Paulinus had but one litle parish within the citie, of the which Euzoius did not depriue him, because of the reuerence he owed vnto him. Meletius had his conuenticles in the sub­urbes without the walls of the citie. For that time, when the affayres went in this sorte, Eusebius tooke his leaue of Antioch. Lucifer vnderstanding that Eusebius misliked with that election of his, Impaciency bringeth he­resie. tooke it very contumeliously and was altogether impacient. He refused therefore to communicate with Eusebius, and being kindled with the fiery flame of contention, he reiected the canons of the councell. these thinges falling out in those heauy tymes and tempestuous seasons for ecclesiastical affayres ministred occasion that many fell from the fayth: so that a newe sect called the Luciferian heresie then first sprange vp. but Lucifer coulde not haue his fill, neyther satisfie him selfe with an­ger, The hereti­call sect of the Luciferi­ans. because that he bounde him selfe with his owne promises, sent vnto the councell by his Dea­con (who subscribed thereunto in his name) to geue his assent. Wherefore hauing agreed (though against his will) vnto the canons of the church, he gott him vnto his owne bishoprick in Sardinia. But they which fretted within them selues no lesse then he, as yet doe remaine out of the Churche. Eusebius passing throughout the contries of the East cured and confirmed like a cunning Phisici­on such as were weakelings in the faith: restored them to their former health, and instructed them in the doctrine of the Church. Thence he went into Illyrium & comming into Italie in like sort he diligently preached the worde of God.

CAP. VIII. Cap. 10. in the greeke.

Of Hilarius Bishop of Poetiers in Fraunce.

HIlarius Bishop of Poetiers a citie of Guyan instructed diligently both the bishops of Italy and also of Fraunce, in the canons of the Catholick fayth before the comming of Eusebius. for he first after his returne from exile had preuented him in those prouinces. but both of them very absolutely confirmed the fayth. Hilarius being endued with the gift of eloquence wrote Hilariꝰ wrote 12. bookes of the trinity the which are to be seene in latine among his workes. in the latine tonge: expounded the canon contayning the clause of one substance: proued it suffici­ently and confuted the arguments of the Arians. but these thinges were done a litle after their re­turne from exile. Nowe we may not runne ouer with silence, howe that in the very same tyme the followers of Macedonius, Eleusuis, Eustathius and Sophronius, (all these were called Macedoni­ans) had their priuate and often conuenticles: called vnto them such as were of their opinion in Seleucia, and accursed the contrary faction to wete, of the Acacians: reiected the fayth that was set forth at Ariminum, and confirmed the creede that was read in the councell of Seleucia. It was the same which a litle before (according vnto that we wrote in our seconde booke) was established at Antioch. These men being reasoned with in this sorte: you that are called Macedonians if so be that ye differ in opinion from the Acacians, howe is it that you coulde finde in your hartes to communicate with them euer vnto this day as if they had bene of one opinion with you? Sophro­nius Bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, in the name of the rest made thereunto this an­swere: The opinion of the We churches. The opinion of Aëtius. the Bishops of the West Churches haue in maner doted ouer the fayth of one substance: [Page 305] Aetius also in the East endeuored to corrupt the syncere doctrine, he taught the substance of the father and of the sonne were not like one the other, both these opinions are absurde. They vnadui­sedly and without discreete iudgement ioyned in one the distinct and seuered substances of the fa­ther and of the sonne, linked it (not well) together vnder the name of coessentiall or one substance: but this Aetius parted and deuided the proprietie of nature which the sonne hath together with the father terming it the vnlikenesse or diuersitie of substance. And in so much that both these fell The opinion of the Mace­donians. into contraries, and meare extreamities, we thought good to walke in the midd way and holde the meane betwene both, to retayne the true and godly opinion, that the sonne is of like substance with the father. This was the answere of the Macedonians (as Sabinus writeth in his booke in­titled the collections of the councells) exhibited by Sophronius vnto their demaunde. In that they charge Aetius as autor of the diuersitie of substance in the father and the sonne, and not the Aca­cians, they craftely dissemble and cloke the trueth: in so doing they partly oppugne the Arians, and The Mace­donians pro­ued them selues Neu­terans. partly the opinion of such as maintaine the clause of one substance. but they ouerthrowe them sel­ues with their owne wordes, for in displaying and opening both opinions, they laye downe a newe of their owne. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. IX. Cap. 11. in the Greeke.

The hatred of the Emperour Iulian owed vnto the Christians.

THe Emperonr Iulian although at the beginning of his raygne he was meeke and curteous towardes all men: yet in processe of tyme he shewed him selfe not alike vnto all men, but when so euer any accusation was brough: before him to the discreditt of Constantius, then the Christians were hearde at will: when that againe he hearde of no such thinge, then beganne he to reueale vnto the worlde the priuate grudge and malice he conceaued agaynst all the Christi­ans euery where. for he commaunded to buylde vp agayne at Cyzicum the Nouatian Churche which Eleusius the Bishop had pulled downe: threatning Eleusius the Bishop of that citie with grieuous punishment if he buylte it not agayne within two monethes vpon his owne costs & char­ges. Furthermore he sett vp a freshe the rites of the Gentils: he set wide open (as I sayd before) their temples: and offered sacrifice in the Cathedrall church of Constantinople vnto the goddesse of Fortune where her Idoll was sett vp.

CAP. X. Cap. 12. in the Greeke.

The conference which Maris Bishop of Chalcedon being blinde had with Iulian the Apostata,

ABout that tyme Maris Bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia being led by the hande vnto Iulian the Emperour (for that he was olde he had a webb growen in his eyes which berea­ued him of his sight) beganne to rebuke the Emperour sharpely, calling him an impious person, an Apostata and an Atheist. he of the contrary answered him opprobriously, recompenced him with the like, called him a blind foole and sayd vnto him farther: thy God of Galilee will not restore thee thy sight agayne. for Iulianus called Christ a Galilaean and all the Christians in like The answere of M [...] is vn­to Iulian. sort. Maris a litle after answered the Emperour somewhat freely, I thanke God (sayth he) which made me blinde lest that euer I should set mine eye vpon so vngracious a face as thine is. Wher­unto the Emperour made no answere but handled the Bishop roughly. When he perceaued that the Christians did highly reuerence and honor such as suffered martyrdome vnder the raigne of Diocletian: when he learned also for certayntie, diuerse men to be so well disposed, that willingly they woulde suffer martyrdome: he going about to depriue the Christians of so great a benefitt, deuised an other way to afflict them. And although he let passe the vnsatiable tyranny practised in the tyme of Diocletian, yet ceased he not altogether from persecuting. In mine opinion he is a per­secutor Who is a persecutor. which molesteth any kinde of way such men as leade a quiet and peaceable lise. Iulian in this sorte afflicted the Christans not a litle. he made a lawe that the Christians shoulde not be trayned vp in prophane literature. for (sayth he) seeing they haue the gift of vtterance so readily, they shall easily be able to ouerthrowe the quicks of Logick, wherewith the Gentils doe vpholde their doctrine.

CAP. XI. Cap. 13. in the Greeke.

Of the sturre the Emperour Iulian raysed against the Christians, and what deuise he founde out to extort money from them.

MOreouer the Emperour Iulian gaue out a proclamation that such as would not renounce the Christian fayth shoulde warefare no longer in the Emperours pallace: likewise that all shoulde prepare them selues to doe sacrifice: that no Christian should beare office in the Iulian sclaū ­de [...]eth and gibeth at the Christians. common wealth. for their law (sayth he) forbiddeth the execution by sworde vpon such as deserued death, and therefore they are not fitt to be Magistrats. He allured diuers with flattery and faire of­fers to sacrifice. but immediatly they y were Christians in deede, & they also which were thought to be no lesse, made them selues manifest vnto all men as if they had shewed them selues vpon a stage. for they which with harte and good will professed Christian religion, threwe downe their sworde girdles & signified they woulde rather suffer any kind of torment then denie their Sauiour Christ Iesus. Of which number was Ionianus, Valentinianus & Valens, who afterwards were crowned Emperours. Other some that were counterfeit Christians, who thought that the ritches and honor of this worlde was true felicity it selfe, without any delay fell to sacrifice. Of which number Ecebolius a Sophist of Constantinople was one, who conforming him selfe vnto the humors & di­sposition Ecebolius was a turne coate. of the Emperours, was an earnest follower of the christian faith in the time of Constan­tius: but when Iulian succeeded him in the empire he fell to gentilitie and the idolatry of Pagans: againe after the death of Iulian he became a professor of the doctrine of Christ. He laye alonge at the porche of the Church and cried vnto such as came in: treade me vnder foote for that I am the vnsauery salt. Ecebolius as he was light and vnconstant, so he continewed vnto the ende. It came to passe about that tyme that the Emperour purposed to reuenge him of the Persians for the iniurie they had done him by inuading some part of the Romaine dominions, and determined to take his iourney into the East through the coastes of Asia. When that he pondered with him selfe howe many euills and inconueniences appertayned vnto warres, what greate summes of money were needefull thereunto, and howe that without it, it was vnpossible to bring his purpose to effect, he deuised a certaine sleyght to wring money from the Christians. for he sett a great fine vpon the heades of such as woulde not sacrifice, and the taxe was very grieuous and duely demaunded of the Christians so that euery one rateably was seased at a certaine summe and the Emperour him self in a short while was wonderfully enritched with the iniurious heapes of money vniustly exacted. This law was of force not onely where he traueled, but also in such contries as he came not neare. Then did the Gentils insult ouer y christians: the Philosophers celebrated their frequented confe­rences: The ho [...] ­ble practises of the l [...]h nicks. they solemnized certaine detestable rites and ceremonies: they made slaughter of infants sparing no sexe, they vsed their entralls for southsaying, they tasted of their tender bowells. These horrible practises were both at Athens, at Alexandria and other places.

CAP. XII.

Howe that Athanasius was faine to flie and leaue Alexandria in the tyme of Iulian the Apostata.

THey forged at that time a false accusation against Athanasius and signified vnto the Empe­rour that he had subuerted Aegypt and the whole citie of Alexandria, and that of necessitie it behoued to banishe him the citie, so that by the commaundement of the Emperour the gouernour of Alexandria was sore incensed against him. Athanasius vttering these wordes vnto Cap. 14. in [...]he greeke. Athanasius [...]keneth per [...]ution to cloude or [...]ist. certaine of his familiars: My friendes let vs goe aside for a season, this is but a litle cloude which quic [...]ly will vanish away, fledd immediatly, tooke shipping and sayled into Aegypt. the enemy pur­sued after & made hast to ouertake him. When it was vnderstoode that the pursuers were at hand, his companions gaue him counsell to flie into the desert. he by following their aduise escaped the enemy. for he perswaded them to turne backe and to meete the pursuers, the which they did im­mediatly. As soone as they who a litle before fledd away, mett the persecutors there was nothing demaunded of them, but whether they had seene Athanasius: who answered againe that he hid him self in some bushe not farre from them, and if they would make quicke speed, they woulde be like to take him. so the pursuers followed after and the farther they runne the further they raunge, but they lost their labor. for he escaped their handes & conueyed him selfe priuely to Alexandria where [Page 307] he hid himselfe vntill the kindled flame of persecution was wholly quenched. Such was the hurly burly after sundry stormes of persecution and manifolde vexations by the Ethnicks, which hap­pened vnto the Bishop of Alexandria. Furthermore the gouernours of the prouinces supposinge nowe that it was highe tyde for them vnder coloure of the Emperoures religon to make vp theyr bagges, vexed the christians farre sorer then the Emperours proclamations bare them out: de­maunded greater taxes then they were seassed at, and sometimes tormented their bodies. The Emperoure vnderstandinge of their doinges winked at them, and answered the christians which Iulian the A­postata moc­keth christi­ans with their religiō. Cap. 15. in the greeke. complained vnto him in this sorte: It is your parte when you haue iniuries offered vnto you, to take it paciently, for so your God commaunded you.

CAP. XIII.

Of suche as suffred Martyrdome at Meris a citie of Phrygia in the time of Iulian.

THere was at Meris a citie of Phrygla a certaine gouernour whose name was Amachius, Amachius an Heathen magistrate. who commaūded that the Idolatricall temple of the Ethnicks which stood in y t citie should be set wide open, that the foule heapes and filthy corners of a long time vnfrequēted should be made cleane, and fell himselfe a worshipping of the Idols. Which act of his pricked not a li­tle in conscience the zealous christians. Wherefore one Macedonius, Theodulus and Tatianus beinge kindled with fetuencie of loue towardes the christian fayth, coulde in no wise away with such horrible practises: but in the burninge zeale of their godly inindes, brake in the nighte sea­son into the temple, threwe downe theyr Idols, and stamped them into pouder. Whereat when the gouernoure was wonderfull wroth and purposed to execute diuerse of the citizens whiche were giltelesse and innocente persons, the authors thereof presented themselues of their owne accorde before him and chose to dye themselues for the trueth, rather then any other for their sakes should be depriued of their liues. After they were layde in holde the gouernoure commaunded that they should cleare thēselues by sacrificinge vnto the Idols and threatned them if they refused he would seuerely punishe them. They beinge of a noble minde & valiant courage, set nought by his threats, made themselues redy to suffer what tormente soeuer were layde vpon them, for they counted it farre better to loose their liues then to defile their soules with those impure sacrifices. The go­uernour Macedonius, Theodulus, & Tatianus broyled to death. whē he had assayd them at all kind of torments last of all set them on the gredyron, caused fire to be made vnder, & broiled them to death. And to the end they might valiantly encoūter vnder the glorious garlande of victory, they reason thus with the gouernour: If thou longe (O Ama­chius) after broyled meate, turne vp the other side of vs, least in the eatinge we seeme rawe vnto thee and the bloode runne aboute thy teeth. This was the ende that these men had.

CAP. XIIII.

VVhen the Emperoure Iulian forbad the christians the studie of Prophane literature both the Apollinaruses the father and the sonne fell a wrytinge. The profltte that the christians haue in prophane wryters.

THe lawe whiche the Emperoure made that the christians shoulde not be trained vp in the liberall sciences made bothe the Apollinariuses (of whome we spake before) to be of farre greater fame. For either of them beinge skilfull in suche artes as directed our style and orations, the father a grammarian, the sonne a Rhetorician profited very much the chri­stians and furthered at that time not a little the churche of God. For the father as a profounde grammarian framed the arte of humanitie vnto the furtherance of Christian religion: he tur­ned The fine bookes of Moses in H [...] roycall vers [...] The newe Testament was turned into Dialo­gues. the fiue bookes of Moses into Heroycall verse, together with other bookes of the olde Te­stament which contayne Hystories: partely in Hexameter verse and partely after the forme of co­medies and tragedies, with the fitte application of persons: he wrote in all kinde of meter to the ende the christians shoulde not be ignorant and vnskilfull in any rare gifte that excelled among the Gentils. The sonne an eloquente Rhetorician, broughte the wrytinges of the Euangelistes and workes of the Apostles into Dialogues, as Plato vsed amonge the Heathens. Althoughe their laboure and industrie seemed auaylable and greatelye to sette forthe the seruice of God, in [Page 308] so muche that thereby the lewde drift of the Emperoure was stopped from takinge effect: yet the prouidence of God did farre exceede both their carefull studie and dashed also the Emperours wi­ked deuise. For immediatly the Emperours lawe (as hereafter it shall more manifestly appeare) was abrogated and theyr workes were as muche spoken of, as if they had neuer bene wrytten. But here peraduenture some man will saye vnto me: why then doe ye attribute bothe the afore­sayde vnto the prouidence of God? As toutchinge the shorteninge of the Emperoures dayes it is knowen well inoughe howe auaylable it was vnto christian religion: but in that the Po [...]trye of bothe the Apollinariuses was neglected, and that the christians freely applied the Philosophicall sciences of the heathens, there is no man will graunte that it furthered the seruice of God, and the faith of Christ. For it can not be without daunger that the christians maye wade in the do­ctrine of Ethnickes, in so muche it teacheth that there be many Gods. Vnto these things which aptely may be obiected vnto vs we will presentely frame suche answers as we can. The doctrine of the Gentiles is allowed neither by Christ neither by his Disciples as inspired from aboue: nei­ther altogether reiected for daungerous. And I take y to haue come to passe not without the spe­ciall prouidence of almightie God. For there were many heathen Philosophers which were not farre from the knowledg of God: such as by publique disputation confuted the Epicures and other contentious Philosophers delited with the quirckes of logicke and ouerthrewe their palpable er­ror and ignorance. And thoughe they coulde stande the fauorers of christian religion in greate steade for their furtherance of learninge, yet attained they not vnto the grounde & principall point of our religion insomuch they vnderstoode not the mystery of Christ which was concealed the cō ­tinewance of many ages and generations. The whiche the Apostle in his epistle vnto the Roma­nes sheweth plainely in these wordes: The wrath of God is reuealed from heauen against all vn­godlines R [...]m. 1. and iniquitie of men which withholde the trueth in vnrighteousnesse. For the thinge that may be knowen of God is manifest amonge thē, because God hath shevved it vnto them. For his inuisible thinges beinge vnderstoode by his workes, are seene through the creation of the world, that is, both his eternall power & godheade, so that they are without excuse, because that when they knewe God, notwithstanding they glorified him not as God. VVherefore they knowinge the trueth which God reuealed vnto them were worthie of death, because that whē they knewe God they glorified him not as God. Therefore sithence that the Apostle forbadd not the knoweledge of the Gentils doctrine, he gaue free licence and libertie vnto euery man at his choice and pleasure to wade in the vnderstandinge of them. Let this suffire for one reason to the satisfiynge of the former doubts. The seconde is as followeth. The holy Scriptures inspired from aboue deliuer vnto vs diuine precepts and mysticall doctrine: they graffe in the mind [...]s of suche as heare them, true Godlines and the righte trade of liuinge: they sette wyde open before such as study them, the most sacred faith: they teach vs no logicke, wherewith we may withstand such as oppugne the trueth, although the aduersaries are easiest ouerthrowen when their owne ar­moure and proper defence is vsed to their foyle and destruction. But the christians enioyed not this benefit by the workes of bothe the Apollinariuses. This was it that the Emperoure Iulian shotte at when as he made a lawe that the christians shoulde not be schooled in the doctrine of the Gentils. He knewe full well that the fables contained in the works of the Hethen wryters being paised in the equall balance of indifferent iudgement would quickly be founde light and subiect to reprehension and discredit: the which fond inuention of theirs when Socrates their principall phi­losopher had dissalowed, the Iudges condemned him, as if he had gone about to disproue or de­stroy their Gods, nay rather theyr deuells. Besides all this both Christ himselfe and his Apostle commaunded vs to be tried exchaungers, to the ende we might examine all thinges & holde that [...]. Thes. 5. [...]ss. 2. which is good: We haue also to take heede lest any circumuent vs through Philosophie & vayne deceate. This we shall not be able to doe vnlesse we possesse the armoure of the enemy, and in en­ioyinge it, we turne the whole vnto an other vse. For we haue to reiect that which is euell, to re­taine that which is good, and to admit nothing without good trial. For that which is good where­soeuer it is founde appertaineth vnto the trueth. For if any be disposed to vrge vs farther herein set him consider with him selfe howe the Apostle did not onely not forbidde the knoweledge of Heathenishe doctrine, but is seene not to haue despised them himselfe, to the ende he might be skil­full in many of the Ethnicks workes. Where I pray you borowed he this sentence: The Creti­ans are alwayes liers, euell beastes, slowe bellies, was it not out of Epimenides a Poet of Creta [...] [...]. 1. [...]t. 17. or where learned he this: we are also his ofspring, was it not out of the Phaenomena of Aratus th [...] [Page 309] Astronomer? That sayinge also: Euell wordes corrupte good maners, sheweth playnely that 1. Corinth. 15. he was well seene in the tragedies of Euripides. But what neede I vse many wordes hereof? It is knowen well inoughe that the Doctors of the Churche of an aunc: ente custome neuer for­bid vnto this day, exercised themselues from their youth vp euen vnto the last houre in the sciences and doctrine of the Gentils: partely for to attayne aswell vnto a fine stile and eloquente phrase as the exercise and whettinge of the wittes: and partely also for to confute the doctrine of suche wry­ters as deliuered vnto the worlde error and falshoode in steede of the manifest and onely trueth. These thinges accordinge vnto our simple hability we haue layde downe by occasion of both these Apollinariuses.

CAP. XV. Ca. 17. in the Greeke.

Howe the Emperoure takinge his voyage to warre with the Persians came to Antioch where the common people derided him, vnto whome after his departure he wrote an oration intitled Misopogon.

THe Emperoure when he had exacted of the christians and heaped together a great summe of money proceedinge on his voyage against the Persians came to Antioch in Syria, Being there and desirous to shewe vnto the people of Antioch a tast of his honors title the which he sette much by, sette the market lowe, made all things very cheape, had no consideration of the time: he pondered not with him selfe howe that an hoast or armie wheresoeuer it commeth, brin­geth greate domage vnto the prouincialls and turneth plenty of necessaries to scarsitie of foode. Wherefore tauerners and vittayling houses which prouided necessaries for wayfaringe men, not able to beare the losse of so weyghty a burthen, whereunto they were inioyned by the Emperours edict, gaue ouer their trade, so that the citie was brought to greate distresse, because they wanted necessary prouision. The Antiochians an impatiente kinde of people, soone prouoked to anger and reuengemente coulde not away with this plague (which they tooke for no other) without a­ny more adoe they goe to meete the Emperoure, they crie out agaynst him, they inueye at his The bearde and coyne of Iulian. doinges, and playe with his bearde (it was a longe thrumme bearde) they bidde him goe shaue his bearde and make halters thereof: they bringe him in remembrance of his coyne, wherein there was a bull conqueringe the worlde with his hornes. For the Emperoure beinge whol­ly geuen to superstition, sacrificed bulls vpon the Idols altare, and therefore gaue charge that bothe the Alter and the bull shoulde be ingrauen in his coyne. The Emperoure beinge incensed with these skommes, threatned he woulde plague the people of Antioch. He remoued thence into Tarsus in Cilicia, as soone as he had prouided there suche necessaries as he stoode in neede of, he The oratiōs of Libanius. went on his iorney. Whereupon Libanius the Sophist tooke occasion to wryte the oration intit­led of his embassie, where he entreated the Emperoure for the Antiochians, and also the oration vnto the people of Antioch where he layde before them the displeasure which the Emperoure had conceaued agaynst them. The reporte goeth that the Sophist wrote the sayde Orations and yet The oration of Iulian a­gainst suche as slouted his bearde. they neuer were seene abroade: and that the Emperoure was appeased not by reuenginge him of such as had flouted his beard, but requitinge them with like cōtumelious skommes. For he defa­med the citie of Antioch for euer in the oration which he entitled Antiochian or Misopogon di­rected against the deriders of his bearde. So farre of these things.

CAP. XVI. Cap. 18. in the Greeke.

VVhen the Emperoure woulde haue an answere of the Oracle of Apollo, the deuell woulde not speake because the body of Babilas the martyr was buried hard by. The Em­perours displeasure, and of the tormentes which Theodorus the Confessor suffred.

NOwe let vs speake of the iniuries which the Emperoure at that time did vnto the Christi­ans at Antioch. Whē he had commaunded that the Idolatricall temples of the Ethnicks shoulde be set wide open at Antioch, the Emperoure made haste to the Oracle of Apollo which was in Daphne a litle out of Antioch. But the Deuell whose dwellinge was in that denne Babilas the martyr. trembled for feare of Babilas the martyr (whose corps laye interred not farre from the place) [Page 310] and woulde geue the Emperoure no answer, the Emperoure perceauing the cause, commaunded that the martyrs tumbe shoulde thence be remoued with speade. When the christians of Antioch vnderstoode of this they assemble together with women and children, they reioyce and are glad, they singe Psalmes, they translate the corps from out of Daphne into the citie of Antioch. The Psalmes which they songe tended to the reprehension of the Heathen Gods, and of such as wor­shipped Rust. lib. 1. ec­cles. hist. cap. 35. sayth the Psalme was this: confoū ­ded be all they that wo [...]ship car­ued Images and put their trust in Idols. Idols and carued images. Cap. 19 in the Greeke. Theodorus a confessor Ruff. li. 1. c. 36. Then the Emperours disposition which was hid and cloked afore time was made manifest vnto the whole worlde. For he who alitle before was a professor of Philosophie, nowe breaketh out, and fretteth within himselfe at y Psalmes that were songe in derision of the Gentils, and determineth to torment the christians as Diocletian had done in a while before. But when his expedition against the Persians permitted no leasure to bring his purpose about, he gaue out a commission vnto Salustius who was Liuetenante of that prouince, for to see that such as had songe the Psalmes in derision of the Ethnikes shoulde seuerely be punished. The Liuetenant althoughe he were a panyme yet was he altogether vnwillinge to execute his com­mission. But he seing there was no other choice attached many of the christians, sent many to pri­son. But one that was a yonge man by name Theodorus and appeached of the Paganes, he tor­mented with sundry kindes of punishments, and rent the fleshe all his body ouer with the lashe of the whippe: and in the ende he commaunded that he should be let loose when in very deede he was thought not possibly able to liue. Yet God restored him to his former health, for he liued many yeares after that confession which he yelded in torment. Ruffinus who wrote the ecclesiasticall hi­story of his time in the latine tongue reporteth that he had conference a longe time after with this Theodorus and demaunded of him whether he had not felt great payne when the lashe of the whip rebounded from his body: And that he answered him againe that the torments were not so grie­uous as some men thought: that there stoode by him a yonge man which wiped away all the salte droppes of that swettinge combat, confirmed him in the fayth, and that the houre of torment was vnto him rather a delectable pleasure then a dolefull paine. This much shall suffice of the renow­med Theodorus. At that very time there came Embassadors from the Persiās vnto the Emperour Iulian, requiringe him to proclaime open warres, he sent them backe againe with this answere. you shall see me shortely in mine owne person and therefore I shall not neede to sende any in em­bassy vnto you for this matter.

CAP. XVII.

Howe the Emperoure exhorted the Iewes to sacrifice. Of the wonderfull signes Cap. 20. in the greeke. which God shewed vnto the Iewes and the vtter ruyne of theyr temple at Ierusalem.

FVrthermore when the Emperoure endeuored an other way to vexe the christians, he sette for the his owne superstition to be derided of all men. For when he tooke greate pleasure in sacrifice, he did not onely feede his owne fonde humor with the shedinge of bloode, but also inioyned penalties for suche as recreated not themselues with the like. When he perceaued that he coulde finde but a fewe men of his disposition, he calleth for the Iewes and demaundeth of them the cause why they did not sacrifice, seinge that Moses had commaunded them so to doe? af­ter they had answered that it was not lawefull for them to execute that functiō in any other place saue at Ierusalem: he commaunded that in all the hast the temple of Solomon shoulde be buylded vp againe. After this he taketh his voyage against the Persians. The Iewes who of a longe time had dreamed they shoulde see the day when theyr temple shoulde be buylded againe for sacrifice, nowe thinkinge that the houre was come, occupied their heads busily about the buyldinge: they putte the christians in great feare: they insolentely crowed ouer them: they threatned them the like entertaynement, as they themselues had of olde at the Romaynes handes. When by the Em­peroures commaundemente the coste and charges was awarded out of the publicke treasory, all necessaries were prouided: as timber, stone, bricke, claye, lyme, together with other things that are required in buyldinge. At what time Cyrillus Bishop of Ierusalem remembred the pro­phecie of Daniel, the which Christ had confirmed and prognosticated vnto many: that the time The prophe­cy of Cyril. Math. 24. A greate earthquake. was nowe come when there shoulde not be one stone of the temple left vpon the other but that the prophecy of our Sauiour shoulde nowe take place and be fulf [...]illed. When the Bishop had thus prophecied, there was a great earthquake the night followinge which shooke the olde foundation [Page 311] of the temple and turned all downe to the grounde, together with the houses which adioined there­vnto. The Ievves at the sight thereof were taken with a sodayne feare, the fame thereof brought many which dwelled in farre countreyes to see it. Agayne not only this but also many that were presente sawe with theyr eyes an other wonder. For there came downe fyre from Heauen Fire frō hea­uen burned the instru­ments of the Iewes. whiche burned all theyr tooles and instrumentes. Then mighte a man haue seene theyr ham­mers, grauing irons, sawes, axes, hatchets and all suche thinges as the workemen occupied in the buyldinge, consumed with fire. The fire ceased not to burne the space of a whole daye. The Ievves againe beinge in maner astonyed at this straunge sighte, confessed agaynste theyr wills that Christe was an omniporente God: yet yelded they not vnto his will and pleasure but were helde backe with the stubburne opinion of Iudaisme that was rooted in theyr bones. Neyther coulde the thirde wonder whiche ensued after conuerte them vnto the true fayth. The night follo­wing Crosses were printed in the clothes of the Iewes that coulde not be wiped away. there were formes of crosses marked in their garments which shined like the sunne beames: in the morninge when they sawe them and coueted to wipe and rubbe them of, they coulde not by any meanes. Wherefore beinge blinded as the Apostle wryteth, they banished the goodnesse of God from amonge them. To conclude the temple at that time in steede of raysinge vp was ruy­nously throwne to the grounde.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 20. in the greeke.

Of the Emperoure Iulians voyage into Persia and his miserable ende.

THe Emperour vnderstanding the maner of the Persians that in winter they are very weake, The Persiās & Medes can not abid cold of smale power and simple courage (for they are a kinde of people that can not awaye with colde: the Mede also as it is commonly sayde, all winter tyme, neuer pulleth his hande out of his bosome) knowinge also that the Romayne souldiere is of power and force, thoughe the weather pinche neuer so much: marched forewardes a litle before winter and led his army into Persia. First he destroyed the countrey, the villages, threwe downe theyr castells after­wardes he fell a ransackinge of their cities. He besieged Ctesiphon that greate citie of Persia, and pinched therein the kinge of Persia very sore, so that he sente vnto him many Embassadors hum­bly requestinge him to take from him some parte of his kingdome, to ende the fielde, to rayse the siege and so goe his way. But Iulian was nothinge moued therewith: pitied them not at all: nei­ther remembred he the common sayinge: To conquere is prayse worthye but insolentely to tri­umphe ouer the cōquered is a despiteful Act: he put confidence in fond coniectures of south saying, he trusted to much fantasticall dreames, the which Maximus the Philosopher then present put in his heade: he hoped verylie to counteruayle or rather to surmount the greater glorie and no­ble prowesse of Alexander the Greate, so that he sette noughte by the humble sute of the Per­sians: he dreamed accordinge vnto the opinion of Pythagoras and Plato that by the transmigra­tion of the soules from one body into an other, the soule of Alexander was crepte into his car­kasse: or rather that he was Alexander himselfe in an other body. The whiche opinion led him into a foule error, and caused him to make light of the kinge of Persia his requeste. The kinge vnderstandinge that his embassie was to no purpose, beinge broughte to a narrowe straicte and sore plunge gathered his power the daye after this embassie and ioyned with the Romayne hoste face to face. The Romaynes althoughe they founde greate faulte with theyr Emperoure for refusinge the offer and fallinge to bloodshed, yet doubted they not to deale with the Persians who nowe were come forthe to meete them, so that in the ende they putte them to flighte and wonne the fielde. The Emperoure himselfe was a horsebacke at the battell to the ende he mighte ani­mate and incourage the souldiers: but trusting to much to his prosperitie and thinkinge himselfe cockesure wente into his campe without complete harnesse. Therefore an arrowe beinge sod­daynely shotte at him, pearced throughe his arme and stucke in his ribbes whiche gaue him his deathes wounde, but who did it, was neuer knowen. Some reporte that he was wounded by a fugitiue Persian: some other that he was slayne by one of his owne souldiers, whiche is rife in euerye mans mouthe, yet Calistus one of the Emperours housholde garde, who wrote his life in Heroycall verse, and the battell whiche he gaue then vnto the Persians, say the that it was a wicked fiende or Deuell that runne him throughe, whiche peraduenture is fayned after the maner of Poeticall inuention, and yet it may very well be true, for we learne that the furies of Hell haue often times recompenced suche lewde persons with extreme punishmente. But [Page 312] howe so euer it was euerye man knoweth that for his headye rashenesse he was subiecte to daunger: for his eloquence, and gifte of vtterance he was desirous of vayne glorie: and for his counterfete grauitie he was contemned and derided of all men. Thus he ended his life in Iulian dyed Anno Dom. 367. Persia (as I sayde before) in his fourth Consulship the whiche he enioyed with Salustius, beinge the sixt and twentieth of Iune and the thirde yeare of his raygne: the seauenth yeare after he was made Caesar by Constantius, the one and thirtieth yeare of his age.

CAP. XIX.

Iouianus is created Emperoure. A notable confutation of Libanius the Heathen Rhetorician.

THe souldiers beinge doubtefull, knowinge not what was best to be done, the nexte day af­ter the death of Iulian, without any further deliberation, they proclaime Iouianus a man Iouianus was created Em­perour Anno Dom. 367. of valiante and noble courage theyr Emperoure. This man beinge a tribune, when Iu­lian by proclamatiō gaue the souldiers in choice eyther to doe sacrifice or to leaue warefare: chose rather to throwe awaye his swordegirdle then to satisfie the wicked and detestable edicte of the Emperoure. For all that, Iulian, when the necessitie of the warres then in hande constrayned him, retayned him in the number of his Captaines. But Iouianus beinge nominated Empe­roure refuseth the crowne and beinge compelled thereunto agaynste his will by the souldieres breaketh out into lowde speache, sayinge: In that he was a Christian he woulde not be Em­perour where Ethnickes shoulde become his subiectes: yet when all with one voice confessed themselues to be Christians, he yelded and was crowned Emperour. Beinge in Persia and so­dainely put to his shiftes, his souldiers also being almost famished to death: vpon certaine condi­tions he ioyned in league with the kinge of Persia and so ended the warres. The couenantes as the Romaynes thoughte were vnlaweful, yet consideringe the case of that presente time they were not to be misliked. For he was contente to loose the dominion of Syria and to deliuer the Per­sians Nisibis a citie in Mesopotamia. When these tidinges were blased abroade the Christi­ans conceaued no small ioye at the departure of Iulian: the whole armie also misliked very muche with his vndiscreete and headye rashenesse and laye to his charge that the boundes of the Em­pire were cutte shorte. For be beinge deceaued by a Persian that was a fugitiue, sette afire cer­taine vessells vpon the seaes whiche broughte them corne, and thereof it rose that the famine grieued them sore. At that time Libanius the Sophist made a funerall oration where he be way­led the death of Iulian and entitled it Iuliana or the Epitaph of Iulian. In the whiche he payn­ted forthe his life with loftye stile in prayse of his person and to his further commendation repor­teth of the bookes he had wrytten agaynste the Christians, and howe that in them he had pro­ued theyr doctrine for triflinge and ridiculous stuffe. If this Rhetorician had extolled the Em­peroure onely for his other Acts, I would haue proceeded with silence to discourse of that which remayneth of the historie: but in so muche he hath mentioned the bookes of Iulian, and like a graue and wise orator inueyed bitterly againste Christian religion, therefore I haue thoughte good to saye somewhat thereof, and firste I will laye downe his owne wordes Cap. 23. in the Greeke. Libanius the Sophist in his funerall ora­tion vpō the death of Iu­lian the A­postata. In the vvinter season (sayth he) vvhen the nights are somevvhat longe, the Emperoure perusing those bookes vvhiche affirme that the man vvhose originall vvas in Palaestina is bothe God and the sonne of God, confuted them vvith manye reasons and stronge argumentes and condemned them for ridiculous doctrine: affirmed moreouer that the glorious religion, highly esteemed of them was full of toyes and trifles, vvhere he proued himselfe to be farre vviser then the olde grayberde of Tyrus. VVherefore let the olde man of Tyrus (he meaneth Porphyrius) conceaue no displea­sure at all but patientely vveye vvherein his childe doth preiudice his creditte. These are the wordes of Libanius the Sophiste. Truely I will saye no lesse, but that he was a notable Rhetori­cian and I am verelye perswaded that if he had not consented vnto the Emperours religion, he woulde haue had no other speache in his mouthe then the Christians haue at this day, and that by all likelyhoode, beinge an excellent Rhetorician, he woulde haue extolled Christian religion vnto the skies. For he wrote in the prayse of Constantius while he liued, after his desease he wrote to his disprayse and made inuectiues agaynste him. Wherefore if Porphyrius had bene Emperoure, he woulde haue preferred his workes before the wrytinges of Iulian: againe if [Page 313] Iulian had bene a Sophist (as he wrote of Ecebolius in his funerall oration of Iulian) he would haue called him a [...]au [...]e Rhetorician. In as muche as then he beinge of the same religion with the Emperoure, beinge a Rhetorician, beinge also his friende wrote his pleasure of him: we also after our habilitie will fall to answere his sclaunderous workes. First he sayth that in the winter season the nights beinge somwhat longe he tooke great paines in perusing the christians bookes He signifieth by taking of paines in this place, that his trauell was greate in wrytinge of inuec­tiues, as Rhetoricians doe vse, when they traine vp youth to the knoweledge of their art. A good while agoe he read those bookes in deede, tooke greate paynes, discoursed at large, not as Liba­nius sayth with stronge argumentes, but with weake, in somuche they were contrarie to the trueth, and endeuored skoffinge wise to refell suche thinges as of themselues were of force i­noughe. For whosoeuer disputeth with an other, laboureth to foile his aduersarie, sometime by corrupting and peruerting, some other time by concealinge of the trueth. Whosoeuer also he be that oweth spite and hatred vnto any man, he will endeuer like a deadly enemy not onely to doe, but also to speake the worste of him: he will also wreste all the mischiefe whiche the enemy deui­seth agaynst him, vpon his aduersarie. Their owne bookes doe manifestly declare, that bothe Iulian and Porphyrius (whome he calleth the gray bearde of Tyrus) were raylers and skoffers. For Porphyrius in his booke intitled the liues of Philosophers, wrytinge of Socrates the chiefe of all the reste, inueyeth against him bitterly: and wryteth to his contumely raylinge speaches and farre more opprobrious languages, then Melitus or Anytus who of olde sclaundered him alike, euer durste to reuile Socrates with all. I meane that Socrates whome the Gentils haue in greate admiration for his temperance, iustice and others his vertues: whome Plato the de­uine Philosopher, whome Xenophon with the whole Senate of Philosophers doe greately reue­rence. But Iulian followinge his fathers steppes in all thinges, reuealed vnto the worlde that corrupte humor whiche troubled his heade (wherewich he reuiled all the Emperours and Cae­sars that were before him) in so muche that he spared not, no not his deare friende the Philo­sopher Marcus. Wherefore lette theyr wrytinges be iudge whether bothe Porphyrius and Iu­lian were reuilers and sclaunderers or no. Neyther haue I neede of greate and weyghtie argu­mentes to confirme this my assertion: but the opinions of diuerse sage personages grounded v­pon good coniectures the whiche I minde to alleage shall stande for sufficiente proofe. What Gregorie Nazianzen hathe thoughe of Iulian, lette vs first of all see out of his owne wordes. For in his seconde Oration agaynst the Gentils he wryteth thus. Althoughe bothe his raygne and Gregorius Nazianzen ora. 2. cont. Gentil. also experience hathe taughte other men that these thinges vvere moste true in him: yet percea­ued I them longe a goe since the time I vvas aquaynted vvith him at Athens. For he came thi­ther vvhen the Emperesse had procured licence of the Emperoure for his voyage, vvhen also his brother Gallus had conspired the deathe of Constantius the Emperoure. There vvere tvvo causes that moued him to repayre vnto Athens. The first tollerable, the seconde of smale honestie: the first to see Grece and the schooles that florished therein: the seconde (vvhiche vvas more secrete and knovven vnto fevve) for to consulte vvith southsayers and sacrificers a­bout his affayres in time to come, because it vvas not then openly permitted for the authors of suche impiety to practise suche Deuelishe inuentions. And I my selfe in coniecturinge of him at that time (although I am not of the number of Propheciers) vvas not much deceaued: for his vvauering mind and frenticke disposition, made me a Prophet good inough. He vvich goeth nearest the marke by coniecture, is commonly called the beste Prophere. I savve not one signe The phisio­gnomie of Iulian the Apostata. in him that gaue me any hope of him that euer he woulde become an honeste man. He had a runninge heade: his shoulders did neuer lynne vvagginge, and lay slatte or stipe vvise: he had vvinkinge eyes that continevvally rolled in his heade: his countenance vvas staringe: he had a slidinge, slippery and limpinge pace: his visage vvas scornefull: he had a flyringe face of his ovvne, the which his immoderate laughter and continevvall skorninge did declare: his maner vvas without all good order to say and vnsay: his vvords came tumblinge out vvith vehemen­cie and stoppes, the sentence broken in the middes: his questions and obiections were rashe and foolish, his ansvvers vvere litle better which oftentimes follovved one after the other, and as there vvas litle holde of them, so were they proposed vvithout order. But what neede I to runne ouer all particulers. I foresawe in him before he was created Emperour that which after­vvardes proued to be moste true. If there were presentely in place any of my familiars vvhiche hearde me thus diuininge of him, I am sure they woulde testifie this to be no othervvise then [Page 314] I doe reporte it: in vvhose hearinge also at the foresight of these thinges I vttered these vvordes: O good God vvhat a monster the Empire of Rome doth nourishe. VVhen I had vttered these vvordes I desired of God that in this behalfe I might be founde a lyer. For that had bene farre better, then that the vvhole vvorlde shoulde haue bene visited vvith so many mischiefes, then that suche a monster shoulde euer haue beene seene amonge men, vvhen the like thereof had neuer bene remembred before: seing there happened many deluges and floodes ouerflowing the countreys, the vvhich both yong and olde at this houre doth remember: great losse by fire: terrible earthquakes and gapinge of the grounde, and men also of a straunge shape vvere seene borne into the vvorld, of mixte and compound natuers halfe man halfe beast. But he purchased vnto himselfe suche an ende as his frentike disposition by all right deserued. These thinges did Gregorie reporte of Iulian. Because that Porphyrius and Iulian bothe, in many their rashe allega­tions to the sclaunder of Christian religion haue done greate iniurie to the trueth, partely by per­uertinge certaine places of holy Scripture, partly also by reconcilinge of others after theyr owne foolishe iudgement, with applyinge of them to their owne purpose: many withstoode them, con­futed and ouerthrewe their Sophisticall positions, yea aboue all the rest, Origen, who florished a long tyme before the raigne of Iulian, sifted out such places of holy Scripture as seemed to bring the readers into doubt, layd downe the obiections together with the answers, & satisfied the cap­tious & vayne doubts of wicked persons. If Iulian and Porphyrius had diligently perused these his workes, they woulde (I am sure) not onely haue approued the same but also applyed all theyr giftes to other matters and neuer sette theyr mindes to wryte Sophisticall fallacies full of blas­phemous impietie agaynst the maiestie of God. It is manifest hereby that the Emperoure vsed these cauillations amonge rude and vnlearned people, and not in the hearinge of such as had lear­ned the manifest trueth out of holy Scripture. For when he had heaped together many wordes of holy Scripture whiche are necessaryly sette forthe after a common and vsuall kinde of frase to expresse the Oeconomie, the order in doinge or dispensation of God, in the ende he sayth thus: Verely these places euery one vnlesse the sentence hath some secret or hid mystery (the whiche Iulian lib. 3. contra Chri­stian. I take to be most true) contayne as farre forthe as the vvordes geue vs to vnderstande manye blasphemies against God. This was one amonge other of his argumentes layde downe in his thirde booke against the Christians. In his booke intitled Cynisme while he endeuoreth to in­structe vs howe farre forthe it may be lawefull for vs to proceede in framinge of holy fables or diuine comedies, his opinion is that in the handelinge of suche matters it behoued vs to conceale the trueth, his wordes are these: Nature had leuer be vnreuealed, the hidde also, Iulian lib. Cynis. and the intrecate essence of the Gods vvill not in any vvise suffer it selfe to be beaten vvith playne and manifeste vvordes, into the defiled eares of men. Wherefore the Emperoure as farre forthe as we can gather by his wordes, seemeth to be of that opinion toutchinge holy Scripture, because the wordes are mysticall and contayne secrecie: but it grieues him that all men be not of his minde and therefore he scorneth at such Christians as vnderstande the sayd my­steries simplie. Yet he shoulde not haue so derided the simplicitie of the common people: ney­ther therefore to haue inueyed against holy Scripture: neither to haue abhorred and detested the sense and notable sentences comprised in the same, because all men did not vnderstande them as he thoughte good. Nowe as it is very euidente the like happened vnto Porphyrius. This Por­phyrius Impatiencie brought Porphyrius into Apostasie. beinge rebuked of certaine Christians at Caesarea in Palaestina, beinge altogether im­paciente throughe boylinge choler, and burninge heate of furious rage fell from the Christian faythe and rashely tooke penne in hande (because of the hatred he owed vnto them, whiche re­prehended him) for to wryte bookes where he inueyed bitterly with contumelious stile againste all Christians: as I reede in the bookes of Eusebius Pamphilus whiche he wrote to the confuta­tion of his workes. The Emperoure also settinge vp him selfe insolencely agaynst the Christi­ans in the hearing of vnlearned persons, and being prouoked thereunto by the selfe same fren­tike and raginge humor fell into the like Apostasie with Porphyrius. Wherefore bothe of them, fallinge of theyr owne accorde into extreme impietie, and priuye in conscience to theyre blas­phemous practises receaued punishment due vnto theyr deseruinge. Furthermore when Liba­nius the Sophiste skornefully derided the Christians, in these wordes: they take the man that was borne in Palaestina for God and the sonne of God: me thinkes he forgetteth himselfe when as Libanius in [...] funerall [...]f Iulian. in the ende of his Oration he numbred Iulian amonge the Gods, in this sorte: Firste of all (sayth he) they coulde not refrayne, for they stoned him almoste to deathe vvhiche broughte [Page 315] the firste tydinges of Iulians departure out of this lyfe, as if he had lyed agaynste God. Agayne a little after: O thou scholar (sayeth he) of the deuells: O thou disciple of the deuells: O thou assistent and associate of the deuells. Although he vnderstoode this otherwise, yet in so much he eschewed not the equiuocall worde which comprised also the Deuell, he seemed to vtter no lesse then the Christians accustomed to doe in reproche. Wherefore if he had determined with him selfe to extoll any man, he shoulde haue auoyded euery ambiguous worde in such sorte as he reiected an other phrase beynge reprehended for it, and blotted it out of his bookes. Howe that man in Christ is made God: howe that he is both man openly, and God in mysterie, howe that also both these thinges may be iustifyed, the holie bookes of the Christians doe declare. The Ethnickes before they beleeue, are not able to comprehende it. For the saying of the Prophete is true: If you beleeue not, ye shall not be able to vnderstand. Wherefore they are not ashamed to number many mortall men in the catalogue of the gods. I would to God they had offended herein onely in takinge them for godds who were vertuous lyuers, iuste men, and temperate persons: but they haue preferred such as were impure, vniust, and dronken sortes: I meane Herculeans, Bacchians, Aesculapians, whome Libanius doeth very Hercules. Bacchus. Aesculapius. oft call to wittnes in his writinges, whose amorous toyes and wanton behauiour both with male and female if I shoulde goe about to rehearse, woulde compell mee to vse a longe di­gression. Such as are desirous to vnderstande farther hereof, lette them repayre vnto A­ristotles Peplus, by interpretation the womans attyre: vnto Dionysius garlande, vnto Regi­nus Polym [...]emon, and to the whole rable of Poets, who writinge of these thinges doe sette wyde open vnto the worlde the vayne and ridiculous mysteries of the Ethnickes. but that it is a heathenishe custome to accompt of mortall men as of gods, lette vs consider thereof a lit­tle better. The Rhodians beynge in greate distresse receaued answere of the Oracle, that they Attis dyed for loue. shoulde worship Attis the Phrygian, who was a priest, and dyed frentike. The Oracle was as followeth:

Set forth the greate God Attis name, sounde out his glorious prayse,
VVhome vertue ioynd with Adon chast and Bacchus happie dayes.
Adon was a beautifull boy slaine of a bore & be­cause he was the dearlinge of Venus she turned him to a purple flowre, or as some say, vn­to a Rose. Bacchus was a dronkē so [...]t

This Oracle maketh Attis, who dyed for loue, a god, together with Adonis & Bacchus. More­ouer when Alexander king of Macedonia came to Asia, the people Amphictiones brought him presents, of whome the Oracle of Apollo in Delphos made this answere, and charged the peo­ple as followeth:

Let altars burne and incense powre, please Ioue, Minerua eke:
The potent prince though nature frayle, his fauour you must seeke.
For Ioue from heauen to earth him sent, lo Alexander kinge,
As God he comes the earth to rule, and iust lawes for to bringe.

These were the words which the deuell out of the breast of Pythia vttered of Alexander. The same Oracle to the ende he myght flatter greate personages and Princes of greate power, num­bred them in the catalogue of the gods, and peraduenture this answere was no other but a flatte­ringe of Alexander. To what ende shall I write of Cleomêdes the wrastler, of whome to the ende Cleomêdes was a wrast­ler of excee­ding strēgth & greatnesse of body, who beinge put beside the price at the game of O­lympus, fell madde. Antinous was a yonge boy whome Adrianus the Emperour loued. Cap. 24. in the greeke. he myght be canonized a god, the Oracle spake in this sort:

Cleomede interred is, his fame lett florishe styll,
Aduaunce with feasts and sacrifice his name, this is our will.

Diogenes Cynicus and Oinomaus the philosopher, condemned the Oracle of Apollo for this afore­sayde follie. The people Cyciceni called Adrianus the thirtienth god: Adrianus him selfe coun­ted Antinous his dearlinge in the catalogue of the gods. Yet Libanius woulde not once open his lyppes to the reprehension of these ridiculous toyes and meere follie. Neuerthelesse though he perused these Oracles, and read ouer the booke of Adrias, intituled The lyfe of Alexander, yet was not he ashamed to esteeme of Porphyrius as of a god. I am humblie (sayeth he) to craue pardon of the olde graybearde of Tyrus, in that I haue preferred the vvorkes of the Empe­rour before his vvritinges. Thus haue we discoursed by waye of digression somewhat at large, to the ende we myght satisfie the despitefull reportes of the sclaunderous mouth of the Sophist: yet in so much they seeme to require a seuerall volume we will ende them heare and proceede on in our historie.

CAP. XX.

Howe that the bishops of all sects & opinions posted vnto Iouianus the Emperour as soone as he was created, hoping euery one to finde him according vnto their owne vaynes.

AS soone as the Emperour Iouianns returned out of Persia, the churches immediately The Empe­rour Iouianꝰ was a fauorer of the Ni­cene creede. were troubled with sedition. The bishops likewise whilest they hope to finde y Emperour of their owne seuerall opiniōs, endeuour with all might to preuent one an other. The Em­perour for as much as alwaies he cleaued vnto the creede cōtayning the clause of One substance. made flatt answere that he would alwaies further the same, & encouraged Athanasius bishop of A­lexandria by his letters, who immediatly after the desease of Iulian enioyed againe y bishopricke of Alexandria. For he being thē cōfirmed therein by the Emperours letters, layd aside all feare & fayntnes of courage. Moreouer the Emperour called home againe the bishops whome Constātius had exiled, whome Iulian also had not restored to their seaes. Thē also the Idoll groues & temples of the Ethnicks were shut vp: the Pagans them selues wandered & hid them here & there: such as wore y philosophicall habite, layd it aside & wore y cōmon & vsuall attire. Those bloody & detesta­ble sacrifices wherwith they openly defiled thē selues, & tooke their fill during y raigne of Iulian, were nowe wholly taken away.

CAP. XXI. Cap. 25. in the Greeke.

How the Macedonians and Acacians assembling at Antioche, confirmed with their subscriptions the Nicene Creede.

THe Christian affaires were not as yet pacified, neither enioyed they a quiet ende. For such as were ringleaders of contrary factions gott them vnto the Emperour, hopinge that he would geue them free libertie to feede & foster among them selues the fiery humour of con­tention, & licence to deale sediciously w t their aduersaries. And first of all y Macedonians exhibite vnto him a supplication where they request that such as auoutch the vnlikenes & dissimilitude be­twene the sonne & the father should be banished y church, & thē selues substituted in their rowmes. The authors of this supplication were Basilus bishop of Ancyra, Siluanus bishop of Tarsus, So­phronius bishop of Pompeiopolis, Pasinicus bishop of Zenum, Leontius bishop of Comanum, Cal­licrates Iouianus the Emperour coulde not away with contentious persons. bishop of Claudiopolis, & Theophilus bishop of Castabala. The Emperour receauīg their supplication gaue them no answere at all, but sent thē away w t these words. I tell you truely I cā not away w t contention, but such as embrace vnitie & concord, I doe both honor & reuerence them. These words of y Emperour cōming to y eares of other contentious persons, delayd the heate of sedition y was kindled amōg them, which fell out right as the Emperour had wished. Againe at y time also the behauiour of y e Acacians, a busie kind of bodies, a sect wonderfull seditious was per­ceaued: a kind of people they are alwaies applying them selues according vnto the vaynes of the Emperours. These men assemble them selues at Antioch in Syria together with Meletius, who a litle before had seuered him selfe from their communion, they creepe to familiaritie & conference with him. The cause that moued them therevnto was, for that they sawe him in great estimation with the Emperour, who then made his abode at Antioche. They frame a supplication amonge them selues with vniforme cōsent of them all: They acknowledge the faith of One substance: they ratifie the Nicene creede: They exhibite vnto y Emperour their supplication cōtayning y forme The suppli­cation of the Acacians as­sembled at the councell of Antioch vnto the Em­perour Ioui­anus. as followeth. Vnto our most holy and gratious lorde Iouianus, victorious, puisant, Augustus: the councell of bishops assembled at Antioch out of sundry prouinces, send greeting in the Lorde. VVe haue experience & tryall sufficient (most holy Emperour) howe that your graces highnes with great industrie endeuoureth to establishe peace & vnitie in the church of God: neither are we ignorant howe that your prudent aduice thinketh no lesse then that the forme of the catho­licke faith will preuayle very much to the furtherance and confirmation of the aforesayde vnitie and concorde. Therefore lest we should be numbred among the corrupters of the true and syn­cere character of Christian doctrine: we thought good to let your maiestie vnderstand that we both allowe and retaine vnuiolably the Creede confirmed of old in the holy & sacred councell of Nice: sithence that the clause of One substance (according vnto some mens thinkinge vnadui­sedly layde downe) is very well interlaced of the fathers, interpreted and expounded both with commodious phrases, and fitt epithetons: the which exposition sheweth forth the sonne to be begotten of the fathers substance: to be like vnto the father according vnto his substance: that [Page 317] no passion ought to be conceaued in his inexplicable generation: that the word Substance was not vsed of the holie fathers in that sense which the Graecians take it, but to the ouerthrowe of the poysoned doctrine which the blasphemous mouth of Arius endeuoured to establishe, say­ing that Christ had his originall of nothinge: that also these Anomoians affirming (by interpre­tation) the sonne to be vnlike the father, who lately stept vp, auoutched more impudent and levvde doctrine to the ouerthrovve of the ecclesiasticall peace and vnitie. VVherfore vve haue thought good to annexe vnto this our supplication, vvherein our censure and opinion is layde The subscri­ption of the bishops. downe, the forme of faith (which we honor and reuerence) decreed by the bishops assembled at Nice. It beginnes as followeth: VVe beleeue in one God the father almightie, &c. contay­ning throughout very sounde and substantiall doctrine. I Meletius bishop of Antioch, doe sub­scribe and allowe of all the parts and parcells of the aforesayde supplication and creede aboue written. Euen so doe I Eusebius bishop of Samosata, Euagrius bishop of Sicilia, Vranius bishop of Apamea, Zoilus bishop of Larissae, Acacius bishop of Caesarea, Antipater bishop of Rosse, Abramius bishop of Vria, Aristonicus bishop of Seleucobelus, Barlamenus bishop of Perga­mus, Vranius bishop of Melitine, Magnus bishop of Chalcedon, Eutychius bishop of Eleuthe­ropolis, Isacocis bishop of Armenia the greater, Titus bishop of Bostra, Peter bishop of Sipus, Pelagius bishop of Laodicea, Arabianus bishop of Antros, Piso bishop of Adana, by his sub­stitute Lamydrio the elder, Sabinianus byshop of Zeugma, Athanasius byshop of Ancyra by his substitutes Orphitus and Atetius the elders, Irenio byshop of Gaza, Piso bishop of Augusta, Patricius byshop of Paltum by his substitute Lamyrio the elder, Anatolius byshop of Beroea, Theotimus byshop of Arabia, and Lucianus byshop of Arce. This supplication haue we founde in the booke of Sabinus intituled The collection of the Councells. The Emperour who determi­ned with him selfe to pacifie with gentle and curteous languages all quarelles and contention, made answere that he woulde not molest any, what faith or religion soeuer they professed, but aboue all others that he woulde honour and reuerence such as shewed them selues peacemakers, and went about to mayntayne the bonde of vnitie and concorde. Themistius the philosopher doth Flatterers are likened vnto the sea Euri­pus which ebbeth and floweth seuē times a day. report these thinges in this sort of him. For in the oration intituled Consul, the which he wrote of him, he extolleth him vnto the skies, because that in grauntinge euery man free choyce and li­bertie to professe this or that kinde of religion, he stopped the mouthes of all flattering parasites and sycophants, which kinde of men (sayeth he nyppinge wyse) as it is knowen vnto the whole world, worship not the kinge of heauen, but the earthly crowne and scepter, much like vnto Eu­ripus caryed headlong some times this way, some times that way.

CAP. XXII.

The death of Iouianus the Emperour.

THe Emperour when he had appeased the sedition of contentious persons, in such sorte as we haue sayde before, remoued with speede from Antioche, and gotte him to Tarsus in Cilicia, where after the wonted solemnitie of honorable funeralls he buryed the corps of Iulian his predecessor, immediatly after he is proclaimed Cōsul. Thence he tooke his voyage to­wards Cōstantinople, & came vnto a place called Dedastana, lying in y e middest betwene Galatia and Bithynia. There was he mett of Themistius the philosopher, together with other Senators and noble personages, who then pronounced before him his oration intituled Consul. the which afterwards also he vttered at Constantinople in the hearing of the whole multitude. The empire Iouianus the Emperour departed this life Anno Dom. 368. of Rome had enioyed great prosperitie: the state of all people both hygh and lowe: the ecclesia­sticall affaires of the church of God, by reason of so vertuous an Emperour, had florished excee­dingly: had not death vnlooked for, pearced his breast with her poysoned dart, and depriued him of all his princely ioy: for he dyed in the aforesayde place in winter, of the longues beynge stopped with deadly obstructions, the 17 of Februarie: he him selfe together with his sonne Ʋaronianus being Consul. He was Emperour seuen moneths, and departed this lyfe beyng three and thirtie yeare olde. This booke compriseth the space of two yeares and fiue moneths.

The ende of the thirde booke of Socrates.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Howe that after the death of Iouian, Ʋalentinianus was chosen Emperour, who ioyned with him his brother Ʋalens. Ʋalentinianus him selfe was a true Catholicke, but Ʋalens was an Arian.

WHen Iouian the Emperour had runne the race of his naturall lyfe, and departed out The fourth booke com­priseth the historie of 16. yeares. ending anno Dom. 381. Valētinianus created Em­perour anno Dom. 368. Valens the Arian was felowe Em­perour with Valentinian. An. Do. 368. of this worlde at Dadastana, (as we sayde before) the seuentienth of Februarie, be­ynge Consull him selfe together with Ʋaronianus his sonne: the souldiers which came from Gallatia the seuenth daye after, into Nicaea a citie of Bithynia, proclay­med with vniforme consent and one voyce Ʋalentinianus for their Emperour, the fiue and twentie of the sayde Februarie, and in the aforesayde Consulship. This Ʋalentinian was by byrth of Pannonia, and of the citie Cimale, who applyinge him selfe to feates of armes, pro­ued both a skilfull and a valiant warryer. He was a man of a noble minde, and seemed alwayes to deserue farre greater honor and dignitie then he enioyed. As soone as he was created Empe­rour, he gott him with all speede to Constantinople, and thirtie dayes after his coronation, he made his brother Ʋalens fellowe Emperour with him. And though they were both Christians, yet did they disagree in poyntes of religion. Ʋalentinian embraced the faith established by the Councell of Nice: but Valens after a certaine toye conceaued in his braynes, cleaued vnto the A­rian heresie, the which opinion tooke roote in his breaste, by reason he was baptized of Eudoxius the Arian bishop of Constantinople. They were both earnest followers of the faith which they embraced, and beynge created Emperours, the one was farre vnlike the other in condicion and trade of lyfe. For though before that tyme vnder the raygne of Iulian, the one beynge Tribune, I meane Valentinian, the other beynge of the ordinarie garde and dayly about the Emperour, I meane Valens, they both declared vnto the worlde the zeale they bare vnto Christian religion (for beynge constrayned to sacrifice, they chose rather to flinge from them their sworde gyrdels, then forsake the faith of Christ, so that the Emperour Iulian deposed nere nother of them from their dignities, no more he dyd not Iouian, who immediately succeeded him in the Empire, percea­uinge they were profitable members of the common wealth) yet afterwardes hauinge gotten the supremacie & the emperiall scepter, notwithstandinge their diligence and care was alike in the administration of the publicke weale at the beginninge of their raygne, for all that toutchinge the faith (as I sayde before) they varyed one from an other, and shewed a contrarie and a diuers countenance vnto the professors of Christian religion. Valentinian as he honored and reuerenced the fauourers of his faith and opinion: so he molested the Arians not at all: yet Valens endeuou­red not onely to encrease the numbre of the Arians, but also (as hereafter shall more manifestly Liberius. Athanasius. d [...]ucius. Euzoius. p [...]aulinus. Meletius. Cyrillus. Eudoxius. appeare) greeuously to persecute the contrarie opinion. About that tyme Liberius was bishop of Rome, and at Alexandria Athanasius was ouer the congregations which addicted them selues vnto the faith of One substance: but ouer the Arians was Lucius, whome the heretickes chose to their bishop immediatly after the desease of Georgius. The Arians inhabitinge Antioch had Eu­zoius to their byshop. Such as maynetayned there also the faith of One substance, were deuided into two partes, ouer the one was Paulinus, ouer the other Meletius. Cyrillus was then bishop of Ierusalem, and Eudoxius the Arian, bishop of Constantinople. The defenders of the creede which contayned the clause of One substance, were fayne to meete in a litle chappell within the sayd ci­tie, and there to celebrate their wonted solemnity. The sect of the Macedonians which varied from the Acacians in Seleucia, enioyed their churches throughout euery citie. And thus went the af­fayres of the church in those dayes.

CAP. II.

VVhen Ʋalentinianus abode in the VVest, the Macedonians repayred vnto Valens at Con­stantinople and obtayned of him to summone a councell. How that Valens being an Arian persecuted the true Christians.

THe Emperour Valentinian tooke his iorney with all speede into the West, whither he was constrained by reason of earnest busines to remoue. But Valens as he remayned at Constan­tinople was visited of the Bishops which were of the sect of Macedonius, and requested to summone an other synode for the establishing of the true faith. The emperour thinking verily they were of one opinion with Acacius & Eudoxius, gaue them licence to call a councell together. They from euery where cited the bishops to meete at Lampsacum. But Valens with all celerity gott him The coun­cell of Lampsacum gathered together of Macedo­nian here­ticks. to Antioch in Syria, fearing lest the Persians should breake the league of thirty yeares made in the raygne of Iouianus, and inuade the Romaine dominions, where he founde that the Persians were quiet and meant no harme. The Emperour therefore liuing in peace and enioying quietnes raised great and grieuous persecution against them which embraced the faith of one substance. And al­though he molested not Paulinus the Bishop, for his rare vertues and singuler giftes, yet banished he Meletius. but others of the Churches of Antioch that woulde not communicate with Euzoius, he vexed diuersly and plagued with sundry penalties and punishments. It is reported moreouer that he threwe many into the riuer Orontes which runneth by the citie, and there drowned them.

CAP. III.

VVhile Valens the Emperour persecuted the true Christians in the East, Procopius the tyrant rebelled at Constantinople, then also were seene great earthquakes and ouerflowing of the sea which destroyed many cities.

WHen Valens exercised such practises in Syria, Procopius the tyrant rebelleth at Constan­tinople. Anno Dom. 369. Who when in short space he had gathered great power, marched forwards to geue battell vnto the Emperour. Valens vnderstanding of this, was in a sore taking, and by reason of this sturre his tyranny & cruelty rested a while from persecuting. In the meane space Earthquakes while y smoke of this tumult waxed hott, there rose vpon a sodaine a great earthquake which scat­tered the building asunder & destroyed many cities. Moreouer the sea kept not with in his bounds, The sea o­uerflowed. brake ouer the banks & drowned the contries. for it fel out in many places, that where a litle before men went afoote, all then was aflote, botes, barks & shipps were vsed: againe the sea went so farre from it self in other places that it left much dry land, much sandy groūd, & many fishes to swimme without water. These thinges happened in the first consulship of these two Emperours.

CAP. IIII.

In the troublesome state of the Church the Macedonian sect in the councell of Lampsacum ratified the creede of the councell held at Antioch: accursed the faith of the councell summoned at Arimi­num, and confirmed the deposition of Acacius and Eudoxius.

IN the time of the aforesayd calamities, neither enioyed the common weale peace, neither were the ecelesiasticall affayres in prosperous estate. for such as had procured licence of y Emperour The coun­cell of Lampsacum held [...] of Macedo­nians 7. yeares after the councell of Seleucia. to summone a councell met together at Lampsacum in the same Counsulship, that is the seuenth yeare after the councell of Seleucia, and there after they had confirmed afresh the forme of fayth which of olde was published at Antioch, (they had also a litle before subscribed vnto the same at Seleucia) they accursed the creede of the Bishops which with vniforme consent in religion they had lately established at Ariminum. Againe they gaue sentence against Acacius and Eudoxius, as of right deseruing to be remoued. Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople could in no wise resist their doings, the commotion and warres then in hande raysed by the tyrant Procopius, was a cause and let that he coulde not reuenge him of them. Wherefore Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum hauing got­ten the vpper hande, maintayned for a while together with his complices the Macedonian opini­on, the which also a litle before was disclosed and made more manifest at the councell of Lampsa­cum. I suppose verily the sayd councell to haue bene cause why Hellespontus (for Lampsacum is a towne on the sea side of Hellespontus towards Asia) is so full of the Macedonian hereticks. The aforesayd councell was ended as you reade before.

CAP. V.

How the Emperour and the rebell Procopius pitched their fielde by Nacolaea a city of Phrygia. The rebell was betrayed by his owne captains, and executed together with them.

THe yeare following in the consulship of Gratianus and Dagalaephus the warre beganne. For Anno Dom. 370. Procopius the tyrant left Constantinople and made expedition against the Emperour: Va­lens vnderstanding of it remoued out of Antioch and with all speede went to meete Procopi­us, ioyned with him at Nacolaea a city in Phrygia, and there pitched the battell. In the first s kir­mishe he had the worse, his [...]ide was the weaker, in a while after he tooke Procopius aliue, for An­gelo and Gomarius his owne captaines had betrayed him, whome (I meane all three) he executed Angelo and Gomarius the captal­nes of Proco pius were sawed alsider Procopius dieth mise­rably. with new and straung kindes of torments. The traytors for contemming their alleageance & othe past betwene them, he sawed asunder in the middest. The tyranes thighes he tyed to the toppes of mighty boughes growing not farre asunder, the which first of all with certayne Engines he wre­sted to the grounde, afterwards loosed them which lifted Procopius on high and pulled him in pee­ces. The rebell being thus corne in two partes died miserably.

CAP. VI.

How the Emperour after his victory against Procopius went about to compell the Mace­donian councell of Lampsacum & all Christians to the Arian opinion.

THe Emperour being puffed vp with his prosperous and lucky successes, turned himselfe a­gaine to molest & persecute the christians because he determined with him self to preferre e­uery where the Arian opinion. And first of all the councell held at Lāpsacum lay on his sto­macke not onely because they deposed the Arian Bishops and depriued them of their Churches, but also because they accursed the forme of faith lately established at Ariminum. Wherefore after his comming vnto Nicomedia a citie of Bithynia he called before him Eleusius Bishop of Cyzi­cum, who as I sayde before was of the Macedonian opinion. The Emperour called together a councell of Arian Bishops, and compelled Eleusius to subscribe vnto their faith. Who though at the first he denied vtterly that he woulde agree thereunto, yet afterwards being fore threatned of the Emperour with banishment and confiscation of all his substance, he yelded vnto the Arian o­pinion: Immediatly after his subscription he was in a great agony and torment of conscience: he returned thence to Cyzicum: In the face of the congregation he made a pitifull complaint with relation of the iniurie which the Emperour had done vnto him: how he had condescended not with his will, but by compulsion vnto the Arian heresie: he requested they woulde get them an other bi­shop, because that he was constrayned to deny his owne opinion, but the inhabiters of Cyzicum for the great loue and affection they bare towards him, neyther woulde acknowledge an other bi­shop ouer them, neyther yeld vp the gouernment of their Church. Wherfore they both tooke him for their superior, and kept still their former opinion.

CAP. VII.

How that Eunomius after the deposition of Eleusuis the Macedonian, was made Bishop of Cyzicum. The originall of Eunomius, and how that he being the scribe of Acti­us the Atheist followed his stepps.

WHen the sormer deposition was hearde of, the Bishop of Constantinople those Euno­mius to be Bishop of Cyzicum, who being an eloquent man, was thought able with his gift of persuasion easily to induce them to embrace his opinion. After that Eunomius was come thither, the Emperour sent his commaundement that Eleusius shoulde be remoued, and Eunomius placed in his rowme. Whereupon the fauorers of Eleusius buylded them a church with­out the walls of the citie, and there had their priuate conuenticles. but of Eleusius so farre. And [...]nomius is the [...]be of Aë­ [...]s the he­ [...]ck. now let vs returne vnto Eunomius. This Eunomius was a scribe of Aetius, who was surnamed the Atheist, of whome we spake before. And liuing with this Aetius he learned of him captious falla­ces and quircks of Logick, the which Sophisters doe highly embrace and exercised him self ther­in continewally. Moreouer he was delighted with vayne speaches and epithetons: he learned vn­aduisedly [Page 321] to frame sophisticall arguments: he tooke great pride therein and ranne headlong into o­pen blaspemy. he embraced the heresie of Arius and impugned the trueth in Christ. And although he was in maner ignorant as toutching holy Scripture and the vnderstanding thereof: yet was he able to decline the words and vary the phrase, but he coulde neuer attaine vnto the marke he shot at, as his seuen bookes of commentaries vpon the epistle of S. Paul vnto the Romaines foolishly written doe declare. When he had vttered many dayne and friuolous expositions of that epistle, his capacity could not comprise neither attaine vnto the drift of the Apostle. There are extant cer­taine other bookes of his not vnlike the former, the which if any be disposed to peruse, he shall finde many words, but litle matter. It was this Eunomius that Eudoxius preferred to the bishopricke of Cyzicum. When as he after his wonted maner fedd the eares of his auditors out of the pulpitt w t sophisticall arguments and reasons of Logick, he amazed his auditory, so that thereupon there was raysed a great tumult at Cyzicum. for the citizens of Cyzicum when they coulde not away w t his arrogant and insolent maner of preaching, they banished him their citie. Thence he gott him to Constantinople, liued with Eudoxius and playd the Bishop no longer. Yet lest we seeme in the way of sclaunder onely to report these thinges of him, let vs heare the blasphemous wordes of Eu­nomius him selfe, wherewith most impiously after his Sophisticall maner he derogated from the maiesty of Almighty God. he sayd as followeth: God of his owne essence vnderstandeth no more The blasphe mies of Eu­nomius the heretick. then we doe, neither is the same better knowen or vnderstoode of him then of vs: and whatsoeuer we knowe of it, the same knoweth he, and looke what his capacitie reacheth vnto, the same thou shalt finde in vs. These and many other such lewde fallacies linked Eunomius together, but after what sorte he fell from the Arians, I will hereafter declare.

CAP. VIII.

Of the oracle that was founde ingrauen in a stone, when the Emperour Valens vpon di­spleasure ouerthrewe the walls of Chalcedon.

THe Emperour vpon displeasure gaue commaundement that the walls of Chalcedon lying ouer against Byzantium should be ouerthrowen. for he tooke an othe that if he gott the vp­per hand of Procopius the tyrant, he would do it because y citizens of Chalcedon tooke Pro­copius part and reuiled him as he passed by the walls of their citie with spitefull and contumelious languages, and shutt vp their gates against him. so it fell out that the walls of the citie by the com­maundement of the Emperour were throwen downe to the grounde. the stones there of were cary­ed to the common baths at Constantinople called Constantianae. In one of the sayd stones there was an oracle founde ingrauen the which of olde lay in secret, & then first came to light. Whereby it appeared that the walls should be taken to the vse of the baths, when great plēty of waters were seene in the citie: and that when infinite of the Barbarian nations inuaded the Romayne domini­ons, they shoulde wonderfully molest the empire of Rome, and in the ende be ouerthrowen them selues, there is no cause to the contrary but that the reader may haue the oracle layd before him.

VVhen Nymphs with noyse and royall feasts, when mirth in citie raygnes
An oracle founde en­grauen in a stone when the wall of Calcedon was the owne downe.
VVhen walls with woe keepe streamy bathes that boyle vp filth and staynes
A people strong in number great shall passe Danuby streames
Calliro eke, the Scythian [...]se and Misian craggy realmes
The Thracian bankes with armour bright all couered men shall see
This nation fierce though armour fight in armour foyld shalbe.

The oracle is in this sort. for not long after the conduyt which Ʋalens made, yelded great plen­ty of water vnto the citie of Constantinople: at the same time also (as hereafter shall more mani­festly appeare) certaine of the Barbarian nations tooke armour against the empire of Rome. yet y oracle may otherwise be vnderstoode. for Clearchus the Lieuetenant of the city after y conueyance of the conduyt, made a great pipe in Theodosius market the which was called the plentifull pipe, where also for ioye thereof the citie kept a solemne feaste, and this peraduenture was it which the Oracle meant when he sayd:

VVhen Nymphes with noyse and royall feasts when mirth in citie raygnes
VVhen walls with woe keepe streamy bathes that boyle vp filth and staynes.

But these circumstances & knowledge of the oracle fel out afterwards. When y e walls of Chal­cedon were a throwing downe, y citizens of Constantinople made humble sute vnto y e Emperour y t he would not so deface the city of Chalcedon. y like did y Bithynians, Nicomedians & Nicaeans, [Page 322] who by chaunce then were at Constantinople. but the emperour being throughly incensed against them, tooke their sute in very ill part: & to the end he might kepe his othe, he commaunded the wal shoulde downe and the foundation should be filled vp with litle pelting stones, so that as yet there is to be seene in some places of the wall, how sclender and what newe building of no accompt was raised vpon so auncient and substantiall a foundation. but of the walls of Chalcedon so much shall suffice.

CAP. IX.

How the Emperour Valens persecuted the Nouations who embraced the clause of one substance no lesse then the true Christians. How the Emperour Valentinianus be­gate a sonne and called him after his owne name, for his sonne Gratia­nus was borne before Valentinianus enioyed the empire.

THe Emperour moreouer ceased not from persecuting such as embraced the creede contay­ning the clause of one substance, but banished them out of Constantinople, and together with them the Nouatians who addicted them selues vnto the same opinion: their Churche doores he commaunded to be nayled vp: their Bishop Agelius a man that led a precise life, and ruled the Church euen from the raigne of Constantine he exiled. This man all his life tyme went barefoote and according vnto the commaundement of the Gospell, he had but one coate. At that tune Martianus who sometime was a souldier in the Emperours pallace, a zealous and an elo­quent man, appeased the displeasure of the Emperour conceaued against the Nouatians. He was then a Priest of the Nouatian Churche, and trayned vp Anastasia and Carosis the Emperours daughters in the precepts of Grammer: in whose name the common bathes buylded by Valens at Constantinople were consecrated, the which as yet are there to be seene bearing the name of the Emperours daughters. Wherefore by reason of his sute and because of the reuerende opinion which the Emperour conceaued of this priest, the Nouatian Churches being shutt vp for a while, were set wide open and frequented a newe, yet were they not ridd of the Arians nor deliuered from their persecution. The Arians abhorred them because they loued entirely such as embraced the faith of one substance. The state of the Ecclesiasticall affayres then was at this point. This one thing we may not leaue vntoutched, how the battell betwene the Emperour and Procopius the ty­rant was fought about the latter ende of May. in the consulship of Gratianus and Dagalephus. In a while after the sayd battell, the aforesayd men being Consulls, the Emperour Ʋalentinianus had a sonne borne him in the West, whome he called after his owne name, for his sonne Gratianus was borne before he was crowned Emperour.

CAP. X.

Of the great hayle that fell at Constantinople, and the earthquakes which happened in Bithynia and Hellespontus.

THe yeare following in the Consulship of Lucinus and Iouianus, the seconde of Iulie, hayle of Great haile. a wonderfull bignes, like vnto stones lighted at Constantinople. It is rise in euery mans mouth that God sent that great hayle in token of his displeasure against the Emperour, for banishing many Priestes and Bishops which refused to communicate with Eudoxius the Arian. Not long after in the aforesayd consulship, the foure and twentieth of August, Ʋalentinianus crea­ted his sonne Gratianus Emperour. The yeare following, being the seconde Consulship of Valen­tinianus Terrible earthquakes. and Valens, the eleuenth of Octobre, there was in Bithynia a greate earthquake which o­uerthrewe the citie of Nice. It was the twelf yeare after the ruyne of Nicomedia. Immediatly after many peeces of Germa, a citie in Hellespontus were turned vpside downe w t an other earth­quake. for all these dreadfull sights were behelde in the open face of the worlde, the lewde dispositi­on of Eudoxius the Arian Bishop, and the peruerted minde of the Emperour Ʋalens was nothing moued to incline vnto piety and right reformation of true religion. for they obserued no meane but furiously raged against all such as helde the contrary faith and opinion. These earthquakes were no otherwise to be taken then for manifest tokens of the schisme & tumults then raysed in y church. And though many of the priestly order were depriued of their dignities, yet of all the rest Basilius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregorius Bishop of a small and meane citie bordering vpon Caesarea, by the prouidence of God for their great pietie were not banished their natiue soile. [Page 323] Of whome I shall haue occasion hereafter to discourse more at large.

CAP. XI.

How the sect of Macedonius being put to their shifts by reason of the Emperours displeasure, sent their letters vnto Liberius Bishop of Rome, where they subscribed vnto the fayth of one substance.

WHen as at that tyme such as cleaued stedfastly vnto the clause of one substance being the true Christians, were vexed aboue measure: the Macedonians also were pursued of the wicked and godlesse persecutors. These men partly for feare and partly for their fayth being brought to their witts ende, wrote letters and sent messengers from their bishopricks one vnto the other, signifying that of necessity they must flie for refuge both vnto the Emperours brother and to Liberius Bishop of Rome, and subscribe rather vnto their fayth then condescende to communicate with Eudoxius the Arian. Wherefore they sende Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia, one that had bene often times deposed: Siluanus Bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus Bishop of Castabala a citie likewise of Cilicia: these men are charged not to disagree as toutching the faith with Liberius, but to communicate with the Churche of Rome and to ratifie by their subscri­ptions the faith of one substance. When these men had receaued their letters which impugned the faith at Seleucia, in all the hast they post to olde Rome. They shewe not them selues vnto the Emperour (for he was in Fraunce, busily occupying him selfe about the battell against the Sar­matians) but deliuer their letters vnto Liberius. Liberius refuseth to geue their letters the reading, he tolde them they were Arians and therefore in no wise to be entertayned of the Church, because they had abrogated the creede of the Nicene councell. Unto whome they make answere that his words were true, yet that they repented them afterwards of their folly: that they acknowledge the trueth: that of late they had condemned the opinion which affirmeth the sonne to be vnlike the fa­ther: that they confessed the sonne in all thinges and in all respects to be like the father, and that the clause of likenes differed nothing from the sense of one substance. When they had made this protestation by word of mouth, he requireth them to doe the same in writing. They immediatly ex­hibite vnto him a supplication where in the forme of faith published and established by the councell of Nice was comprised. And lest that I seeme ouertedious vnto the reader, my purpose is to omitt the letters they wrote from one company to an other, namely from Smyrna in Asia, from Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphilia and Lycia: onely here to lay downe the supplication which Eustathius sent from his lodging vnto Liberius, it was written as followeth:

Vnto their Lorde and brother their fellow minister Liberius, Eustathius, Theophilus & Syluanus sende greeting in the Lorde.

To the ende vve may remoue all suspicion of heresie and partaking vvith sects vvhatsoeuer, The hereti­call Bishops of Macedo­nius sect, now doe recant & exhibite this supplica tion vnto Liberius bi­shop of Rōe. which heretofore haue molested the quiet estate of the catholick church: presently we do allow of the synods & assemblies of bishops which mett at Lampsacum & Smyrna, & at sundry other places maintaining the right & soūd faith. that these our words may seeme for no other thē our true meaning, we are legats & haue brought letters vnto your holines, vnto al the bishops of Ita­lie & to the other churches whatsoeuer of the west contrey, whereby it shall manifestly appeare that vve are of the Catholick faith: that vve defende the sacred Canons of the Nicene councell established in the happy raygne of the holy Emperour Constantine by three hundred and eygh­teene Bishops, the which vnto this day haue bene continewally obserued and vnuiolably retai­ned: where the clause of one substance was godly enterlaced to the ouerthrowe of the poisoned opinion of Arius. for by subscribing with our owne hands we doe plainly protest that we are of no other opinion then these fathers were of: but that heretofore & presently also we embrace the same faith with them & mind firmely to continew therin vnto our last houre. Moreouer we cō ­demne Arius, his detestable opinion, his disciples, his complices: the whole heresie of Sabellius, all the Patropassians, Marcionists, Photinians, Marcelliās, & to be short the wicked sect of Pau­lus Samosatenus. VVe pronounce these mens doctrine for accursed together with all that holde with them, all heresies like wise which are contrary vnto the aforesayd sacred faith, generally & godly framed by those holy fathers assembled in the city of Nice. VVe accurse also the forme of [Page 324] faith that was repeated at the councell of Ariminum, partly for that it repugneth the Nicene Creede, & partly for that diuers vvere fraudulently brought to subscribe vnto the same at Con­stantinople, through vviles & periury mistaking the title, for they tooke Nice a city of Thracia, for Nice in Bithynia. The beliefe & faith vve are of, & of them likewise vvhose legats vve are, is as followeth: VVe beleeue in one God the father almighty, maker of all things visible & inuisi­ble, The Nicene Creede. & in one onely begotten God our Lorde Iesus Christ the sonne of God, begotten of the fa­ther, that is of the substance of the father: God of God, light of light: very God of very God be­gotten not made: being of one substance with the father by whom all things were made, either in heauen or in earth, who for vs men & for our saluation came downe from heauen, was incar­nate & made man, he suffred & rose againe the third day, he ascended into heauen & shall come againe to iudge both the quicke & the dead. And we beleue in the holy Ghost. such as say there was a time when he was not: or that he was not before his incarnation: or that he hath his be­ing of nothinge: or that he consisteth of any other essence or substance then of the fathers: or that the sonne of God is conuertible and mutable, them I saye▪ the holy and Catholick Churche vnder heauen doth holde for accursed. I Eustathius bishop of Sebastia, Theophilus & Siluanus le­gats of the councells of Lampsacum, Smyrna, with others, haue voluntarily with our owne pro­per hands subscribed vnto all the premisses & to euery parcell within comprised. If any man af­ter this our protestation commense any sute or accuse either vs or them whiche sent vs, let him come with your holinesse letters vnto some of the catholick Bishops whome you thinke best, & there pleade with vs in their presence & so let the punishment light vpon his heade that is faul­ty.

Liberius hauing bounde the legats with the subscription of their owne hands, receaued them in­to the communion, gaue them these letters following and sent them away.

The epistle of Liberius Bishop of Rome, vnto the Bishops of the Macedonian Cap. 11 in the Greeke. sect inhabiting the East contries.

Vnto our welbeloued brethren and fellow bishops Hythius, Cyrillus, Hyperechius, Vranius, He­ron, Elpidius, Maximus, Eusebius, Eucarpius, Heortasius &c. vnto all the Catholick bishops of the East churches: Liberius Bishop of Italy together with other Bishops of the VVest sende greeting alwaies in the Lord. Your letters (welbeloued brethren & mē that are bedecked with the bright beames of fayth) we haue receaued by the reuerend brethren & bishops Eustathius, Siluanus & Theophilus, containing quietnes & concord of the catholick church, which confirmed in vs fully out desired ioy & gladnes. And first of all because that therby we perceaued your faith & opini­on to be in all pointes agreeable both with mine which am the meanest of you all, with the o­ther bishops of Italy & the rest of the west contreyes: nay not only this but also your legats haue confirmed it with the testimony of their owne handes. This Catholick & Apostolicke faith we doe acknowledge which from the councell of Nice hitherto hath firmely & vnuiolably conti­newed. This was the faith that your legats protested: in this faith with notable corage they haue accursed all the croked steppes of cankred opinions, & quenched all the fiery sparcles that sla­shed thereof. This faith not onely by preaching vnto the people but also by penning of it in pa­per they haue published vnto the worlde. The coppy whereof we thought good to annexe vnto these letters, lest the hereticks finde meanes hereby to cauill: euen as some heretofore haue got­ten lighter occasion then this to leueale at the church of God the darts of their dispiteful minde & the flaming firebrands of contention for our most reuerende brethren Eustathius, Siluanus & Theophilus confesse the same, and withall them selues, together with your fatherhoode, to haue bene euer of this fayth, & nowe with free purpose to continewe firme in the same vnto the last houre: that in the faith which was approued of three hundreth & eyghteene Catholick Bishops assembled in the city of Nice: which containeth the absolute and perfect trueth: which stoppeth the mouths of hereticks and vtterly ouerthroweth their counterfeit doctrine. Neither came it to passe by happ hazarde that so great a heape & multitude of bishops met together: for it was the will & prouidence of Almighty God that assembled them to the suppression of the fury & rage of the heretick Arius. It was with the same nūber that blessed Abraham ouercame through faith Gen. 14. so many millions of mē. The which fayth being comprised in the force & vertue of one substance, is so firme & inuincible a bulwark that it foyleth all the sleights & crafty inuention of the Arian heresie. And although the cursed & abominable Arians caused all bishops from euery where to [Page 325] assemble at Ariminum, to the ende that eyther through persvvasion or rather (to tell the trueth) by the commaundement of the Emperour, that vvhich vvas the principall point of the creede might by them be blotted out, or at least vvise levvdly peruerted: yet for all their spitefull deui­ses, they preuailed not. For all the Bishops in maner vvhich mett at Ariminum, and vvere either The councel of Ariminū recanteth & accurseth A­rius. allured by their fradulent enticements, or compelled by force, and so fell at that time from the faith: novv hauing remembred them selues better, accursed the faith sett forth by the Bishops at Ariminum: ratified by subscription the Catholick & Apostolick faith confirmed by the bishops of the Nicene councell, and now they communicate together vvith vs: once I say againe all they presently are earnest & zealously bent against the hereticall opinion of Arius and his followers. The vvhich thing vvhen your legats had throughly examined & deepely vveyed vvith them sel­ues, they freely subscribed in your names, & accursed Arius together vvith the canons conclu­ded vpon at Ariminum contrary vnto the Nicene faith, vnto the vvhich sometimes you your sel­ues being trained through fraude & vviles haue by othe subscribed. VVherfore it seemed good vnto vs to write vnto your louing brotherhoode & to asist you in such reasonable requests: espe­cially seing we are geuē to vnderstād by the protestatiō of your legats that the bishops of the cast are novv come into the right vvay & embrace one faith together with the Catholick Bishops of the vvest. Neither vvould vve haue you ignorant that they vvho sometime vvere craftely & vio­lently dravven from the trueth to establish the blasphemous decrees against the maiestie of the sonne of God at the councell of Ariminum: novve haue vvholly & vnfainedly condemned the same, & with vniforme consent of them all to haue embraced the Nicene creede. Moreouer you haue to certifie all men by your letters, that they vvhich heretofore vnvvittingly svvarued from the faith & now wander in the wast desert & darke miste of heresie may at length returne vnto the bright & celestiall beames of christian liberty shining in the vvorlde to the comfort of their soules. All vvhich let them knovve for suertie that if they vvill not after this damnable councell purge them selues & vomit out the deadly poison of this detestable doctrine: if they will not re­moue from among them all the blasphemies of Arius: if they wil not abhorre him from the hart roote & accurse him for euer: that they them selues are cutt of & excōmunicated from the com­munion of the faithfull as aliens & forayners, (for the Churche norisheth no bastards) together with Arius & his disciples, & all such vipers broode as the Sabellians, Patropassians & all other hereticall opinions whatsoeuer. God haue you in his tuition welbeloued brethren.

The legats of Eustathius cōpany hauing gotten these letters tooke their iourney into Sicilia: where after that The councel of Sicilia. a synode of Sicilian bishops was called together, they protested in like sort before them y they em­braced y faith of one substance: there also they ratifie the forme of faith established by the councell of Nice. When they had also procured these bishops letters toutching the same matter together w t the epistle of Liberius vnto y east churches, straight way they returne home. The easterne bishops after the receat of Liberius epistle, sent legats into euery city of them which defended the fayth of one substance, requesting them with one consent to assemble at Tarsus in Cilicia: partly for to ra­tifie the Nicene creede, and partly for to remoue all schisme and contention raised in the Church since that time. The which peraduenture had bene done, if that Eudoxius the Arian Bishop who was in great fauor with the Emperour had not withstoode it: who also for the summoning therof was wonderfully incensed, so that afterwards he diuersly vexed them. Sabinus also in his booke in­titled the collection of the councells, reporteth in like sorte that the Macedonians communicated by their legats with Liberius, and ratified the Nicene Creede.

CAP. XII. Cap. 13. in the Greeke.

How Eunomius the heretick fell from Eudoxius the Arian: how by the procurement of Eudoxius, Atha­nasius was faine to slie & to hide him selfe, so that there rose a great tumult, and to appease the same, the Emperour wrote louingly vnto the people of Alexandria, & com­maunded that Athanasius shoulde quietly enioy his bishoprick.

ABout that time Eunomius deuided him selfe from Eudoxius, & raysed seuerall conuenticles: The one heretick fallen out with the other. because that after he had made longe and tedious sute vnto Eudoxius in the behalfe of his maister Aetius, he woulde not receaue him into the Church. Neither did Eudoxius that of him selfe (for he misliked not at all with the opinion of Aetius, in so much that his owne differed not from his) but all the whole faction of Eudoxius abhorred Aetius for one that was of a contra­ry opinion vnto them. It is knowen very well that this was the cause which moued Eunomius [Page 326] to disagree and vary from Eudoxius, for we learned of a trueth these thinges to haue thus fallen out at Constantinople. But at Alexandria the writt that was sent thither by the gouernours, through the procurement of Eudoxius molested wonderfully the quiet estate of the Church. Atha­nasius mistrusting the heady and rashe motion of the common people, fearing if any mischiefe were wrought by them that it woulde be laide to his charge: hid him selfe in his fathers priuey closset, the full space of foure moneths. The Emperour hearing that the people was all on an vprore at the departure of Athanasius, for the loue and longing they did for him, was wonderfully incensed and signified vnto the people of Alexandria by his letters that his pleasure was that Athanasius shoulde quietly as they wished them selues enioy the bishoprick. by this meanes it came to passe that the Church of Alexandria had peace and tranquillity vnto the death of Athanasius. but howe the Arians possessed that Church after his death we will hereafter declare.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 14. in the Greeke.

How that after the death of Eudoxius, the Arians chose Demophilus bishop of Constantinople: the Ca­tholicks chose Euagrius whome Eustathius Bishop of Antioch did consecrate, but by the com­maundement of the Emperour Ʋalens they were both exiled▪ so that afterwards the true Christians were wonderfully afflicted. Of the fourescore priestes that were burned in the ship, & the great famine that fel in Phrygia.

THe Emperour Valens hastening againe to Antioch left Constantinople & comming to Ni­comedia in Bithynia, was faine to make there his abode for a while, the cause was as fol­loweth. Eudoxius the Arian Bishop hauing enioyed the bishoprick of Constantinople the space of nyneteene yeares departed this life immediatly after the emperours remouing out of the citie, in the third Consulship of Valentinianus and Valens. Wherefore the Arians placed Demophi­lus in his rowme. but such as embraced the faith of one substance, supposing now they had got fitt opportunity, chose Euagrius a man of their owne opinion. He was consecrated bishop by Eustathi­us, who of olde had bene bishop of Antioch, and then lately had bene by Iouianus called home from exile & at that time by chaunce remained (though in secret) at Constantinople for to confirme such as were of the faith of one substance. Cap. 15. in the greeke. This being done the Arians begonne againe with furious motion to persecute the faithfull christians, so that tydings therof came quickly to the Emperours eares▪ he fearing greatly lest the seditious tumult of the vulgar sort should ouerthrow the city, sent out of Nicomedia into Constantinople great power of armed souldiers: & commaunded withall that both the consecrator and the consecrated bishop shoulde be banished one to one place, the other into an other contrey. Wherefore Eustathius was exiled into Bizya a city of Thracia, & Euagrius was conueyed into an other city. When the world fauored the Arians in this sort, they set vp them selues, they crowed insolently ouer the true christians, they scurged, reuiled, imprisoned, mearced they layd vpon them all the greeuous and intollerable burthens they could deuise. The true Chri­stians being thus oppressed with extreme dealing, went vnto the Emperour, besought most hum­bly of him, that if not altogether yet at least wise he woulde ease them of some part of their troub­les: but where they thought to haue founde fauor, there were they fouly deceaued, insomuch they hoped to obtaine iustice at his hands which was their deadly foe and the cause of all their woefull calamity. Cap. 16. in the Greeke. For when as those godly & religious men of the priestly order being in number foure­score and sent in the name of all the rest into Nicomedia, (namely as the most famous, Ʋrbanus, Theodorus, and Menedemus) made supplication vnto the Emperour, opened vnto him their grief, certified him of the iniuries they sustayned at the hands of the Arians: he although he was then wonderfully incensed against them, yet concealed his displeasure vntill that priuely he had com­maunded his Lieuetenant Modestus to lay them in hold, and punish them with death. The kind of death insomuch it was newe and straunge, I thinke best to paint it forth in paper to the knowledg of the posteritie in tyme to come. The Lieuetenant fearing greatly lest if he woulde execute them in the open face of the Citizens, the common people woulde be on an vprore and sett vpon him: made them beleeue that he would banishe them the contreye. They tooke the threats of exile in good part. The Lieuetenant commaunded them to hasten vnto the rode, to goe on borde, and take shipping as if they were to be conueyed into foreyne and farre contreyes: yet charged he the ma­ryners, then when as they came into the mayne seae they shoulde sett the ship afire, so that dying [...]ourescore [...]ue christiās [...]ere se [...] in a shippe and fired by commaun­dement of Valens the Arian Emperoure. in that sorte they shoulde haue none for to bury them. And so they did. For immediatly after their comming vnto the Astacen seae, they conueyed them selues into a cockeboate, fired the ship and [Page 327] returned home. There rose by chaunce a mightie Easterne winde which draue the ship with vio­lence, swiftely for to sulcate the seas and continewed so longe vntill she arriued at the hauen called Dacidizus: where in the ende together with those godly men she was vtterly consumed to ashes▪ Yet the reporte goeth, and rife it is in euery mans mouth that this cruell and horrible act was not longe after vnreuenged. For immediatly all Phrygia was plagued with a sore and a lamentable famine: so that many of the inhabitantes of that countrey were constrayned of necessitie to flie vn­to Constantinople and to other prouinces for necessarie food. The city of Constantinople though it find and relieue an infinite multitude of mē, yet there is great plentie & abundance of all things partly by reason that all necessaries are caried thither by seae, and partly also that Euxinus is so nighe and conueyeth thither greate store of grayne.

CAP. XIIII. Cap. 17. in the greeke.

Howe the Emperour wente to Antioch and persecuted all them that professed the fayth of one substance: of his doinges at Edessa and the great constancie of a Christianwoman.

THe Emperour Ʋalens weyed not at all this grieuous famine, went forth on his iorney to Antioch: and continewing there pursued with deadly hatred such as detested the Arian opi­nion. He deposed of theyr churches for no other crime then because they were enemies vnto y Arians, all that embraced the faith of one substance, not onely throughout all the Easterne parts of the world: but also not satisfied with this punishemente, tormented them with diuerse grieuous deuises and executed a farre greater number then we spake of before, with sundry kindes of death but specially with drowninge of them in the surginge waues of the sea. Cap. 18▪ in the Greeke. Furthermore let vs here call to remembraunce, the horrible Acte committed by him at Edessa a citie in Mesopotamia. There I meane in that citie there is a goodly & a gorgeous temple called Sainct Thomas the A­postles, where infinite troopes of men for y reuerent opinion conceaued of the holy place are wont to frequent. Valens being desirous to see it, although he knewe full well that all those flockinge as­semblies detested his hereticall opinion: as the reporte goeth, gaue the Liuetenant a blowe with his fist because he had not scattered those conuenticles as he had charged him before. When the Liuetenant for all this grieuous contu [...]ely framed himselfe with vnwillinge minde to obeye the Emperours wrath and displeasure: gaue notice priuely hereof vnto them (it was farre from his mind to fall a murthering of so many godly citizens) that none should shewe his face in the temple that none shoulde be founde raysing of any conuenticle: but not one made accompt of his aduise ne­ther weyed of his threates, for the day followinge all flocked in greate companies to the temple. And while the Liuetenant hastened with greate power of armed souldieres vnto the temple, to the ende he might delay the boyling heate of the Emperours stomacke which breathed out anger and displeasure: a simple woman leadinge a childe in her hande all in hast brake the raye and thrust her selfe in the throng of armed souldiers to passe on her voyage. The Liuetenant being moued therewith calleth the woman before him, reasoneth with her in this sorte: thou fond and vnfortunat woman, whether runnest thou so rashly? thither (sayde she) where others doe hasten. Hast not thou hearde (sayth he) that the Liuetenant will execute as many as he finds there? I heard it (sayd she) Rustinus re­porteth this storie lib. 2. cap. 5. eccles. hist. and therefore I goe thither in all the hast that I may be founde there. But whither (sayd he) lea­dest thou this childe? that he also (sayd she) may be accompted in the number of Martyrs. When the Liuetenant heard this he coniectured thereafter of the rest. Thereupon he got him vnto the Emperour, and geueth him to vnderstand that all from the highest vnto the lowest prepared them selues to die in the quarell and in defence of their faith: he aded moreouer that it was verye rashe and without all reason that so great a multitude in so shorte a space shoulde so soddainely be execu­ted, in so saying he fell a perswading of the Emperour so long vntill that his wordes preuayled, & the Emperour was with reason appeased. Thus the Edessaeans auoyded the ouerthrowe preten­ded of the Emperour towardes them.

CAP. XV.

Howe the Emperour Valens put many to death whose names beganne with TH, Ca. 19. in the Greeke. by reason of certaine Necromancie whereunto he gaue some credit.

[Page 328]ABout that time a certaine pestilent spirite vsed the tyrannicall crueltye of the Emperour to y t satisfieng of his deuelish lust & pleasing mind. For he allured certain fond & curious kind of people to search and sift out by Necromancie who should succeede Valens in the Empire. The deuell after his wonted guise gaue no perfect and plaine but a very darke & doubtfull answere vnto the coniurers, that his name beganne of foure letters Th, E, O, D, which should succeede Valēs in the Empire, & that his name was compound. The fame thereof was spred so farre that it came to the Emperours eares. He as it fell out neither attributed casualties, neither referred the know­ledge of things to come, neither admitted y bestowing of scepters to lie in y power of God whose prouidence ruleth all things: but laying aside the principles of Christian religion the which colo­rably he pretended, executed diuers whome he suspected after him should enioy y Emperial scep­ter. So y t he dispatched out of the way as many as were called Theodorus, Theodotus, Theodosius, Theodulus, or after any such like names. Of which nūber was Theodosiolus a noble man, y sonne of a Senator, being brought vnto Valens from Spayne, who lost his heade. Many for feare chaunged their names which theyr parents had geuen them at theyr comminge into y world & denied them­selues & theyr owne names being in great perill & daunger of their liues. But of this matter thus much shal suffice.

CAP. XVI.

After the desease of Athanasius, Peter became his successor: but the Arians Cap. 20. in the greeke. by the commaundement of the Emperour clapte Peter in prison, and placed Lucius in the Bishopricke.

HEre we haue to learne that while Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria liued, the Emperour through the prouidence of God tempered himselfe from troubling of Alexandria & Aegipt, because he vnderstoode y t there was a great multitude which would liue & die w t Athana­sius: & therfore he feared if Alexādria were set on anvprore (for it is a hot & a hasty kind of people) lest the cōmon weale should therby greatly be annoyed. Athanasius in y end after many skirmishes Athanasius died Anno Dom. 375. endured in the quarel of the church: after he had bene bishop six & forty years not without great ha­zard of his life, departed out of this world in the Consulship of Probus & the second of Gratianus & left behind him Peter a godly and a zealous mā to succeede him. Cap 21. in the Greeke. Peter b. of Alexandria. Immediatly the Arians set vp themselues, they brag & boast of the Emperours religion, & in all the hast they certifie the Empe­rour who then continewed at Antioch of Athanasius death. Euzoius also the Arian beinge then at Antioch, determined with himselfe by reason of the opportunitie of the time, in all the hast to ride into Alexandria, for to cōfirme Lucius y Arian in the Bishoprick. The same likewise seemed good vnto y Emperour. Wherefore he prepareth himselfe & taketh his voyage into Alexādria together with great power from the Emperour. There accompanied him Magnus the Emperours treaso­rer. The Emperour sent w t him a commaundemēt vnto Palladius Liuetenant of Alexandria, that he should ayd the enterprise of Euzoius with armed souldiers. Being come to Alexandria they lay hande on Peter & clap him in prison: the rest of the clergie they banished some vnto one place, some vnto an other: but Lucius they stalled Bishop.

CAP. XVII.

How Sabinus the Macedonian made no mention of the mischiefs committed by Lucius the Arian: howe Peter Bishop of Alexandria sled vnto Damasus Bishop of Rome & saued his life: of the crueltie which the Arians exercised Cap 22. in the Greeke. vpon the worshippers which liued in the desert.

ALthough Sabinus beinge halfe an Arian & therefore a concealer of the hainous faltes of his friends, made no mention of the horrible Acts committed immediatly after the stallinge of Lucius in y Bishops seae of Alexandria against such as inhabited the rest of Aegypt, by im­prisonning of some, tormēting of others, exiling of y t rest: yet Peter after he had escaped out of pri­son, signified howe great they were by his epistles wrytten vnto all the Christian churches vnder heauen. Who as soone as he got out of prison, fled vnto Damasus bishop of Rome. Wherefore the Arians though they were fewe in number yet fauored the world thē so much, that they held all the churches of Alexandria. Not long after y Emperours edict was proclaimed, by vertue of y which as many as helde the faith of One substance were banished not onely Alexandria, but all Aegypt. Moreouer y Liuetenant was cōmaunded to pursue w t power of armed souldiers all such as Lucius [Page 329] should appoint him. Thē were the religious houses in the desert & wildernes, spoyled, ouerthrowē & without all compassion turned downe to the groūd. For the armed souldiers set vpon these seely & vnarmed soules which stretched not out as much as the naked hande to their owne defence: they were miserably slaine, y maner of the slaughter was so lamētable y t it can not sufficiētly he painted vnto the world by penne & wrytten paper.

CAP. XVIII. Cap. 23. in the Greeke.

Of Ammon the monke and diuerse religious men inhabiting the desert.

IN so muche that we haue made mention of the monasteries in Aegypt, there is no cause to the contrarye but that we maye discourse somewhat thereof. The places commonly called religi­ous houses, though peraduenture the originall of them was many yeares before: yet were they very much augmented & amplified by Ammon an holy man. Who though in the prime of his flo­rishing Ammon a Monke yet maried. youth he disdained of wedlock: yet at the entreaty and earnest request of his deare friendes which exhorted him not to inuey so bitterly against mariadge but to take a wife, he yelded vnto thē & was maried. Immediatly he led the newe maried spouse by the hand out of the parlour, with the wōted pompe & sollemnity, into the wedding & ved chamber: whē their friends were gone he tooke the newe testament in his hand: read the epistle of Saynct Paul vnto the Corinthiās: expounded vn­to his wife out of the Apostle such doctrine as concerned wedlock: interlaced many other exhorta­tions borowed out of other wryters: layd before her the discōmodities of mariadge howe heuye a case was the company of man & wife together, what bitter panges & griping griefs women great with child haue at the deliuerance of their burthen. He added moreouer vnto these the care & sorow incident to the education & bringing vp of childrē: last of all he rehearsed the vertues & cōmodities annexed vnto virginitie: howe the pure life, the vndefiled & vnstaunched vessell was free frō all the aforsayd annoyance & cumbrances: & that virginitie commended vs highly & presented vs next vn­to God. When he had vsed these & the like reasons with his wife as yet being a virgine: they pre­uailed so much y t she was perswaded before their cōming together to forget the wonted familiarity of man & wife. wherefore both they hauing cōcluded among themselues toutching the premisses, got thē immediatly vnto the mounte Nitria, where for a season they led a monasticall life in a blind cottage, without respect of sex, not thinkinge either on man or wife, for they were as the Apostle sayth, one body in Christ. In a while after the new maried spouse, the vndefiled virgine reasoneth thus w t Ammon. It becometh not you in so much you haue vowed tēperancie and chastity to haue a woman in your sight in so narrowe and straict a rowine. Wherefore if you thinke my aduise any thing to y t furtherance of cōtinency & vertuous life, let vs both seuerally lead solitary and monasti­call liues. Thus they agreed amonge themselues, they parted a sunder one from the other and so spent out their dayes, bothe abstained from wine and oyle, their foode was drie breade, they fasted somtimes one whole day, somtimes two, some other times more. Antonie who liued in those dayes Antonie. (as Athanasius bishop of Alexādria wryteth in his life) sawe the soule of Ammon after his desease caried vp of the Angells into heauen. Wherefore many became earnest and zealous followers of Ammons trade of life: so that y mount Nitria and Scitis were full of religious mē, whose liues seue­rally to penne would require a peculier volume. But in so much there were of thē many singuler & rare men, renowmed for their monasticall discipline and partly also for their Apostolicke trade of life, famous also for many notable acts and sage sentences worthy of immortall memory: It shall not be amisse in my opiniō to cut out & here lay downe diuers things, which may seeme cōmodious for the profit of y studious readers. The report goeth that Ammon neuer beheld his naked body: & y t he was wōt to say: that it was a shamefull thing in a monk to delight himselfe with the sight of his bare skinne. Of y same man it is reported y goinge about by chaunce to passe ouer a riuer, and very loth to shift himselfe, to haue prayed vnto God y t he might not be foyled neither hindred of his Didymus. enterprise: an Angell to haue come & cōueyed him ouer vnto y further bank. Didymus also an other monke hauing liued fourescore and tenne yeare is sayd in all y t space, neuer to haue kept company Arsenius. with man. Arsenius of the same vocation was neuer wont to excommunicat y yonger sort whē they had offended, but such as profited very much in y e monasticall discipline. his reason was this: A yōg man whē he is chasticed (sayth he) with excommunicatiō, forthwith he will disdaine & take the matter in a snuffe: but he that profiteth will quickly perceaue the griefe & be sore pricked with punishment. Pior as he walked was wont to eate, and being demaunded, why he did so? made this Pior. answere: that he tooke not feeding for a seueral vvork but as an od or superfluous thing. Unto an [Page 330] other that asked of him the like, he gaue this answere: My behauiour is as you see, lest the mind by pamperinge of the carkasse, be pufte vp vvith fleshelye pleasure. Isidorus affirmed that for Isidorus. the space of fortie yeares, his minde had not consented to sinne, that he had neuer yelded to flesh­ly lust, or furiouse anger. Pambo a simple and an vnlearned man, came vnto his friende for to Pambo. learne a Psalme, and hearinge the firste verse of the thirtieth and eyght Psalme, which is thus reade: I sayde I vvill take heede vnto my vvayes, that I offende not in my tongue, woulde not Psal. 38. heare the seconde, but wente awaye sayinge: This one verse is inoughe for me if I learne it as I oughte to doe. And when as his teacher blamed him, for absentinge himselfe wholle six mo­nethes, he answered for himselfe, that as yet he had not well learned the firste verse. Many yeares after that, when as one of his acquayntance demaunded of him, whether he had learned the verse: sayde againe: that in nyneteene yeares he had scarse learned in life to fulfill that one lyne. The same man when as one deliuered him moneye to the reliefe of the poore, and sayd tell the summe: made answere: vve neede no counters but a sound mynde and a setled conscience. The reporte goeth that at the requeste of Athanasius the Bishop he came from the deserte into Alexandria, and seing there a certaine light woman, sumpteously attyred and gorgeously arayed to feede the eyes of fonde people, to haue burst out into teares. And beinge demaunded what the cause was and wherefore he wept, to haue answered, that two things moued him to lamente very sore. One was that he sawe the gaye and painted woman to runne headlonge into destruction: the other was that he was not so carefull and earnest in pleasinge of God, as she busied to bayte & entrappe men, already burthened with sinne and iniquitie. An other sayd: the monke that liued The idle Monke is a thiefe. Petirus. idlely and labored not for his liuing, vvas no othervvise to be taken them for a thiefe, a roge, or a vagabounde. Petirus a man of greate skill in metaphysicall and diuine contemplation gaue out one precept or other continewally vnto such as cōferred with him, his maner was to conclude euery sentence with a prayer. Amonge the aforesayde religious men of that time there were two of equall fame, and renowne, of like piety and vertue, of one name & appellation, either was called Macarius, the one of the vpper parte of Aegypt, the other of Alexandria it selfe: bothe florished 2. Macarius. and excelled in many things, as monasticall discipline, institution of godly life, right conuersatiō, and straunge miracles. The Aegyptian Macarius cured so many men, cast out so many Deuells out of such as were possessed of them, that all the wonderfull actes he wroughte, desire a peculier volume. He mingled austere seueritie, with temperate reuerence and grauitie towardes them which reasoned or dealt with him. The Alexandrian Macarius although in all other thinges he fully resembled him, yet in this one point was he farre from his disposition, for he behaued him selfe cheerefull and pleasaunt towardes all them that talked with him, so that with his curteous ciuilitie, and comely mirth he allured many yonge men vnto the monasticall trade of liuinge. Eua­grius was a disciple of theyrs, who at the first was a Philosopher in word, but afterwardes in dede Euagrius. and trueth it selfe. This mā was first made deacon at Cōstantinople by Gregorie Naziāzen: thence together with him he went into Aegipt and there had conference with the aforesayd religious men: he became an earnest follower of theyr trade of life, and wrought as many miracles as bothe the Macariuses before him. He wrote learned bookes, one intitled: the monke, or of that trade of life which consisteth of practise, an other called Gnosticus of science or knowledge, deuided into fiftie chapiters, a third Antirreticus, that is a confutation collected out of holye Scripture against the temptation of Deuells, deuided into eyght partes, resemblinge very fitly the number of the eight deuises or imaginations of mās mind. moreouer he wrote six hundreth problemes to the vn­derstanding of things to come. Unto these are added two bookes inverse, one vnto the mōks inha­biting the monasteries & publicke assemblies: the other vnto him that leadeth a virgine life, what singuler books these are, I referr it vnto y iudgemēt of the reader. Yet opportunitie serueth in my opinion presently to alleage here some part out of his booke called the monke and to linke it with this our history, for thus he wryteth: The institution & trade of life, layd downe by the monkes Euagrius in [...]is booke [...]titled the Monke. of old is necessarily to be knovven of vs, & furthermore we haue to direct our wayes thereafter. For they vttered many sage sentences, and did many notable and worthie acts. Of which num­ber one sayde that a drie and spare kinde of diette, at all tymes precisely kept, (mingling bro­therly charitie and loue vvithall) woulde quickly purge mans minde, of all perturbation and fonde humor of humane and earthly affection. The same man deliuered a certaine brother that was wonderfully tormented in the night season with spirites, for he charged him alvvayes vvith deuotiō to minister vnto the poore fasting Being demaūded vvhy: there is no way (sayth he) to [Page 331] quenche the fierie heate of perturbation as soone as by almes and charitie. One of them vvhich at that time were called vvise, came vnto Antonie the iust, & reasoned with him, saying O father how can you prolong your dayes, being bereaued of that solace & comfort which is by reading of bookes, & perusing of holy writers? My booke ô philosopher (sayd Antonie) is the cōtempla­tion Antonie. of all the creatures vnder heauen, in the vvhich as often as I am disposed, I may reade the wonderfull workes and writinges of God. The olde Aegyptian Macarius, the chosen vessell, de­maunded Macarius. of mee the reason why, vvhen we remember the iniuries that men do vnto vs, vve doe vveaken the seate of memorie ingraffed in the minde: vvhen as vve call to remembrance such spite as the deuell ovveth vs, the memorie taketh no hurt? and vvhen I muzed vvhat to ansvvere, and requested him to resolue me the doubt, he sayd: that the former perturbation was contra­rie to nature, the later agreeable vvith the heate and anger of nature. Furthermore vvhen I came vnto the holie father Macarius, about noone tyme in the heate of the daye, beynge sore a­thurst, and requested of him a draught of vvater: be content (sayeth he) vvith the shade, for manie that trauayle on earth, and manie that trafficke by sea, haue not that. VVhen that I reasoned vvith him of continencie: God sende thee vvell to doe ô sonne (sayeth he) these tvventie yeares haue not I taken my fyll eyther of breade, o [...] vvater, or sleepe. For I eate breade by vveyght, and dronke vvater by measure, and slept fevve houres, my ma­ner is to leane vnto a vvall, and so take a nappe. A certaine Monke vnderstandinge of his fathers death, tolde him that brought him the tydinges thus: Holde thy peace (friende) vt­ter no such blasphemie, for my father is immortall. A certaine brother soulde the nevve I esta­ment beynge his onely booke, and gaue the money for to releeue the poore, and vttered a vvorthie sayinge vvithall: I haue soulde the same booke vvhich sayeth, Sell all that thou hast, and geue to the poore. There is a certayne Isle not farre from Alexandria northvvarde, situa­ted ouer the brooke of Marie, vvhere there dvvelled a Monke of the sect of Gnostici, a no­table man, he sayde that all vvhatsoeuer the Monkes dyd, vvere done for fiue causes: for God, for nature, for custome, for necessitie, and for handie vvorke. At an other tyme he sayde, that naturally there vvas but one vertue, yet because of the povvers and facultyes of the soule vvhere her seate resteth, the same one vvas deuided into sundrye partes and members. The lyght of the Sunne (sayeth he) vvanteth forme and fygure, yet by reason of the vvindovves and chinkes through the vvhich it pearceth, it is sayde to haue a figure. It is reported of him, that vnto an other Monke he sayde thus: I doe therefore cutte of all occasion and baytes of fleshly pleasure, to the ende I may expell euery humour that ten­deth to heate of anger. I am veryly persvvaded that this heate of Anger contendeth for plea­sure, disquieteth the quiete disposition of my minde, and bereaueth my vnderstandinge of her force. An other fatherly olde man sayde: That loue or charitie could neuer hoord or lay vp great store of meate and money. Agayne he sayde, that to his knovvledge the deuell neuer de­ceaued him tvvise in one thinge. These amonge other thinges hath Euagrius remembred in his booke intituled The trade of lyfe vvhich consisteth of practise. In his booke called Gnosticus he Euagrius in his booke intituled of Science or knowledge. Prudence. Fortitude. Temperāce. Iustice. writeth thus. That there are foure vertues, and so many offices or functions belonginge vnto them, vve haue learned of Gregorie the Iust: Prudencie, Fortitude, Temperance, and Iustice. The office of Prudencie is to contemplate those faculties that appertaine vnto the minde, (these he affirmed to proceede of vvisdome) vvithout intermedlinge vvith vvordes. The office of Forti­tude is firmely to persist in the trueth, and though therefore thou suffer grieuous torment, yet it is thy part neuer to yeelde vnto falsehoode. The office of Temperance is to receaue seedes of the highest and supreme husbandman, and to put him by, that poppeth in any other seede. Last of all, the office of Iustice, is to render an accompt of euery thinge vvorthely, he sayde that this vertue acknovvledged some things obscurely, signified other thinges darkely, explicated some things openly to the profit of the ignorant and vnlearned. Basilius of Cappadocia, the pyller of Basilius. trueth sayde: that the knovvledge vvhich one man learneth of an other, is made perfect by con­tinuall vse and exercise: but that which through the grace of God is ingraffed in the minde of man is made absolute by iustice, gentlenes, and charitie: And that they vvhich are subiect vnto perturbation, may be partakers of the former, but of the later they only which are purged of all such heat & motion, who also while they pray vnto God, do behold the proper & peculier light Athanasius. of the mind shining to the cōfort of their soules. Blessed Athanasius likewise the light & mirror of all Aegypt, sayth, that Moses was cōmaūded to set the table northward: let thē therfore which [Page 332] are in contemplation remember alwaies, who the aduersarie is which assaulteth them, and see that they endure manfully all temptations: and that they refreshe & relieue cheerefully all such as frequent vnto them. Serapion bishop of Thmuis spake much like an Angell, that the minde Serapion. vvhich feedeth vpon spirituall knovvledge, muste throughly and vvholly be clensed: that the parts of the minde vvhich boyle vvith fierie heate of furious rage, must be cured with loue and brotherly charitie: and that the levvde motion and lust of the fleshe beyng crept into the inner Didymus. closett of the minde, is to be suppressed vvith continencie. Didymus that great doctor and be­holder of heauenly things vvas accustomed to say: Ponder vvith thy selfe alvvayes the praecepts of the prouidence and iudgement of almightie God, endeuour to retayne in thy memorie the summe of them, for many doe erre therein: the praecepts of iudgement thou shalt easily discerne in the varietie of bodies, and in the alteration of all the creatures vnder heauen: the praecepts of prouidence thou shalt perceaue in those meanes vvhereby vve are drawen from vice and igno­rance vnto vertue and knowledge. These thinges haue we borowed out of Euagrius bookes and alleaged here for the profit of the studious reader. An other monke there was a very notable man, his name was Ammonius, who by chaunce being at Rome together with Athanasius, was nothing Ammonius a religious mā [...]u [...]t of his eare & fledd away because he woulde not be bi­shop. Euagrius re­fused a by­shopricke. curious, he desired to see nothing of all the gaye and gorgeous buyldinge of the citie, saue the tem­ple of Peter and Paul: The same man being vrged with a byshopricke, fledd away secretly, cutt of his ryght eare, that the deformitie of his bodie myght be a canonicall impediment, so that he shoulde not be chosen byshop. Afterwardes when that Euagrius, beynge chosen bishop by Theo­philus byshop of Alexandria, had runne awaye without mayming any part of his bodie, and by chaunce mett Ammonius, whome he merely taunted for committing so haynous an offence in cut­tinge of his eare, and that he shoulde answere for it before God: Ammonius made answere: And doest thou thinke Euagrius to escape punishment, for that of selfeloue thou hast shut vp thy mouth, and vsed not the gift and grace which God hath geuen thee? There were at that tyme sundry other rare and singular men of those religious houses, to rehearse all woulde be very longe, insomuch that if we shoulde runne ouer their seuerall liues, and the straunge miracles wrought by them by reason of their singular vertue and holinesse, we shoulde farre digresse from our former discourse. Wherefore if any man be desirous to knowe further of the acts, to vnderstand more of their trade of lyfe, to learne their profitable sayinges and sentences, to be instructed howe they stroue with beasts and ouercame them: lett him reade the booke of Palladius the monke who was the disciple of Euagrius, the which he wrote onely of them. For all that appertayned vnto them is fully layde downe there, where also there is a discourse of the women which leade the like trade of lyfe with the aforesayde holie men. Euagrius and Palladius florished in a while after the death of Ʋalens. But nowe let vs returne thither where we left.

CAP. XIX. Cap. 24. in the Greeke.

Of the religious men that were exiled, and howe that God wrought miracles by them, and drewe all men vnto him.

WHen the Emperour Valens had proclaimed against all them that maintayned the faith of One substance throughout Alexandria and all Aegypt, that they should looke for no other then fire and fagott, and deadly foes: all was destroyed, whilest that some were brought before the barre, some clapt in prison, some others diuersly tormented, for they vexed thē w t sundry punishments which lead a peaceable & quiet life. When these things were practised at Alexandria accordinge vnto Lucius his pleasure, when that Euzoius also was come backe from Antioche, the captaine with great power together with the companie of Lucius the Arian (who was nothing behinde, but without all pitie and compassion vexed these holy men farre more grie­uous then the souldiers did) marched forwards towards the Monasteries of Aegypt. When they came to the place, they founde the men after their wonted maner powringe out of prayers vnto God, curing of diseases, casting out of deuells. These men making no accompt of miracles, would not suffer them in their accustomed places to accomplishe their vsuall lyturgie, but chased them a­way. Neither were they content with this, but they proceeded forwardes in the raginge furie of their minde, and set vpon them with the heady and rashe troope of souldiers. This, Russinus repor­teth him selfe to haue seene, and to haue bene partaker with them of the same calamitie. Further­more the things specified in the Apostle, semed in them to be fulfilled anew. For many of thē were [Page 333] sett at nought, scurged, spoyled of their rayment, fettered in prison, crushed with stones, beheaded with bloody swords, shut vp in the desert, couered with sheepe & goats skinnes, destitute of ayde & succour, grieuously afflicted, wōderfully troubled w t aduersity, whome y world was not worthy to enioy, neither y earth to beare so holy a burthē: many wādred in deserts & daungerous waies, they hid thē selues in mountaines, in denns, in caues, & hollow rocks. These afflictions they suffred for their faith, for their works, for their gift of healing y which God miraculously wrought by them. Yet as we haue to cōiecture, it pleased y prouidēce of almighty God, that they should endure such great calamittes, to y end their miserie might be a medicine to reduce other vnto y health of their soules, purchased by God him selfe, y end proued y the premisses were no lesse. for after that these notable men through their inuincible pacience & sufferāce had ouercome these sundry & manifold torments, Lucius being deceaued of his purpose, perswaded y captaine to exile the fathers & ring­leaders of these religious mē, by name Macarius y Aegyptiā, & Macarius y Alexādriā. These men were banished into an isle where there was not a Christiā. In this Isle there was an Idoll groue & a priest, whome all y inhabitāts worshipped for their god. whē these holy mē came thither all y deuels y were conuersant there, began to trēble for feare. At y time such a miracle as followeth is sayd to haue bene wrought. The priests doughter was sodainly possessed of a deuell, she raged out of measure, & kept a foule sturre, neither could her furie any kinde of way he mitigated, but she ex­claimed & cryed out against these godly men, saying: Why came ye hither to chace vs away? then the holy men reuealed & made manifest vnto all those inhabitants y gift which God had bestowed vpon them. For they cast y deuell out of y maide, they deliuer her safe & sound vnto her parents, & A miracle. cōuert both priest & people vnto y Christian faith. Immediatly they chaunged their religion, and were baptized, and willingly embraced the seruice of almightie God. Wherefore those holy men beīg grieuously persecuted for y faith of One substāce, were proued, & sufficiētly tried thē selues, ministred both health and saluation vnto others, and also cōfirmed that holie and reuerende faith.

CAP. XX. Cap. 25. in the Greeke.

Of Didymus a blinde man, yet of great skill and knowledge.

ABout that time God raysed in the world an other rare & singular man, by whose meanes he Didymus. made the faith to florishe. for Didymus a notable mā, excelling in all kind of literature, was famous at that time. who being a yong man, & entring into the principles of learning, was wonderfully plagued w t sore eyes so long, vntill y at length he was bereaued of all his sight. But God in steede of the outward sense of the eye, endued him of his goodnes with rare gifts & vnder­standing of the minde. For looke what he could not attaine vnto by the eye, that got he by the eare. Because that of a child he was of great towardnes, sharpe witted, and singular capacitie, he farre excelled all the famous witts of his time. For he was quickly seene in all the preceptes of gram­mar: Rhetoricke he runne ouer sooner then the other: it was a wonder to see in how short a space he profited greatly in philosophie: first he learned Logike, next Arithmetike, then Musicke, after­wardes the reste of the liberall artes, the which he so applyed, that he was able to encounter with them, who by the helpe of their eye sight had profitted very much therein. He was so perfect in the old and newe testament, that he made therevpon many cōmentaries. He published three books of the Trinitie. He interpreted the bookes of Origen intituled Of principall beginnings, left com­mentaries thereof, cōmended the bookes highly, condemned for fooles such as not vnderstanding what he wrote, found fault with the works, & accused the writer. Wherefore if any be desirous to knowe y profound skill & great study of Didymus, let him peruse his works, & there he shalbe fully perswaded. The report goeth, that Antonie a good while agoe in the time of the Emperour Valens comming out of the desert, because of the Arians, into the citie of Alexandria, had conference with this Didymus, and vnderstandinge of his great skill and knowledge, he sayde vnto him: Let it not grieue thee at all (ô Didymus) y thou art bereaued of the corporall eyes & carnall sight, for though thou want such eyes as cōmonly are geuen to flies & gnatts for safetie, yet hast thou greatly to re­ioyce, that the eyes wherwith the Angells do behold, wherwith God him selfe is seene, wherwith the cleare shining of the celestiall godhead is cōprehended, are not dygged out of thy head. These, as they say, were the wordes of Antonie vnto Didymus. At that time Didymus was a great patron and defender of the true faith against the Arians: he withstoode them, he dissolued their captious fallacies, and confuted their lewde and false arguments.

CAP. XXI.

Of Basilius bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregorie Cap. 26. in the greeke. byshop of Nazianzum.

EUen as Didymus by the appointment of God him selfe withstoode the Arians at Alexandria, so in other cities did Basilius of Caesarea, & Gregorie of Nazianzū, of whome now fit oppor­tunitie is ministred to discourse. Although the fame of them is ryfe in euery mans mouth, and the great profitt that riseth by their workes, is of greate force to their prayse and commenda­tion: yet seeinge that then the Christian faith was greately furthered by them as by two greate lightes, it is our parte to say somewhat of them. If in case that any will compare Basilius with Gregorie, and with longe discourse conferre the life and learninge of the one with the other, it will be longe ere he shalbe able to discerne whether to preferre of them both. They were both equally matched for right trade of life, for both kinde of knowledge, diuine and prophane. Beynge yonge men in the floure of their youth, they hearde at Athens the famous Rhetoricians, Hymerius and Proaeresius: afterwardes at Antioche in Syria, they frequented the schoole of Libanius, in the ende they excelled in Rhetoricke. When they were thought worthie men to deliuer vnto the worlde the preceptes of philosophie, and were entreated of many to take that function vpon them: when as also others perswaded with them to become Orators: they sett nought by both those trades, they despised the maner a [...]d guise of Rhetoricians, and gaue them selues vnto solitary and monasticall life. Wherefore as soone as they had sufficiently profited in philosophie, vnder a certaine reader, who then was a professor at Antioche: they prouided for thē selues the cōmenta­ries of Origen (who then was famous throughout the worlde) and learned out of them to expounde and interprete the holy and sacred scripture. beynge exercised in them, they valiantly encountred with the Arians. And when as the Arians alleaged out of Origen for the confirmation of their he­reticall opinion, they refuted their ignorance: and shewed by plaine demonstrations that they vn­derstoode not the minde and meaning of Origen. For Eunomius a fauourer of that sect, and as ma­ny Arians as were of greatest reputation, and accompted the profoundest clerkes in respect of all the rest: when they disputed with Gregorie and Basil, proued them selues starke fooles, and vnlear­ned persons. Basil first of all being ordained Deacon of Meletius bishop of Antioche, afterwards Basil bishop of Caesarea in Cappado­cia. Gregotius first bishop of Nazianzum, afterwards of Cōstantino­ple. bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he was borne: gaue him selfe wholly to the furtherance and profit of the churche of God. When he feared greately lest the newe deuise of Arius brayne would creepe throughout the prouinces of Pontus, he got him into those parts in all the hast, and ordained there the exercise of monasticall life, instructed men in his opinion, and confirmed the waueringe minde of weakelinges in the faith. Gregorie also being made bishop of Nazianzum a meane citie of Cappadocia, (wherof his father had bene bishop before him) did y like vnto Basils doings. As he passed throughout y t cities, he cōfirmed y faynt & weake in the faith: by oft visiting of Constantinople, he setled with his graue lessons and great learning the minds of all them that embraced the faith of One substance. Wherefore in a short while after, he was by the voyces and consent of many bishops, chosen bishop of Constantinople. When the fame of them both was [...]lased so farre, that it came to the Emperour Valens eares, in all the hast he gaue forth commaun­dement, that Basil shoulde be brought from Caesarea before him to Antioche. He was no sooner Basil reaso­neth with the Arian president of Antioche. come, but the Emperour charged he should be brought before the tribunall seate of the president. When the President demaunded of him, why and wherefore he liked no better of the Emperours religion? Basil vnfaynedly and freely spake his minde of the Emperours opinion, yet highly cō ­mended the faith of One substance. When the President threatned him w t present death: I would to God (sayth Basil) it woulde fall out so well of my side, that I might leaue this carcasse of mine in the quarell of Christ, in the defence of my head and captaine. Whē the President aduised him, againe and againe to remember him selfe better, the report goeth that Basil sayde vnto him. As I am today, so shalt thou find me tomorow, but I pray God thou alter not thy minde. Then lay Ba­sil in prison that whole daye. In a whyle after the Emperour Valens sonne, by name Galates, of youthly and tender yeares, fell to so daungerous a disease that the phisicions gaue him vp, and de­spaired of his recouery, whose mother Dominica the Empresse tolde her husband the Emperour, that the same nyght she was wonderfully disquieted in hir sleepe with vglesome shapes, & dread­full visions of deuells and wicked spirites: that the child was visited with sicknesse, because of the cōtumelie and reproche he had done vnto Basil the bishop. The Emperour marking diligently the [Page 335] words of his wife, muzed a while, & pondered them w t him selfe, at length resolued him selfe what was to be done, sent for Basil, and because he would know y trueth, reasoned thus with him: If thy faith and opinion be true, pray that my sonne die not of this disease. Then Basil answered, If thou The cōferēce of Basil and the Arian Emperour Valens. wilt promise mee to beleue as I doe, and if thou wilt bringe the churche vnto vnitie and concord, thy childe no doubt shall lyue. When the Emperour woulde not agree vnto this, let God (sayeth Basil) deale with the childe as pleaseth him. Immediatly after this conference Basil was sette at libertie, and forthwith the child dyed. Thus much haue we runne ouer of both these mens doings. They both left behinde them vnto the posteritie many notable bookes, wherof Ruffinus reporteth him selfe to haue translated some into the Latine tongue. Basil had two brethren Peter and Grego­rie. Peter lead the solitarie life, after the example of Basil: Gregorie was a teacher, and finished af­ter the desease of his brother, the Cōmentaries which Basil had left vnperfect, vpon the Six dayes vvorks. The same Gregorie preached at Constantinople a funerall sermon vpon the death of Me­letius bishop of Antioch. There are extant many other notable orations and sermons of his.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 27. in the Greeke.

Of Gregorie byshop of Neocaesarea.

INsomuch that many are deceaued, partly because of the name, and partly because of the works attributed vnto Gregorie: we haue to learne that there was an other Gregorie borne in Neocae­sarea a citie of Pontus, who was the disciple of Origen, and farre more auncient then the former men we spake of euen now. This Gregorie is much spoken of not onely at Athens, and at Berytus, but throughout Pontus, and in maner throughout the whole world. As soone as he had left the fa­mous schoole of Athens, he gaue him selfe at Berytus vnto the study of the ciuill lawes: hearinge there that Origen professed diuinitie at Caesarea, got him thither in all the hast. When he had bene the auditor of the heauenly doctrine of holy scripture, made no accōpt of the Romaine lawes, but Gregorie. b. of Neocaesa­rea. Gregorie. b. of Nazianzū Gregorie the brother of Basil. Gregorie. b. of Alexādria an Arian. leaned thenceforth vnto that. Wherfore hauing learned of him the true philosophie at y commaū ­dement of his parents he returned vnto his natiue contrey. Beinge a laye man he wrought many miracles, he cured the sicke, he chased deuells away by his epistles, he conuerted the gentils and Ethnicks vnto the faith, not only with words, but w t deedes of far greater force. Pāphilus Martyr made mention of him in his bookes written in the defence of Origen, where the oration of Gregorie in the praise of Origen is layd downe in writing. To be short, there were foure Gregories: first this auncient father, the disciple some times of Origen, next Gregorie Nazianzene, thirdly Gregorie the brother of Basil, and the fourth of Alexandria, whome the Arians after the exile of Athanasius, chose to their bishop. Thus much of these men.

CAP. XXIII. Cap. 28. in the Greeke.

The originall of the Nouatian hereticks, and how that as many of them as inhabited Phrygia, celebrated the feast of Easter after the Iewishe maner.

ABout that time the Nouatians inhabiting Phrygia, chaunged the dayes appoynted by the councell of Nice, for the celebration of Easter, but howe that came to passe I will declare, if that first I lay downe the cause & originall why so seuere a canon of the Nouatian church preuailed so much with the Phrygian and Paphlagonian nations. Nouatus the priest seuered him selfe from the church of Rome, because y Cornelius the bishop receaued into the communion after repentance the faithfull that fell from the church, & sacrificed vnto Idols in the persecution vnder Decius the Emperour. When he had deuided him selfe from y church for the aforesayd cause, first he was made bishop of such bishops as were of his opinion: next he wrote epistles vnto all chur­ches euery where, that they should not receaue as meete partakers of the holy mysteries, such as had sacrificed vnto Idolls, but exhort them vnto repentance, referring y forgeuenes and remission vnto God, who is of power and authority sufficient to remit sinne: when the letters were brought into euery prouince, euery one iudged thereof as pleased him best. Because Nouatus had signified that such as after baptisme committed a sinne vnto death, were not afterwards to be admitted vnto the communion: the publishing of that canon seemed vnto some toe seuere, vnto others but right & reason, auailable also for the direction of godly life. Whē this controuersie was tossed toe and fro, the letters of Cornelius were sent abroade, signifying that there remained hope of pardon for such as had sinned after baptisme. They both wrote contrary letters, and cōueyed them vnto the chur­ches abroade. And whilest that both went about to confirme his opinion with testimonies of holy [Page 336] scripture, euery man (as the maner is) looke where affection lead him, there he addicted him selfe. For such as were geuen to sinne, tooke occasion by the libertie and fauoure that was graunted them, went forewardes headlonge into euery shamefull crime. The Phrygians are a nation farre The Phrygi­ans. Scythians. Thracians. Paphlagoni­ans. more temperate and modest then others, for they sweare very seldome. The Scythians and Thra­cians are hotter & more prone vnto anger. For they that are nearer vnto the rising of the sunne, are set more vpon lust & concupiscence. The Paphlagonians & Phrygians are inclined to nere nother of these perturbations. For at this daye they vse no running at tilte, no such warlike exercise, nei­ther doe they vse to pastime them selues with spectacles and stage playes. Wherefore these kind of men in myne opinion, draw neerest vnto the drift & disposition of Nouatus letters. Adulterie is counted among them for a detestable and horrible sinne. It is well knowen that the Phrygian and Adulte [...]y ab­hominable. Paphlagonian trade of lyfe is farre modester, and more chast and continent, then any other here­ticall sect whatsoeuer. I coniecture that they shott at the same modest trade of lyfe, which inhabi­ted the west parts of the worlde, and leaned to Nouatus opinion. Nouatus him selfe though he va­ryed from the church of Rome, by reason of a certaine seuere trade of liuing: yet altered not he the tyme appointed for the celebration of Easter. For he alwayes obserued the custome of the West churches▪ and celebrated it as they did. For such as lyue there, since they were Christians kept al­wayes that feast after the Equinoctiallspringe. And though Nouatus him selfe was putt to death in the persecution vnder Ʋalerianus: yet such as in Phrygia are so called of him, for all they are fallen from the faith of the Catholicke churche, were licenced to become partakers of his com­munion, at what time they altered the celebration of Easter day. For in the village Pazum, where the springs of the floode Sangarius are founde▪ there was a Councell summoned of fewe, and the A Councell o [...] Nouatian bishops h [...]ld at Pazum, a p [...]lting vil­lage, where contrary to the Nic [...]ne Coūcell they keepe Easter with the Iewes. same very obscure Nouatian bishops, where they decreed, that the maner & custome of the Iewes, who kept thē dayes of vnleauened bread, was to be obserued, and that the time appoynted by them was not to be broken. This haue we learned of an olde man who was a priests sonne, and present at the Councell with his father: whereat Agelius the Nouatian byshop of Constantinople was not, neyther Maximus of Nice, neither the Nouatian bishop of Nicomedia, neyther the bishop of Cotuaium, who was of the same opinion with the rest, for these were they that chiefely layde downe the canons of the Nouatian churches. These things were of olde in this sort. Not longe after because of this Councell (as it shall be shewed in an other place) the Nouatian churche was deuided within it selfe.

CAP. XXIIII.

Of Damasus bishop of Rome, and Ʋrsinus his deacon, of the greate sturre Cap. 29. in the greeke. and slaughter that was at Rome because of them.

NOwe lett vs returne vnto the affaires of the West that were done at the same time. When Damasus. b. of Rome. the Emperour Ʋalentinianus lead a peaceable and quiet life, molestinge no kinde of sect: Damasus succeeded Liberius in the bishopricke of Rome, at what time the quiet state of the Romaine church was wonderfully troubled, the cause, as I could learne, was as followeth. Vrsi­nus Deacon of that church, in the vacancie of the seae, made sute for him selfe agaynst Damasus to Vrsinus a Deacō of the churche of Rome, aspi­red vnto the bishopricke. be chosen bishop. Who seeing that Damasus was preferred, and him selfe put backe, seeinge also that all his canuasse was to no purpose: fell from the church to raysinge of priuate and particular conuenticles, and perswaded certaine base and obscure bishops to consecrate him bishop. Wher­fore they created him not in the open church, but in an odde corner of the cathedrall church, called Sicona. This being done, the people was all on an vprore. the tumult was not toutchinge y faith, or heresie, but whether of them both by ryght should be bishop. The heat of thronging multitudes was so grieuous, and the contention so greate, that it cost many their liues. For which schisme and rebellion many both of the laytie and cleargie were grieuously tormented by the cōmaundement of Maximmus the gouernour, and so was Vrsinus foyled, & the enterprises of his factiō suppressed.

CAP. XXV. Cap. 30. in the Greeke.

After the death of Auxentius the Arian byshop of Mediolanum, when there rose a great schisme about the election of a bishop, the which Ambrose Liuetenant of that pro­uince suppressed, he him selfe by the voyce of all that were present, and by the consent of the Emperour Ʋalentinianus was chosen Byshop.

[Page 337]ABout that time an other straunge act fell out at Mediolanum. When Auxentius, whome y Arians chose to be bishop of that sea [...], departed this life: all was there on an vprore about the election of a bishop, and great strife there was whilest that some woulde preferre this man, some other that man vnto the bishopricke. The tumult beinge raysed, Ambrose Liuetenant of the citie, who also was a Consull, fearing greatly lest that schisme woulde breéde mischiefe in y citie, came purposely into the church for to appease the sedition. After that his presence had pre­uayled very much with the people, after that he had geuen them many notable exhortations, after he had mitigated the rage of the heady and rashe multitude: all of a sodayne with one voyce and S. Ambrose was chosen byshop of Millayne an. Dom. 378. with one mouth nominated Ambrose to their byshop. For in so doinge there was hope that all woulde be reconciled, and that all woulde embrace one faith and opinion. The bishops that were present, thought veryly that the vniforme voyce of the people, was the voyce of God him selfe. Wherefore without any further deliberation they take Ambrose, and baptize him (for he was a Catechumenist) and stall him bishop. But when Ambrose came willingly to the baptisme, yet denyed vtterly he would be bishop, they make the Emperour Valentinianus priuie to their doings. He wonderinge at the consent and agreement of the people, supposed that which was done, to be the worke of God him selfe, and signified vnto the bishops that they shoulde obey the will of God, who commaunded they shoulde create him bishop, that God rather then men preferred him vnto this dignitie. When that Ambrose was thus chosen bishop, the citizens of Millayne, who afore­time were at discord among them selues, thenceforth embraced peace and vnitie.

CAP. XXVI. Cap. 31. in the Greeke.

Of the death of Ʋalentinianus the Emperour.

AFter the aforesayde sturre was ended, when the Sarmatians assaulted the Romaine domi­nions, the Emperour raysed great power, and made expedition against them. The Barba­rians vnderstanding of this, and foreseeing their owne weakenes, that they were not able to encounter with so great a power, sent embassadours vnto the Emperour, crauinge of him that he would ioyne with them in league, & establishe peace betwene them. As soone as the embassadours had presented them selues before him, and seeynge that they were but abiects and raskalls, de­maunded of them, what be the rest of the Sarmatians such men as you are? When the Embassa­dours had answered: yea O Emperour, thou seest the chiefest of the Sarmatians before thee, Ʋa­lentinianus was wonderfully incensed against them, and brake out into vehement language: that the Empire of Rome had yll lucke to fall into his handes, vnder whose raygne so beggerly and so abiect a kinde of Barbarians coulde not quiete and content them selues with safetie within their owne boundes, but they muste take armour, rebell agaynste the Romaine Empire, and so boldely proclayme open warre. He strayned him selfe so muche in exclayminge agaynste them, that he opened euery vayne in his bodie, and brake the arteries asunder. whereof there gushed out such a streame of bloode, so that he dyed in the Castell commonly called Bergitium, in the thirde Consulshippe of Gratianus, together with Ecoetius the sixtienth of Nouember. He lyued Valētinianus dyed Anno Dom. 380. foure and fiftie yeares, and raygned thirteene. The sixt daye after the desease of Valentinianus, the souldiers of Italie proclaymed Emperour Ʋalentinianus the yonger, so called after his fathers name, who was of very tender yeares, at Aconicum a citie in Italie. The rest of the Emperours vnderstāding of this, tooke the matter very grieuously, not because Valentinianus, who was y ones brother, the others brothers sonne, was chosen Emperour, but because he was appointed without their consent, vnto whome it belonged to create him Emperour. But both gaue their cōsents that he shoulde be Emperour, and thus was Valentinianus the yonger sett in the emperiall seate of his father. We haue to learne that this Ʋalentinianus was gott vpon Iustina, whome his father ma­ryed for all that Seuera his firste wyfe was alyue, and that for this cause. Iustus the father of Iu­stina, who a good while agoe in the raigne of Constantius the Emperour, was Liuetenant of Pi­cenum, sawe in his sleepe that his right side was deliuered of the emperiall purple robe. When that he awoke, he tolde his dreame to so many, that at length it came to the Emperour Constan­tius eare. He thereby was geuen to coniecture, that there shoulde one be borne of Iustus, which shoulde be Emperour, and therefore he sent from him that shoulde dispatche Iustus out of the waye. Wherefore Iustina nowe bereaued of her father, contineweth a virgine. In processe of time she became acquainted with Seuera the Empresse, and had often conference with her. When that [Page 338] there grewe greate familiaritie betweene them, they vsed both one hath for to bayne them selues, Seuera seeyng the beautie of this virgine as she bayned her selfe, was wonderfully in loue with Iustina, she tolde the Emperour also what a goodly mayde she was: that the daughter of Iustus passed for beautie all the women in the worlde, that she her selfe, though she were a woman, yet was wonderfully enamored with her sweete face. The Emperour printinge in his harte the wordes which seemed onely to pearce but the eare, deuised with him selfe howe he myght compasse this beautifull Iustina to his wyfe, not diuorcinge Seuera▪ vpon whome he had got­ten Gratianus, whome also he had made Emperour a little before. Wherefore he made a A wicked lawe. lawe, that as many as woulde myght lawfully haue two wyues, the which he proclaymed throughout euery citie. When the lawe was proclaymed, he tooke Iustina to his seconde wyfe, vpon whome he gotte Ʋalentinianus the yonger, and three daughters, Iusta, Grata, Galla. Of the which, two lead theyre lyues in virginitie, the thirde Galla by name, was maryed to Theodosius Magnus, on whome he gotte his daughter Placidia. For he gotte Arcadius and Honorius of Placidia his former wyfe. But of Theodosius and his children in an other place.

CAP. XXVII. Cap. 32. in the greeke.

After that Themistius the Philosopher had made an Oration in the hearinge of Valens, the Emperour relented from persecuting of the Christians: and howe the Gothes in the tyme of Ʋalens embraced the Christian faith.

VAlens makinge his abode at Antioche, although he warred but litle with forayne nati­ons (the Barbarian nations kept them selues within their boundes) yet pursued he continewally such as helde the faith of One substance, and ceassed not dayly to inuent newe deuises and straung torments, wherewith he myght plague them▪ vntyll that his fierce and cruell minde was somewhat mitigated with the Oration which Themistius the Philosopher pronounced before him: where he admonished the Emperoure not to maruayle though the Christians varyed amonge them selues in religion: that if Christianitie were compared with infinite multitudes of opinions raygninge amonge heathen philosophers (sure he was that there were aboue three hundreth opinions, and greate dissention about rules and preceptes, wherevnto euery sect necessarily addicted them selues) it woulde seeme but a very small thing: and that God woulde sette forth his glorie by the diuersitie and discorde in opinions, to the ende euery one myght therefore the more stande in awe of his maiestie, because it was not easie for euery one to knowe him perfectly. Although he beganne to be somewhat the mee­ker after these and other such like perswasions which the philosopher vsed, yet layde he not aside all his venemous spyte and anger: for in steede of death he punished the cleargie men with exile and banishment so longe, vntyll that his mischieuous enterprise was stopped vpon such occasion as followeth. Cap. 33. in the greeke. The Barbarians inhabitinge beyonde Istrum, commonly called Gotthes, by reason of ciuill warres, were deuided into two partes: the one syde was lead by Phritigernes, the other by Athanarichus. When that Athanarichus seemed to gett the vp­per hande, Phritigernes fledde for ayde agaynste the enemie vnto the Romaines. Ʋalens the Emperour vnderstandinge of this, commaunded the souldiers of Thracia to ayde the one side agaynste the other. The souldiers puttinge the enemie to flyght, foyled Athanarichus, and gott the victorie. Which was a cause that many of the Barbarian nations receaued the faith of Christ. For Phritigernes to requite the Emperoure for the curtesie shewed vnto him, em­braced his religion, and perswaded his subiects to the same. Wherefore many Gotthes, who then addic [...]ed them selues into the Arian opinion, partly for to feede the Emperours vayne, and fully to please him, neuer left it vnto this daye. Then also Vlphilas byshop of the Gotthes Vlphilas trās­lated the Bi­ble into his owne tōgue. founde out the Gotthicke letters, and as soone as he had translated holye scripture into that tongue, he determined with him selfe, that the Barbarians shoulde learne the blessed worde of God. Immediatly after that Vlphilas had instructed in the Christian religion, as well the faction of Athanarichus, as the followers of Phritigernes, Athanarichus tormen­ted the differēce betwene A­rius and the Ariā Gotths grieuously many that professed the Christian faith, as if his countrey lawes and ordi­nances had bene corrupted by their meanes: so that diuers Barbarians of the Arian sect then suffred Martyrdome. Arius because he coulde not withstande the erroure of Sabellius the [Page 339] Aprick fell from the right faith, saying that the sonne of God was but lately created: but these men receauing the Christian faith with simplicitie of minde, sticked not to spende their liues in the quarrell. Thus much of the Gothes conuerted as afore vnto the faith of Christ.

CAP. XXVIII. Cap. 34 in the greeke.

How the Gothes being driuen out of their owne contrey fled vnto the Romaine domi­nions, who being entertayned of the Emperour fell out to be the ouerthrowe of the empire, and the destruction of the Emperour him selfe & howe the warrs with the Gothes wrought quietnes to the true Christians.

IN a short while after, the aforesayd Barbarians being reconciled and at one amonge them sel­ues, were ouercome by other Barbarians their owne neighboures called Hunni, and driuen out of their owne contrey, so that they were faine to flie vnto the Romaine empire, they crooched vnto the Romaines, they protested loyaltie and subiection. Ʋalens vnderstanding of this not sore­seeing what was like to ensue thereof, commaunded they shoulde curteously be entertayned, & here­in onely shewed him selfe clement. Wherefore he appointed them certaine contreyes of Thracia to inhabite, and thought him selfe happy for their comming. he thought to haue of them at hande alwayes ready an exercised army and speedy host against the enemy: Moreouer that the Barbari­an watch woulde be a greater terror vnto the aduersary then the Romaine souldier. Thenceforth be neglected the trayning of Romaine souldiers in feates of armes: he set at nought olde wether beaten warriers, valiant and couragious captaines. In steede of the souldiers which were muste­red and pricked throughout euery village of the seuerall prouinces he required money, commaun­ding that for euery souldier they shoulde pay fourescore crownes. This he did when that he had first released them of their tribute. This was the originall cause that y e Romaine affayres prospe­red not in a long time after. Cap. 35. in the Greeke. Thus dealt the Saxons with the Brittaines. For the Barbarians now possessing Thracia, and enioying with ease and security the Romaine prouince, were immoderatly puft vp and swollen with prosperitie: they tooke armour against the Romaines which had bene their deare friendes, and benefitted them di­uersly: they beganne to ouerrunne and destroy all the contreyes about Thracia. When Ʋalens hearde of this, it was high time for him to leaue exiling of the true christians, and to turne him self vnto these rebells. Now mused he, and cast doubts with him selfe, immediatly he left Antioch and got him to Constantinople. By this meanes the heate of persecution kindled against the Christi­ans was wholly quenched. Then also died Euzoius the Arian Bishop of Antioch, the fift Consul­ship of Valens, the first of Valentinianus the yonger: in whose rowme Dorotheus succeeded.

CAP. XXIX. Cap. 36. in the greeke.

How the Saracens vnder the raygne of Mauia their Queene, tooke one Moses a Monke, a godly & a faithfull man to their Bishop and embraced the Christian faith.

WHen the Emperour had left Antioch, the Saracens who before time were fellowes, friends, and in league with the Romaines, then first beganne to rebell: being gouerned & guyded by a woman called Mauia, (whose husband had departed this life a litle be­fore) they tooke armour against them. Wherefore all the prouinces of the Romaine dominions that lay towards the East had then wholly bene ouerrunne by the Saracens: if the diuine proui­dence of God had not withstoode their enterprises. The meanes were these. Moses a Saracene borne, lead in the desert the monastical trade of life: for his zeale & godlines, for his constant faith, for the straung miracles wrought by him he was famous among all men. Mauia Queene of the Saracens required of the Romaines this Moses to be her Bishop, and in so doing she woulde cast of armour and ioyne in league with them. The Romaine captaines hearing of this, thought them selues happy if peace were concluded vpon such a condition: laying all delayes aside, they bid the Queene bring her purpose to passe. Moses was taken from the wildernes and sent to Alexandria for orders. When Moses was come in the presence of Lucius who then gouerned the Churches of Moses the Monke rea­soned thus with Lucius the Arian Bishop. Alexandria, he refused his ceremonies and laying on of handes, reasoning with him in this sorte: I thinke my selfe vnworthy of the priestly order, yet if it be for the profitt of the common weale y t I be called vnto the function, truely thou Lucius shalt neuer lay hand vpon my heade. for thy right [Page 340] hand is imbrued with slaughter and bloodshed. When Lucius sayd againe that it became him not so contumeliously to reuile him, but rather to learne of him the precepts of christian religion, Mo­ses answered: I am not come presently to reason of matters in religion, but sure I am of this that thy horrible practises against the brethren proue thee to be altogether voyd of the true principles of Christian religion. For the true Christian striketh no man, reuileth no man, fighteth with no man: for the seruant of God shoulde be no fighter. but thy deedes, in exiling of some, throwing of others to wilde beastes, burning of some others, doe crye out against thee: yet are we euer surer of the thinges we see with our eies then we heare with our eares. When Moses had vttered these and other such like sayings, his friendes brought him vnto a certaine mountaine to be made Priest of such as were there exiled. After that Moses had thus bene consecrated, the Saracen warre ended. Mauia thenceforth was in league with the Romaines, and maried her daughter to captaine Victor. Thus much of the Saracens.

CAP. XXX. Cap. 37. in the Greeke.

VVhen Valens was gone from Antioch, the Catholicks throughout the East, specially of Alexandria, thrust out Lucius and placed Peter in his rowme which came with Damasus the Bishop of Romes letters.

ABout that time as soone as Valens had left Antioch, as many as were tossed with the grie­uous storme of persecution, specially at Alexandria were comforted exceedingly and great­ly refreshed, because that Peter was come thither with Damasus the Bishop of Romes let­ters, confirming both the religion of Moses and the creation of Peter. The people boldning them selues vpon the sight of these letters, thrust Lucius out of the bishopricke and placed Peter in his rowme. Lucius being deposed got him in all the hast to Constantinople: Peter prolonging his life but a short time died, and left his brother Timothee to succeede him in the bishoprick.

CAP. XXXI.

After the returne of Valens into Constantinople, being reuiled of the people because of the Gothes, left the city and went against the Barbarians, He ioynsd with them at Adrianoplis a city of Thracia, and was slayne the fiftieth yeare of his age, & the sixteeneth of his raigne.

THe Emperour Valens entring into Constantinople in his sixt Consulship and the second of Valentinianus the thirtieth of May found the citizens in great heauines. For the Barbarians who lately had ouerrunne Thracia, now beganne to set vpon the suburbes of Constantino­ple, because there was then no power already prepared to repell their violence. When the Barba­rians were come nigh vnto the walls, the citie was wonderfull sory, they lamented their case: and forthwith they steppe vnto the Emperour and charge him that he entertained within his owne dominions such as nowe were ready to cutt his owne throte: they blame him that he withstoode them no sooner: they condemned him because he proclaimed not open warres against them. As they runne at tilt and exercised such warlick and triumphāt game, all with one consent runne vnto the Emperour and cryed out against him that he had set such exercise at nought, saying: geue vs armour and we our selues will deale with them. While they exclame in this sorte, the Emperour beganne to boyle within him selfe for anger, he left the citie the eleuenth of Iune, threatning them that if he returned home againe safe and sound, he would plague the city of Constantinople, part­ly because they reuiled him, and partly also for the treason they committed against the empire in ayding the rebell Procopius. When he had threatned he woulde vtterly destroy the citie, make it euen with the grounde, turne it to eareable lande for the plowe to passe through the bowells ther­of: he tooke his voyage against y Barbarians, made them recoyle & geue back farre from y citie: he draue them as farre as Adrianople a citie of Thracia lying in the confines of Macedonia. As he ioyned there with the enemy he was flayne the nynth of Augustin and the aforesayd Consulship, the fourth yeare of the two hundreth eyghty and nynth Olympiade. Yet some say that as he fledd into a certaine village the which was sett on fire by the Barbarian enemy, he was burned to ashes. Some other say that he threwe aside the imperiall robe and thrust him selfe among the thronge of footemen, and when the horsemen had yelded without any great fighting, the footemen after the breaking of the raye as they stoode confusely to haue bene all slayne, the Emperour also after [Page 341] throwing away of the princely habite, when none coulde discerne who he was, to haue layen a­monge them and not knowen. He departed out of this life the fiftieth yeare of his age, after that he had raygned thirteene yeares together with his brother and three yeares after his desease. This Anno Dom. 381. booke contineweth the history of sixteene yeares.

The ende of the fourth booke of Socrates.

THE FIFT BOOKE OF THE ECCLE­SIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SO­CRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

The Proëme.

BEfore that we enter into the discourse of our fist booke of ecclesiasticall history, This fift booke con­taineth the history of sixteene yea­res & eyght moneths ending Anno Domini 397. our will is first to forewarne the reader not to blame vs, for all our speciall drift was to deliuer the posterity in writing the ecclesiasticall affayres after our sim­ple habilitie and as farre forth as we coulde learne: that we haue mingled ther­withall battells and bloody warres at seuerall times waged in sundry partes of the worlde. We haue so done for diuers causes. First that the noble and valiant feates of armes shoulde not be hid from the posteritie in tyme to come: agayne lest the Reader by perusing continewally of the Bishops affayres and the practises of the one a­gainst the other inculcated euery where, be ouercome with tediousnes and loth some tying toge­ther of one matter: last of all that we may vnderstand when the common w [...]le hath bene tossed & turmoyled with troublesome dissention and discorde, the Church of God likewise as infected with the same contagious disease hath bene altogether out of quiet. For whosoeuer with diligent obser­uation will remember the aforesayd tymes, without doubt he shall perceaue that when the com­mon weale was on hurlyburly, the Church in like sort was shaken with the stormes of aduersitie. Either he shall finde that both at one tyme were out of square, or that the ones miserie ensued im­mediately after the others misfortune: and sometime when the Church beganne to vary about re­ligion, the common wealth immediately followed after with rebellion, and some other times of the contrary: so that I am easily brought to beleeue that the interchangeable course of these calami­ties commeth not to passe by happ hazard but by reason of our horrible sinne: that these mischiefs are sent in steede of punishments: or as the Apostle writeth: some mens sinnes are open before 1. Timoth. 5. hande hastening before vnto iudgement, and in some they followe after. for the aforesayd cau­ses we haue mingled temporall with ecclesiasticall, prophane with diuine stories. And though we coulde not attaine vnto the knowledge of such battells as were waged in the raigne of Constantine by reason it is so long agoe: yet haue we enterlaced such acts as befell since that time, as well as we coulde learne of aged and longe liude men. We haue therefore throughout our history made mention of the Emperours because that since they beganne to embrace christian religion, the ec­clesiasticall affayres seemed very much to depende of them: so that the chiefest councells were in The coun­cells were summoned by Empe­rours & not by Popes. times past and are at this day summoned through their consent and procurement. We haue ther­fore also remembred paganisine and the Idolatric all seruice of the Ethnicks because it wonderful­ly molested the quiet estate of the Catholick Church. Thus much I thought good to lay downe by way of preface, and now to the story.

CAP. I.

How that after the death of Valens when the Gothes marched towards Constantinople, the city went out to meete them together with a fewe Saracens whome Mauia their Queene had sent to ayde them.

[Page 342]WHen the Emperour Ʋalens was dispatched out of the way in such sorte as no man was certayne of, the Barbarians marched apace towards the walls of Constantinople, and beganne to destroy the suburbs thereof. The people being moued with this went forth of their owne accorde to withstand the Barbarian enemy, and euery one tooke that weapon which came first to his hand. Dominica the Empresse gaue hyre vnto euery one that went forth to battell Dominica▪ Mauia. out of the Emperours treasory as the couenant was with the souldiers. Mauia also the Queene of the Saracens (of whome we spake a litle before) being in league with the Empresse sent of her sub­iects to ayde them. Thus y people gaue them battell & droue back y Barbarians farre from y city.

CAP. II.

How Gratianus the Emperour called home from exile the godly Bishops, banished the Here­ticks, and made Theodosius his fellow Emperour.

GRatianus gouerning the empire together with Valentinianus the yonger, condemned the Anno 383. cruelty which his vncle Ʋalens practised against the Christians: called home againe such as he had exiled: made a lawe that euery sect and opinion should thenceforth freely without any molestation frequent their wonted assemblies, except the Eunomians, Photinians and Mani­chees. And when he foresaw that the Romaine empire dayly diminished, and the Barbarians wax­ed strong and multiplied exceedingly, & that he stoode in great neede of a valiant and worthy man to gouerne the common wealth, he ioyned with him Theodosius, a noble man of Spayne, trained vp Theodosius was Empe­rour toge­ther with Gratianus & Valentinianꝰ the yonger. in feates of armes, one that was by the vniforme consent and common voyce of all men thought fi [...]t to rule, yea before Gratian him selfe was created Emperour. He proclaymed him Emperour at Sirmium a citie of Illyrium in the Consulship of Ausonius and Olybrius the sixteenth of Ianuarye, and diuideth with him the charge of the battell against the Barbarians.

CAP. III.

Of the Bishops which then gouerned the Churches.

AT that time Damasus the successor of Liberius was Bishop of Rome and Cyrill of Ierusa­lem. Damasu [...]. Cyrill. Dorotheus. Paulinus. Meletius. Lucius. Timothee. Demophilus The Church of Antioch as I sayd before was deuided into three partes. for Dorothe­us the Arian bishop which succeeded Euzious, gouerned the Arian Churches, the rest were partly vnder Paulinus and partly vnder Meletius who then was lately come from exile. Of the Churches of Alexandria the Arians were vnder Lucius who then was a banished man, such as em­braced the faith of one substance had Timothee the successor of Peter to their Bishop. The Arian Church at Constantinople had Demophilus to their Bishop who was chosen immediatly after the desease of Eudoxius. They that detested his doctrine and opinion frequented priuate and seuerall conuenticles.

CAP. IIII.

How the Macedonians who a litle before sent legats vnto Damasus Bishop of Rome for the establishing of the faith of one substance fell againe into their former error.

THe Macedonians for all the embassie sent vnto Liberius, and for all they communicated a good while throughout euery church without difference and exception with such as cleaued from the beginning vnto the Nicene creede: yet when the Emperour Gratians law gaue li­berty vnto euery sect to frequent their seuerall assemblies they seuered them selues from y church. Wherefore after that a company of them had mett at Antioch in Syria, they decreed that hence­forth A councell of Macedo­nians. for altogether the clause of one substance shoulde neuer be receaued: and that they ought no more to communicate with the professors of the Nicene faith. but their wauering minde attayned not vnto so prosperous a successe as they hoped it woulde: for many of their owne sect, seeing that they did say and vnsay, that they ratified & abrogated the selfe same constitution, condemned them in their owne opinions, fell from them and embraced the faith of one substance.

CAP. V.

Of the sturre at Antioch by reason of Paulinus & Meletius, how that Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum by the consent of all the Catholick Bishops was translated vnto the seae of Constantinople.

[Page 343]AT Antioch in Syria about that time there was raised a great tumult and seditiō about Me­letius, the occasiō was as followeth. We sayd before howe that Paulinus Bishop of Antioch because he was a graue and a godly father was not exiled: y Meletius was first called home from banishment in the raigne of Iulian, afterwards being exiled by Ʋalens returned in the time of Gratian. After his returne into Antioch he founde Paulinus so olde y he seemed ready to lye in his graue. Immediatly all y friends of Meletius endeuored to ioyne him felow bishop w t Paulinus. whē Paulinus affirmed it to be contrary vnto the canons of the Church that any being created of A [...]ian Bishops should be made college in any Bishoprick: the people endeuored to compasse it by force. In the ende they make preparation to stall him Bishop in a certaine church of the suburbs. Whē it was done all the citie was on an vprore. In processe of time the people were reconciled vpon such cōditions as followe. All that stoode for the Bishopricke were six in number whereof one was Flauianus, being called together they deposed them vpon a booke that none of them shoulde aspire vnto the Bishopricke during the liues of Paulinus and Meletius, and when ether of them departed this life, the Bishopricke to remaine vnto the suruiuer of them both. When the oth was ministred the people were quiete and thenceforth made no sturre at all. The fauorers of Lucifer were offen­ded with this maner of dealing and fell from the church because that Meletius being ordered of the Arians was admitted to the gouernemente of that seae. At that time when the affaires of Antioch were thus out of frame Gregorie by vniforme consent of all the Catholick Bishops was translated from the Bishopricke of Nazianzum vnto the seae of Cōstantinople. Then Meletius gott him in all the hast to Constantinople.

CAP. VI.

Howe Theodosius the Emperour after the foilinge of the Barbarians came to Thessalonica, where being sicke he was baptized of Ascholius the Bishop.

BY that time Gratianus & Theodosius had gottē the victorie of the Barbarians, whereupō Gra­tianus immediatly made expeditiō into Fraunce, because the Germanes had destroied part of that contrey: but Theodosius after the erection of the signe, in token that the enemies were vā ­quished, made hast towardes Constantinople and came to Thessalonica. There after y he fell into a daungerous disease he was very desirous of baptisme, for of old he was trained vp in Christian religion & addicted himselfe wholly vnto the faith of one substance. Being sore sick & speedinge to baptisme he gaue charge that the Bishop of Thessalonica shoulde be sent for to minister the sacra­ment. Being come first he demaūds of the bishop what faith he was of? when the bishop made an­swere that the opinion of Arius preuailed not throughout Illyrium & that the newefounde inuen­tion of his pestilent braine was not planted in the churches of y contrey but that all the christians throughout those coasts retained & euer obserued continewally y autentick & ancient faith deliue­red of the Apostles & confirmed by the councell of Nice: the Emperour with willing mind was baptized of Ascholius for so was the bishop called. A fewe dayes after when that he had somwhat recouered he went towards Constantinople the foure & twentyeth of Nouember in his first Con­sulship and the fift of Gratian.

CAP. VII.

Howe that Gregorie Nazianzen vnderstandinge that diuerse Bishops did stomacke him refused the Bishopricke of Constantinople. The Emperour sent vnto Demophilus the Arian Bishop that either he woulde subscribe vnto the faith of one substance or departe the citie the which he did. Sozomenus lib. 7. cap. 5. sayth that the church was called the [...] surrectiō be­cause the fayth which of a lōg time seemed to be suppressed b [...] the Arians for dead, wa [...] thē reuiued.

GRegorie being then translated from the citie Nazianzū gouerned a certen litle church with­in y walls of Cōstantinople. vnto y which y Emperour afterwards annected a goodly tem­ple & called it the resurrectiō. Gregorie a famous mā excelling in vertue & godlines all y florished in his time, whē he perceaued y some did murmur & obiect vnto hī y he was a cōtrey bishop & a forainer, for all y he reioiced at y Emperours coming, he refused vtterly to continew longer at Cōstantinople. the emperour seing y church out of square endeuored w t all meanes possible to re­duce it vnto peace to establish vnity & to enlarge y churches. wherefore immediatly he geueth De­mophilus y Ariā bishop to vnderstād of his pleasure & in plaine words demaūdeth of hī whether he wold embrace y Nicene creed, set y people at vnity & ēbrace cōcord hīself. whē he refused so to do y emperour said vnto him: if thou refuse to embrace peace & vnity I cōmaūd thee to void y church. [Page 344] Demophilus hearinge this, aduised himselfe that it booted not for him to withstand the berdure of the higher power, he assembled together a great multitud in the church, stood vp in the middest & brake out into these wordes: brethren it is wrytten in the Gospell, if they persecut you in one citie flie into an other. In so much y the Emperour banisheth vs the churches, I would haue you know Matth. 10. that tomorowe you must meete together out of the citie. When he had made an ende of speakinge he went forth. He vnderstoode not that such as flie the trade of life, which worldlinges followe af­ter (for so must we take the wordes of the Gospell) haue to seeke the higher Ierusalem. He meante it otherwise and thenceforth raised conuenticles without the walles of the citie. There departed together with him Lucius, who us I said before was banished Alexādria, enioyned to liue in exile, and then lead his life at Constantinople. Wherefore the Arians which helde the churches for the space of forty yeares, refusinge the vnitie and concorde which Theodosius the Emperour exhorted them vnto, departed the citie in the fift Cōsulship of Gratian and the first of Theodosius the sixt and twentieth of Nouember. Then such as were of the fayth of one substance came in theyr rowmes and tooke possession of the Churches.

CAP. VIII.

Of the hundreth and fifty Bishops which at the commaundement of the Emperour Theodosius mette at Constantinople, theyr decrees and howe they created Nectarius Bishop of that seae.

THe Emperour without long deliberation summoned a councell of such Bishops as were of The coūcell of Constan­tinople An­no Dom. 385 his faith: to the end the canons of y Nicene councell might be confirmed and a Bishop cho­sen of Constantinople. And in hope to reconcile the Macedonians with the Bishops which embraced the faith of one substance, he cited also the bishops of the Macedonian sect. Wherefore there met there of them which embraced the Nicene Greede: T [...]otheus Bishop of Alexandria: Cyrillus Bishop of Ierusalē, who thē after his late recantation, addicted him wholly vnto the faith of one substance: Meletius who was called thither in a while before to the stalling of Gregorie Nazianzen: Ascholius Bishop of Thessalonica with many others, to the number of a hundreth and fifty Bishops. The chiefe of all the Macedonian Bishops was Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum and Marcianus Bishop of Lampsacum. The number of that sect came to a thirtie and six whereof the greater parte came out of Hellespontus. The councell met together in the Consulship of Euchari­de [...] and Euagrius and the moneth of Maye. The Emperour together with the Bishops of his opi­nion first vsed all meanes possible with Eleusius and the rest of the Macedonians for to reconcile them with the catholick church: they not onely bring them in remembrance of the embassy which Eustathius together with many others did in their names to Liberius late Bishop of Rome: but al­so that not longe before without exception they communicated throughout euery church with such as professed the fayth of one substance: and that they behaued themselues neyther godly, neyther religiously, sithence that aforetime they ratified the selfe same opinion, and faith with them, if now againe they endeuored to ouerthrow such things as they had aduisedly decreed before. for all they coulde doe, it was neyther faire meanes neyther foule meanes that woulde preuayle. They sayde flatly rather then they woulde subscribe vnto the faith of one substance, that they would hold with the Arians. When they had made this answere they left Constantinople and sent theyr letters a­broade into euery citie that they shoulde in no wise consent vnto the fayth of the Nicene councell. The Bishops that were of the other side continewing at Constantinople cōsulted together about the election of a Bishop. For Gregorie as I sayde before had refused that seae and returned to Na­zianzum. Nectarius [...]hosē by the [...]ouncell Bi­shop of Con [...]antinople. There was at that time one Nectarius of noble linage whose auncetors had bene Sena­tors, a man he was of good life and godly conuersation, who though he were by office a Praetor, yet did the people choose him to theyr Bishop, in the ende by the consente of a hundreth and fifty Bi­shops then presente he was stalled Bishop of Constantinople. Then was it decreed that the Bi­shop of Constantinople should haue the next prerogatiue after the bishop of Rome, the reason was The canons [...]f the coun­cell helde at [...]onstanti­ [...]ople. because that citie was called Newe Rome. Agayne they ratifie the faith of the Nicene Councell: they deuide prouinces and ordayne Patriarches: they decree that no Bishop shall leaue his owne diocesse and intermedle with foraine churches, for vnto that time by reason of the greate heat and storme of persecution it was sufferable at euery ones choice and libertie. Nectarius Bishop of Cō ­stantinople had that greate citie together with all Thracia allotted to his iurisdiction. The Patri­arckship [Page 345] throughtout Pontus was assigned vnto Helladius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia af­ter Basil: vnto Gregorie the brother of Basil who was Bishop of Nyssa a citie also in Cappadocia & vnto Otreius Bishop of Meletina a citie of Armenia. Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium & Optimus Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia tooke the Patriarckshippe of Asia. The prouince of Aegypt fell vnto Timothee bishop of Alexandria. Pelagius Bishop of Laodicea & Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus are appointed ouer the Easterne diocesse, reseruing the prerogatiue of honor vnto the churche of An­tioch the which thē presently they graunted vnto Meletius. They decreed moreouer that if neces­sity did so require that a prouincial synode should determine prouinciall affaires. The Emperour gaue his assent vnto all the aforesayd, and thus the councell was dissolued.

CAP. IX.

Howe the Emperour Theodosius caused the corps of Paulus late Bishop of Constan­tinople to be brought from exile with great honor: at what time Meletius Bishop of Antioch departed this life.

ABout that time the corps of Paulus the Bishop (whome as I said before Philip the Empe­rours Liuetenant throught the procurement of Macedonius sent to exile vnto Cucusum a citie of Armenia & there stifled to death) was conueyed by the Emperours commaundemēt from Ancyra to Cōstantinople, and there receaued with great honor in the church which beareth his name vnto this day: the which church was vnto that time frequented of the Macedonians who seuered themselues from the Arians, but then were thrust out by the Emperour because they refu­sed to be of his faith & opinion. At that time Meletius Bishop of Antioch fell sicke & died, Gregorie the brother of Basil preached at his funerall. His corps was caried of his friends into Antioch & there interred. Againe the fauorers of Meletius would not be vnder Paulinus iurisdiction but chose Flauianus to their bishop in the rowme of Meletius. Whereupon the people again were at dis­corde and fell to raising of tumults and dissentiō. And because of that, the church of Antioch was deuided againe, not about the faith but about their fond contention in choosinge of Bishops.

CAP. X.

Howe the Emperour when his sonne Arcadius was created Augustus summoned together a Synode of all sectes and opinions: He banished all here­tickes the Nouatians onely excepted because they embraced the fayth of one substance.

WHen the Arians were banished the churches the flame of tumult and schisme flashed a­bout in euery congregation. I can not chuse but wonder at the Emperours aduise and pollicy therein. For he suffred not this seditiō to raigne very long throughout y cities, but with speede he summoned a councell charging that all sects & opiniōs whatsoeuer should meet together, supposinge verily that by conference and communication had betwene them selues they would at length be brought to establish one faith and opinion. The which drift and good meaning of his as I suppose was cause & directer of all his prosperous successes. For then it fel out through the prouidence & procurement of almighty God that all the Barbarians were at peace within his dominions, rebelled not at all but yelded themselues vnto the Emperiall seepter, for example A­thanarichus the valiaunt captaine of the Gotthes came in withall his power & shortly after died at Constantinople. The Emperour created Arcadius his sonne Augustus in y seconde Consulship of Merogandus & the first of Saturninus the sixteenth of Ianuarie. shortly after all bishops of euery sect out of all prouinces came thither in y sayd Cōsulship but the moneth of Iune. The Emperour sent for Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople, reasoned with him howe he might rid y Christiā religiō of y discorde & dissention, howe it were possible to reduce y church vnto vnitie: he sayd further that y controuersies & quarells which molested y quiete state of y church & rent asunder y membres of Christ were to be sifted out & y punishments to light vpō their pates y were founde the authors of schisme and disturbers of peace & quietnes. Nectarius hearing of this was wonderfull sadd & pen­siue: he called vnto him Agelius the Nouatiā Bishop who embraced together w t him y faith of one substāce & opened vnto him y mind & purpose of y Emperour. He although otherwise a rare & sin­guler man yet was he no body in controuersies of religion & disputation of ecclesiasticall matters [Page 346] but appointed Sisinius a reader of his church to reason with them in his steade. Sisinius an eloquent man, well experienced in all thinges, askilfull interpretor of holy Scripture, a notable Philoso­pher, knowinge full well that disputations woulde not onely not reconcile schismes, but also fire the slymie matter of contention raygning in the rotten bowells of heretickes: therefore he aduised Nectarius in this sorte: that it was not best to deale with them logicall wise with the frubushinge of schoole pointes, but to lay flat before them the formes of faith established by our auncetors (he knewe of a surety that the Elders had taken heede lest they should assigne vnto the sonne of God a begininge of essence, because they were of the opinion that the sonne of God was coeternall with the father) and that the Emperour shoulde demaunde of the ringleaders of the hereticks whether they made any accompt of those aunciente fathers who gouerned the church godly and prudentely before the schisme and diuision, or whether they condemned thē as aliens and farre estraunged frō the Christian faith? If they reiect them, then let them boldely pronounce them accursed: & if they presume so bolde an enterprise, then will the common people crie out against them. This beinge done the trueth after such triall no doubt will preuayle. If they reiect not the auncient fathers thē let vs alleadge theyr workes and wrytinges and confirme the matter in controuersie out of them. Nectarius beinge thus counselled by Sisinius gotte him with speede vnto the Emperoures pallace, made the Emperour priuey vnto these circumstances. He thinketh well of the aduise and compas­seth the matter circumspectly. At the first he concealed his drift & required of them to tell him whether they esteemed and allowed of the fathers which gouerned the churche before the diuision, or no? When as they confessed as much in effect and sayd that they highly reuerenced them for their maisters: the Emperoure demaunded of them againe whether they woulde be tried by theyr testi­monies toutchinge the true and right faith? the sectes and factious Bishoppes together with the Logicians then presente (for they had broughte with them many well prepared for disputation) hearinge this, knewe not what answer to make. They were deuided amonge themselues, while that some helde with the Emperoure and some other affirmed that it was altogether contrarye to their mind and purpose, for y diuerse opinion they conceaued of the aunciēt fathers distracted their mindes one from the other. So that not onely the opinion was diuerse among contrary sects, but such as were of one opiniō were deuided among themselues. Wherefore theyr linked malice was no otherwise then the confuse language of those auncient Giaunts and the turret of theyr spitefull [...]. 11. muention was turned downe to the ground. When the Emperour vnderstoode of their manifolde dissentiō & that they buylded not vpon y auncient fathers exposition of the faith, but trusted to their sophisticall quirckes of Logicke, dealt an other way with them, & bad euery sect lay downe theyr faith and opinion in wrytinge. Then the principall of euery secte tooke penne in hande and wrote his opinion. There was a daye appointed for the purpose. All the Bishoppes beinge called mette at the Emperours pallace. There came thither Nectarius and Agelius fauoringe the faith of one substance: Demophilus of the Arians: Eunomius himselfe in the name of the other Eu­nomians The zeale of the Empe­rour Theo­dosius for the siftinge out of the trueth. and Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum for the Macedonians. First of all the Emperour salu­teth them rurteously: next he receaued euery ones wryting: then he went a side & lockt in himselfe: sell downe vpon his knees and prayed vnto God that he woulde asist him in the choice and reuea­ling of the trueth. Last of all hauing perused euery ones opinion he condemned and tore in peeces all such Creedes as derogated from the vnitie which is in the blessed Trinitie: he allowed & high­ly commended onely of all the rest, the Creede containing the clause of one substance. This was the cause that the Nouatians were fauored and thenceforth suffred to celebrate their wōted assem­blies within the walles of the citie. The Emperoure wonderinge at their consente and harmonie toutching y faith, made a lawe that they should enioy their owne churches w t securitie, and y their churches should haue such priuiledgs as the other churches of the same opinion & faith were wont to haue. The Bishops of other sectes because there raigned amonge themselues mutuall discorde and dissentiō they were set at nought of the people committed to their owne charge. Who though at their departure they were all soroweful & pensiue, yet fell they a cōforting of their charge by letters: exthorting them not to shrinke at all from them because many had left them and fell to embra­cinge the faith of one substance. For many were called but fewe chosen. This they vttered not when y greatest parte of the people cleaued vnto the higher power and zealously embraced their faith. Yet for all this were not they which held the faith of one substance voyd of disturbance and molestation. For the controuersie that sell out in the churche of Antioch deuided such as were of the councell into two, factions for the Aegyptians, Arabians, & Cyprians held together, & thought [Page 347] good to remoue Flauianus out of the Bishops seae of Antioch: but the Palaestinians, Phoeniciās, & Syrians tooke his parte. The issue & end of this controuersie I will lay downe in an other place.

CAP. XI.

Howe that Maximus the tyrant through wiles sle [...]e the Emperour Gratian. And howe that Iustina the Empresse the mother of Ʋalentinianus the yonger left persecutinge of Ambrose Bishop of Myllain [...] because she feared Maximus the tyrant.

WHen the councell was helde at Constantinople we haue learned such a broyle as follo­weth to haue bene in the Weste partes of the worlde. Maximus a Brittaine tooke ar­mour Maximus a Bryttaine. against the Empire of Rome and conspired the death of Gratian who nowe was weakened together with his power by reason of the battail he waged with the Germanes. Pro­bus sometimes a Consul was chiefe gouernour of Italy during the nonage of Valentinianus who w t great prudence ruled the common weale. Iustina Valentinianus the Emperours mother being in­fected with the silch of Arianisme while her husbande liued coulde no kinde of way molest such as embraced the faith of one substāce: yet after his deseasse remouing to Mediolanum and her sonne being of tender yeares she raised such tumults against Ambrose the Bishop that in the end he was exiled. But when the people for the singuler loue and affection they bare vnto Ambrose with stoode her act and hindred their force that went about to conueye him to exile: tydings came y Gratianus through the wiles & sleight of Maximus the tyrāt was put to death. Andragathius the captaine of Maximus hidinge himselfe in a chariot resemblinge the forme of a licter borne of mules gaue his souldiers charge to signifie vnto the Emperours gard y the Empresse rode therein & wēt to meet y Emperour who passed ouer Rhodanus a flood y runneth by Lions a citie of Fraunce. The Em­perour thinkinge verily that his wife was there in deede aboyded not the conspiracie but fell vn­awares into the enemies hand as a blind mā falleth into y ditch. For Andragathius lighted downe out of y chariot & slewe Gratianus presently. He died in the Consulship of Merogandus & Saturni­nus Gratianus the Empe­rour died Anno Dom. 387 Maximus the bryttain is made Em­perour. after he had raigned fifteen yeares & liued foure & twenty. The which newes cooled y heat of y Emperours mother kindled agayust Ambrose. Wherefore Valentinianus y time constrayu [...]ng him thereunto receaued Maximus with unwilling mind to be his fellowe Emperour. Probus y gouer­nour of Italy fearing y power of Maximus determined with himselfe to remoue into y East. with all speed he left Italy and hasteninge towardes Illyrium, made his abode at Thessalonica a citie of Macedonia.

CAP. XII.

Theodosius the Emperour left Arcadius his sonne and Emperour at Constantinople, went towards Millayne to wage battail with Maximus the Bryttaine.

THeodosius the Emperour for y aforesaid cause was wonderfull sory: he gathered greate po­wer Anno Dom▪ 388. to go against the tyrant & feared greatly lest Maximus would cōspire the death of Va­leutinianus y yonger. Then came also legats from y Persians to conclude peace betwene thē & the Emperour it was the very same time y his sonne Honorius was borne by his wife Placilla y Empresse, in y consulship of Richomelianus & Clearchus the neenth of September. A litle before whē y aforesaid men were consuls Agelius y Nouatian bishop finished the mortal race of his natu­rall life. The yeare following being the first cōsulship of Arcadius Augustur & Vadon, after y Timo­theus bishop of Alexandria departed this life, Theophilus succeeded him in the bishoprick. The se­cond yeare whē Demophilus the Arian bishop had chaunged this life, y Arians sent for Marinus out of Thracia a man of their owne crue & appointed him their bishop. Marinus in whose time y Ariās were deuided among thēselues (as it shalbe shewed hereafter) liued not many dayes after, where­fore they call Dorotheus out of Antioch in Syria & assigne him their bishop. The Emperoure lea­uing his sonne Arcadius at Constātinople marched forewards to geue battail vnto Maximus. As he came to Thessalonica he found the souldiers of Valentinianus all dismayed & quite discouraged: because y necessitie had constrained them to take the tyrant Maximus for an Emperour. Theodo­sius shewed himselfe openly to seeme of nere nother side. For whē Maximus had sent embassadours vnto him he neither receaued neither reiected thē: yet was he sory y the Empire of Rome should be oppressed with tyranny vnder colour of the Emperiall title. Therefore he gathered his power together and made hast to Millayne, for Maximus was lately come thither.

CAP. XIII.

Of the tumult which the Arians raised at Constantinople.

AT the very same time when the Emperour made all y expeditiō he could to wage this bat­taill with the tyrant: the Arians raised a wonderfull great stur at Constantinople, y maner was as followeth. Men commonly are wōt to fitten and faine leasings of things they know not and if that by chaunce they get hold of any tale forthwith they brute abroade false rumors and reports according to their fond vaine and foolishe desires, euer chatting of newes and harkeninge after chaunge. The which then was seene in the citie of Constantinople. For of the warres that were so farre of, they blased abroade of theyr owne braine one this thing an other that thinge: ho­ping in their traiterous hartes that y godly Emperour had euery daye worse successe then other. For although there was nothing as yet done in the warres: neuerthelesse they auoutch y t tidinges (being coyned in the closet of their gigled braine) they knew not, to be as true as if they had seene thē with their owne eyes: they reported that y tyrant foyled the Emperours power: y there were slaine so many hundreds & so many thousands of his souldiers & that the tyrant had almost taken the Emperour himselfe. The Arians being very much troubled in minde ready to burst for griefe (that they whome they persecuted aforetime nowe enioyed the churches within the walls of y ci­ty) scattered sundry false rumors abroade. And because y diuers other reports perswaded the first autors of these false rumors that their sigments were most true (for others which learned it onely by hearesay affirmed vnto the autors thereof y it was euen as they at y first had reported vnto thē) the Arians plucke vp their hartes, they beginne to venter a fresh and they set on fire the pallace of Anno Dom. 392. Nectarius y Bishop of Constātinople. These thinges were done in the second Consulship of Theo­dosius but the first of Cynegius.

CAP. XIIII.

The victory of Theodosius the Emperour, and the foyle of Maximus the tyrant.

WHen the souldiers of Maximus the tyrant vnderstoode of the Emperours comming & Maximus the bryttaine which slewe the Empe­rour Gratian & was crow­ned Empe­rour in his [...]eede is now betraied of his owne mē & executed by Theodo­rus the Em­perour. this [...]ximus [...]as highly commended by a consul [...] Rome which wrote booke in is pray [...]e. his great power they coulde in no wise digest the rumor thereof: they were taken with sodaine feare, they bound the tyrant their maister & brought him vnto the Emperoure who presently executed him in the aforesaid cōsulship the eight and twentieth of August. But An­dragathius who slewe the Emperour Gratian, hearing y discomfiture of Maximus, ranne headlōg into the next riuer & drowned himselfe. Wherefore y Emperoures now hauinge gotten y victorie tooke their voyage to Rome, Honorius of tender yeares went together in their company. For his father after the foyle of Maximus had sent to Constantinople for him. They solemnized y triūphe at Rome. At what time y Emperour Theodosius yelded forth a notable signe of his singuler clemē ­cy, in the trouble of Symachus the consul. This Symachus was heade Senator of Rome, and for his great skill & eloquence in Romaine literature had in great estimatiō. He had wrytten many books among the rest one in the praise of Maximus the tyrant, repeated in his hearing while he liued the which afterwards being extāt charged the autor with treason. Wherefore he fearing death ranne vnto y church for refuge. The Emperour according vnto the great zeale & godly affection he bare vnto the Christian faith, reuerenced not onely the priests of his owne beliefe and opinion: but also entreated curteously the Nouatians who embraced together with him y faith of one substāce & to the end he mighte gratifie Leontius Bishop of the Nouatian church at Rome which made sute for him, he graunted Symachus his pardon. Afterwardes he wrote an Apologie vnto the Emperoure Theodosius▪ Thus y warres which at y first threatned great calamity to ensue were quickly ended.

CAP. XV.

Of Flauianus Bishop of Antioch.

AT the same time we haue learned such thinges as followe to haue bene done at Antioch in Syria. After the desease of Paulinus the people of that Churche abhorred Flauianus and therefore chose Euagrius a man of theyr owne disposition to their Bishop. He liued not many dayes & after him there was none chosen to y rowme: for Flauianus through his deuise brought that to passe. As many then as detested Flauianus for the breakinge of his othe, had theyr priuate conuenticles. But Flauianus rolled (as commonly we say) euery stone, put euery deuise in vre [Page 349] to the end he might bring them within his iurisdictiō, the which not long after he brought to passe. For the spite and grudge betwene him and Theophilus bishop of Alexādria was layd aside and by his meanes Damasus Bishop of Rome was reconciled vnto him. They had bothe bene offended with him not onely because he forswore himselfe: but also for that he had broken the league con­cluded betwene them, and the linke of peace and vnity. Wherefore Theophilus being nowe pleased with him sent Isidorus a priest for to appease the displeasure which Damasus had cōceaued against Flauianus: & to enstruct him that it was according vnto the vse & maner of y church, if (respecting the vnitie and concorde to be retayned among the common people) he woulde not thinke amisse of Flauianus for so doing. Whē Flauianus was thus restored vnto the communion of the faithfull the people of Antioch in processe of time were brought to loue and amitie one with another, & the af­faires of Antioch had such an ende as you heare before. The Arians then being thrust out of the Cyrill. Iohn. churches raised conuenticles in the suburbes. In the meane space when Cyrill bishop of Ierusalem▪ had departed this mortall life, Iohn came in his rowme.

CAP. XVI.

Howe the Idolgroues and temples of the Ethnickes were ouerthrowen at Alexandria and of the skirmish betwene the paganes and the christians.

ABout y t time there was a lamentable sturre at Alexandria and the maner as followeth. By the procurement & industrie of Theophilus y bishop the Emperour commaunded that all the Idolgroues of the Ethnicks within Alexādria should downe to y ground, and that Theophi­lus should ouersee it. Theophilus being thus autorized omitted nothinge, that might tend to the re­proch and contumely of Hethenish ceremonies: downe goes the temple of Mithra, his foule closets Mithra. being full of Idolatricall filth and superstition are clensed and rid out of the way: downe goes the God Serapis temple: the embrued and bloody mysteries of the God Mithra are publiquely derided: Serapis. the vaine & ridiculous practises both of Serapis & others are shewed forth vnto the open face of the world: he caused such things as among them resembled the yards of men, to be caried throughout Phalli. the market place to their vtter shame & ignominy. The Ethnikes inhabiting Alexandria & aboue y rest such as professed philosophie beholding the maner of the dealinge could no longer containe neither rule themselues: but heaped new & also farre more grieuous offences, vnto the former acts of theirs being both tragicall & exceeding in cruelty. For all iointly ranne vpon a head, they set v­pon the Christians, they sought to dispatch them euery kind of way: the Christians went about to withstand their violence, they defend themselues and so mischiefe was heaped vpon mischiefe, the skirmish was so sore and the fraye continewed so longe vntill ether side was wery, had their fill of bloodshed & manslaughter & could nowe kill no longer. There died but a fewe of y Ethnicks, yet a great number of the Christians, of either side there was wounded an infinite number. When all was ended the Ethnicks were wonderfully affraid of the Emperours displeasure. Wherefore ha­uing committed such lewde acts as their horrible wickednes led them vnto: and hauing quenched their boyling rage and fury with running streames of bloode and wounded bowells they runne a­way and hid themselues some in one place some in an other. Many gaue the slip out of Alexandria & beinge dispersed led their liues thenceforth in diuerse other cities: of which number were Hella­dius Socrates was the scholler of Helladius and Ammo­nius. The Aegyp­tiās worship­ped the Ape. & Ammonius both Grammariās, whose scholer I my selfe was at Cōstantinople in my youth­ly yeares. Helladius was sayde to be the priest of Iupiter & Ammonius the priest of the Ape which they worshipped for God. Therefore the slaughter beinge thus ended the gouernour of Alexan­dria & the captaine of the host came to ayd Theophilus in the ouerthrow of their temples▪ the tem­ples went downe, the Idols of the Gods were turned into cawdrons and into other necessarie ves­sell for houshould stuff. For the Emperour had geuen the images of the Gods throughout all the Idolatrical temples of Alexandria to the reliefe of the poore. Theophilus going about to deface all the pictures of their Gods commaunded that one of some certaine God should be reserued and set vp in some publique place of the citie to the end the Ethnickes in processe of time should not be a­ble to deny but that sometimes they worshipped such Gods. I haue knowen Ammonius the gram­marian to haue bene very much offended with that act & to haue sayd that the religion of the Grae­cians sustained great iniury & reproch because y one image was not in like sort trāslated, but kept of set purpose to the contumely of their religion. Helladius boasted in y hearing of many how y in y skirmishe he slewe nine men with his owne handes. These were then the broyles at Alexandria.

CAP. XVII.

Of the hieroglyphicall letters found engrauen in the temple of Serapis, letters they were which yelded no sense by coniunction of syllable or knitting of sentence, but were to be construed by the signification of the beastes which they resembled.

IN the temple of Serapis nowe ouerthrowē and rifled throughout there were found ingrauen in the stones certaine letters which they call Hieroglyphicall. The maner of their ingrauinge re­sembled the forme of y crosse. The which when both Christians & Ethnicks beheld before them euery one applied them to his proper religion. The Christians affirmed y the crosse was a signe or token of the passion of Christ and the proper cognizance of their professiō: the Ethnicks auout­ched that therein was contained somthing in cōmon belonging as well to Serapis as to Christ: that the signe of the crosse signified one thinge vnto the Ethnicks an other vnto the Christians. While they contend thus about the interpretation of the letters many of the Ethnicks became Christians for they perceaued at length the sense and meaninge of the Hieroglyphicall letters, that they pro­gnosticated saluation & the life to come. The Christians perceauing that this made very much for their religion made great accompt thereof & were not a litle proud of it. When as by other Hiero­glyphicall letters it was gathered that the temple of Serapis shoulde go to ruine when the signe of y crosse therein ingrauē came to light (by that, life to come was foreshewed) many more embraced Christian religion, confessed their sinnes & were baptized. Thus muche haue I learned of y crosse But verily I am not of the opinion, that the Aegyptian priests foreseeing that which should come to passe of Christ should ingraue in stone the signe of the crosse (for if the mysterie of Christs in­carnation was hid from the begining of the world & from many generations as the Apostle wry­teth Coloss. 1. and concealed from the deuell the prince of all impiety, howe much more from the Aegyptian priests his ministers) but that in sifting out of y sense & vnderstāding of those characters it came to passe by the prouidence of God as in times past with the Apostle Sainct Paul. For he being indu­ed from aboue with the spirite of wisedome dealt with the Athenians in like sorte & conuerted ma­ny of them vnto the faith, while he read the sen [...]ence that was ingrauen vpon the altare vnto the Act 17. Numb. 22. 23 24. Iohn. 18. vnkowen God & applied it to his purpose. Vnlesse that peraduenture some man will say that the word of God wroughte so forcibly in the Aegyptian priestes as it did in Beldam and Caiphas. For they were constrained against their wills to prophecy of good thinges. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. XVIII.

Howe the Emperour Theodosius duringe the time of his abode at Rome did the citie muche good by remouinge the theeuishe dennes of the bakehouses and the infamous ringing of bells at the deed doing in the stewes.

THe Emperoure Theodosius althoughe he continewed but a litle while in Italie, yet in that space did he much good vnto the Citie of Rome, partely by geuinge that which was good and takinge awaye that which was ill. For as he shewed himselfe bountifull and liberall towardes her in many thinges, so hathe he remoued two thinges whiche were greate blemishes vnto that Citie. The one was in this sorte. There was at Rome a huge and a greate house A bake­house vnder grounde. of aunciente buyldinge where all the breade that serued the Citie was baked. The maysters of this house the Romaynes called in theyre owne tongue Mancipes, such they were as serued all with breade by Greate, who in processe of time turned those large rowmes to dennes of theeues. For by reason the bakehouse that belonged vnto that buyldinge was vnder grounde and because that on euery side there were vittailers, tauernes and tippling houses full of harlots and naughty­packes: Blinde ale­houses. many that resorted thither partely for foode and vittails and partly also for the satisfieng of theyr filthye luste were craftely spoyled of all they had and moste commonlye dispatched, so that their friendes could neuer heare tidinges of them againe. A certaine priuie conueyance there was deuised to throw thē downe headlong from those bawdy tauernes into the blind bakehouse, by this meanes many especially of the straūgers which inhabited Rome were cast away. For aboue they were spoyled & beneath they were made bondslaues and constrained to grind in y t bakehouse: most of them were neuer permitted to departe but continewed their life time in drudgery making their [Page 351] friends beleeue they were not in this world. It fell out that one of the Emperour Theodosius soul­diers was throwen into this hole, being in the close bakehouse, and couldnot get licence to depart, he drewe out his dagger and slewe them which stopped his passage, the rest being afraide of their liues, let the souldier goe. The Emperour vnderstanding all the circumstance, sent for the millers and bakers, punished the maisters with extreme torment, ouerthrewe those blinde houses which were receptacles of theeues and harlots. and thus ryd he the princely citie of this one shamefull Theodosius tooke awaye this filthie lawe, & sup­pressed the stewes. dealing. The other was as followeth. If a womā were taken in adulterie, the Romaines vsed such a kinde of punishment as remoued not the sinne, but encreased the vice. For they shutt her vp in narrowe stewes, and compelled her beastly without all shame to playe the harlott, yea they pro­cured ringinge while the deede was adoing, that the neighbours might vnderstand of it, and that by the sounde of the tinglinge bells all might be made priuie to that filthie and shamefull kinde of correction. When the Emperour hearde of this horrible custome, he thought it in no wise to be winked at, but caused Sestra (for so were the stewes called) to be ouerthrowen and suppressed, and made other lawes for the correction of adulterers. Wherfore Rome by the benefit of Theodo­sius y Emperour was deliuered from both these beastly and foule acts. After that he had set other things in order, he left the gouernment of that citie vnto Valentinianus, tooke thēce his voyage to­gether with his sonne towards Constantinople, and came to his iourneys end at that time, when Tatianus and Symachus were Consuls, the tenth of Nouember.

CAP. XIX.

Of the Priests appoynted to heare confession, and why shriuing was forbid in the churche.

ABout that time it seemed good vnto the churche to take awaye the office of such priests as were appoynted throughout euery church to receaue penitents after the confession of their sinnes into the company of the faithfull, and that for this occasion. Since the time that the The original of cōfession. Nouatians deuided them selues from the church, and refused to cōmunicate with such as fell in the persecutiō vnder Decius, y bishops added vnto y ecclesiasticall canon y in euery church there should a priest be appointed for y admissiō of penitents: to y end such as had fallen after baptisme should in hearing of the priest appoynted for the purpose, confesse their sinne and infirmitie. This Canon is as yet of force among other sects: onely the true Christians embracing the faith of One substāce, together with the Nouatians which therin hold with them, haue banished this peneten [...]all functiō out of the church. Neither did the Nouatians at the beginninge allowe of this addition: yet the bi­shops which nowe adayes gouerne the churches, although they retayned this custome of a longe tyme, notwithstandinge remoued it out of the churche in the tyme of Nectarius byshop of Con­stantinople, by reason of an haynous offence committed in the churche in such sort as followeth. A noble woman came vnto the Prieste whose office was to heare penitents, and confessed order­ly The remo­uing of con­fession and shriuing out of the church the sinnes she had committed after baptisme. The Priest enioyned her to geue her selfe wholly to fastinge and continewall prayer, that together with her confession in worde, she myght shewe forth the workes of repentance in deede. As she continewed a whyle longer a shriuinge, she accu­seth her selfe of an other crime, and declareth that a certaine deacon of that church had abused her bodie▪ for which offence by this meanes come to light, the Deacon was banished the churche, and A deacon abused a cer­taine matron of Constan­tinople. therevpon there was much adoe amonge the people. They were wonderfully incensed, not onely because of the haynous offence that was committed, but also that thereby the churche was blemi­shed with reproche and infamie. When the priests were sharply rebuked, and the aforesayd crime obiected vnto them, Eudaemon minister of that churche by byrth of Alexandria, counselled Necta­rius the byshop to take awaye the function of the shriuinge Priest, and graunt free libertie vnto e­uery one as his conscience serued him, to become partaker of the holy mysteries. For in so doinge there was hope that the churche shoulde no longer be sclaundered. Insomuch that I heard these thinges of Eudaemons owne mouth, I doubted not to annexe it vnto this our historie. For as I haue often admonished the reader, it was euer my dryft and purpose to learne the histories of such as knewe them very well, and diligently to syfte out the trueth, lest that at any tyme my penne shoulde passe the boundes of a faithfull historiographer. I of late reasoned thus with Eud [...]mon: Thy aduise and counsell, O priest, whether it shall auayle the churche or no, God knoweth: yet I see playnly that thou hast ministred occasion, that one may not reprehend an others vice, neither [Page 352] obserue the aduise of Paule: Haue nothing to doe with the vnfrutefull works of darkenesse, but rather rebuke them. Of these things thus much shall suffice.

CAP. XX.

Howe that Arians with Arians, Nouatians with Nouatians, together with other heretickes fell out among them selues. This title is specially handled in the 22. and the 23. chapiters followinge.

I Thinke it necessarie to laye downe in writinge such thinges as fell out amonge others also, I meane the Arians, Nouatians, Macedonians, and Eunomians. For the church being once deuided, rested not vpon one schisme and diuision, but men fell out amonge them selues, one seuered him selfe from an other, vpon lyght and tryflinge occasion they brake asunder the bonde of loue and a­mitie. Wherefore how, when, and vpon what occasion they varyed, I am nowe about to declare. Firste of all we haue to learne, that Theodosius molested none of all the aforesayde sects, Euno­mius onely excepted: whome the Emperour exiled because he raysed conuenticles at his priuate house with in Constantinople, published abroade certaine lewde bookes of his owne, and infected many with the filth of his hereticall opinion. He disquieted not the rest, neither constrayned them to his communion, but licenced euery of them to frequent seuerall conuenticles, to embrace what opinion liked them best in christian religion. And as he gaue leaue vnto all other sects for to erect them churches without the walls in the suburbes: so he commaunded that the Nouatians (as we sayde before) maintayninge together with him the faith of One substance, shoulde freely without disturbance and molestation, enioy and recouer their former churches within the cities of whome nowe occasion is ministred to vtter a fewe lynes, the which I will briefly runne ouer. Cap. 21. in the greeke. Agelius. Agelius was byshop of the Nouatian churche at Constantinople the space of fortie yeares, that is (as I sayde before) from the raygne of Constantine, vnto the sixt yeare of Theodosius. At his last ende he appoynted Sisinius to succeede him in the bishopricke, a priest of his owne church, and a man very well seene in prophane literature, trayned vp in philosophie together with Iulian the Emperour vnder Maximus the philosopher. And when the Nouatians charged Agelius for appoynting them Sisinius and not Marcianus, who was a godly man, by whose meanes they were rid from trouble & Marcianus. molestation in the time of Valens: he for to pacifie their heate, and to satis [...]e their minde, assigned Marcianus vnto them. In a while after, although he was very weake, yet went he into the church, and sayd thus vnto the people: Immediatly after my desease you shall haue Marcianus to your bi­shop, after Marcianus, Sisinius. When he had sayde thus, he tooke his leaue of them, and not longe Sisinius. after dyed. But Marcianus beyng byshop of the Nouatians, their church was deuided vpon such Sabbatius. an occasion as followeth. Sabbatius a certaine Iewe embraced Christian religion, whome Marci­anus preferred to the function of priesthood, notwithstanding his conuersion and preferment he sa­uored of the old infection, and addicted him selfe vnto Jewishe obseruations, neither was he onely cōtented with this, but nedes he would be made a bishop. Wherfore after that he had gotten of his side a coople of priests, men of like disposition and aspiring mindes, by name Theoctistus and Ma­carius, he went about to reuiue the time and maner of solemnizing the feast of Easter, euen as (ac­cording vnto our former relation) the Nouatians attempted vnder Valens at Pazus, a peltinge vil­lage of Phrygia. And though at the first he seuered him selfe from the church, vnder pretence & co­lour of the monasticall trade of life, affirminge that certaine men were stumbling blocks vnto his conscience, whome he thought vnworthy of the holy mysteries: yet in processe of time whilest that he raised priuate conuenticles, his drift was manifestly perceaued. Marcianus vnderstandinge of this, misliked very much w t him selfe that he had not taken better aduisement in geuing of orders, y he had preferred such vayneglorious persons & aspiring minds vnto the function of priesthoode: he fretted within him selfe for anger, and wished that his hāds had bene set vpon pricking thornes A Councell of Nouatian bishops at Angaris. when they were layde vpon Sabbatius heade. To be short, he summoned a councell of Nouatian bi­shops at Angaris the mart towne of Bithynia▪ adioyning vnto Helenopolis: he cited Sabbatius to appeare before them, and expostulated w t him in presence of the councell, the cause that gaue him occasion of offence. As soone as he had pleaded for him selfe, the variance toutchīg y celebration of Easter to haue layen vpon his stomack (for he was of y t opinion y t therein it behoued thē to obserue the Jewishe custome, and the order prescribed by such as afore that time met for the same cause at Pazus) the bishops suspecting that he had enterprised the same in hope of a bishoprick, made him sweare that he would neuer take vpon him to be bishop. When he had taken his [...]th, they read to [Page 353] him the Canon contayninge a matter of indifferencie, that it was not a sufficient cause to part a­sunder the vnitie of the church about the celebration of Easter: and that their assemblie at Pazus, was no preiudice vnto the generall canon. They sayd moreouer that the elderswhich immediatly succeeded the Apostles, varied among them selues about this feast, yet brake not asunder y bonde of vnitie: and that the Nouatians inhabitinge the princely citie of Rome, for all they neuer retay­ned the maner of the Iewes, but alwayes kept Easter after the Aequinoctiall space, yet communi­cated notwithstanding with such as were of the same faith, & obserued a contrary custome. When they had vsed these and other such like reasons to the same purpose, at length they concluded, that the canon of Easter was an indifferent matter: that it was lawfull thenceforth for euery one to ce­lebrate that feaste euen as he had aforetyme determined with him selfe: moreouer there was a prouiso layde downe for the remouinge of dissention, that if some varyed about the celebration of Easter, notwithstanding they shoulde be at vnitie and concorde in the churche of God. These thinges were then in this sort layde downe of them for the rootinge out of variance from amonge them about the celebration of Easter. Sabbatius beynge bounde with an oth, for all the celebrati­on of that feaste was variable and diuers, was before hande with them alone for fastinge and vi­gils, for he kept Easter vpon the saturdaye: yet mette he the daye followinge with others in the churche, and was partaker together with them of the holie mysteries. That dyd he for the space of many yeares, and therefore coulde not be concealed from infinite multitudes of men. By occa­sion whereof many simple and ignorant soules, especially in Phrygia and Galatia, hopinge ve­rylie to be iustified thereby, became earnest followers of him, and obserued in secrete his cele­bration of Easter. In the ende Sabbatius raysed priuate conuenticles, and forgetting the othe he had taken, was chosen byshop (as hereafter shall more manifestly appeare) of suche as addicted themselues to his kinde of discipline.

CAP. XXI. Cap. 22. in the greeke.

The diuersitie of obseruations in diuers places, toutching Easter, fastinge, mariadge, seruice, with other ecclesiasticall rites.

PResently mee thinkes fitte opportunitie serueth to discourse of Easter. For neyther had the Easter. elders of old, neither the fathers of late dayes, I meane such as fauored the Jewishe custome sufficient cause, as I gather, so egerly to cōtend about the feast of Easter: neither weyed they deepely with thē selues, that when Jewishe formes & figures were translated into christian faith, the literall obseruation of Msoes law, and the types of things to come wholly vanished away. The which may euidently be gathered, when as there is no lawe established by Christ in the Gospell, whiche alloweth of the obseruation of Jewishe rites: nay the Apostle hath in playne wordes forbidden it, where he abrogated circumcision, and exhorted vs not to contend about feasts and ho­lydayes. For writinge vnto the Galathians he sayeth in this sorte: Tell me you that desire to be Galat. 4. vnder the lawe, doe ye not heare what the lawe sayeth? When that he had discoursed a whyle therof, he concludeth that the Iewes were become seruants vnto the law, & that such as were called vnto the Christian faith, were thereby made free: he admonisheth vs further not to obserue dayes, neither moneths, nor yeares. And vnto y Colossians, he is as plaine as may be, saying, that y ob­seruatiō Coloss. 2. of such things was nothing but a shadow: his words are these: Let no mā therfore iudge you in meate or in drinke, in a peece of an holidaye, or of the newe moone, or of the sabbaoth, which are but shadowes of thīgs to come. And in y epistle to y Hebrewes he cōfirmeth the same, where he sayth: In so much the priesthood is trāslated, of necessity there must be a translation of Heb. [...]. the law. Wherfore neither doth y Apostle, nor y Euāgelists presse y Christiās w t the yoke of bon­dage & seruitude: but left y remēbrāce of the feast of Easter, & the obseruation of other holidayes to their free choice & discretiō, which haue bene benefited by such daies. And because mē are wont to keepe holidaies for to refreshe their wearisome bodies already pining w t toyle & labor: therfore it cōmeth to passe, y euery one in euery place of a certaine custome do celebrate of their owne accord y remēbrāce of y Lords passiō ▪ for neither our sauiour, neither his Apostles haue cōmaūded vs any where to obserue it, neither haue they layd it downe as a law: neither haue y Euāgelists & apostles threatned vs, or inioyned vs a penalty or punishmēt as y law of Moses hath done vnto y Iewes: but only y Euāgelists make mētiō of this fest, partly to y great shame of y Iewes, who defiled their bo­dies, and prophaned their solemne feasts with blood and slaughter, and partly also to signifie that [Page 354] our sauiour suffred death for the saluation of mankind in the dayes of vnleauened bread. The drist of the Apostles was not to lay downe canons and decrees concerning feasts and holy dayes, but to become paterns vnto vs of pietie, of good life, and godly conuersation. I am of the opinion, that as many other things crept in of custome in sundry places: so the feast of Easter to haue preuayled a­mong all people of a certaine priuate custome and obseruation, insomuch that (as I sayde before) not one of the Apostles hath any where prescribed to any man as muche as one rule of it. The suc­cesse and euents haue manifestly declared vnto the worlde that of olde time it was obserued not by canon, but of custome. The greater part throughout the lesser Asia haue solemnized this feast of olde vpon the fourteenth day of the moneth, without any accompt made, or heede taken of the sa­baoth day. For all that, while they did so they were not at discord with such as retayned a contrary obseruation of that feast, afore that Victor bishop of Rome through boyling heat & choler had excō ­municated all Asia. I meane such as obserued the feast of Easter the fourteenth day of the moneth. For which act Irenaeus bishop of Lions a citie in Fraunce, inueyed bitterly in his letters againste Victor, rebuked him for his fu [...]ishe dealing and furious rage, put him in remembrance that the el­ders and auncient fathers, who varyed amonge them selues about the obseruation of this feast, communicated neuerthelesse one with another: and also that Polycarpus bishop of Smyrna, whiche Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 4. ca. 15 sayeth that Polycarpus suffred mar­tyrdome vn­der Verꝰ the Emperour. suffred martyrdome vnder Gordianus, communicated with Anicetus bishop of Rome, neither fell he out with him at all (as Eusebius reporteth in the fift booke of his ecclesiasticall historie) for all that he kept the fourtienth day of the moneth as the custome of Smyrna, where he abode, did pre­uaile. Some (as I sayd before) in the lesser Asia, doe celebrate that feast the fourteenth daye of the moneth: some againe inhabiting the farthest parts of Asia eastwards, vary in the moneth, yet hold the feast vpon the saturday: they thinke that the Iewes are herein to be followed, for all they curi­ously marke not the time of the feast: these men doe solemnize it after the Aequinoctiall space, yet doe they detest the time limited by the Iewes for the celebration therof: for they thinke that Easter is euer to be kept when the sunne is in Aries, after the Antiochians in the moneth Xanthicus, but w t the Romaines in Aprill. That also therein they followed (as Iosephus writeth in his third booke of Iudaicall antiquities) not the Iewes of the later age, who foully erred therein, but the eldest and most auncient. And as these men varied thus among themselues about the obseruation of the feast of Easter: so is it manifest that all other contreys throughout the west parts of the world, whose bankes are beaten with the surging waues of the Ocean sea, of old tradition & prescribed custome haue celebrated this feast after the Aequinoctiall lime. And for all that these contreyes, these nati­ons, and languages thus varyed one from the other, yet they neuer deuided the communion of the church, neither brake they asunder y bond of vnitie. Neither is y true which is rife in the mouthes of malicious men, that the councell summoned in the time of Constantinus Magnus, peruerted & set quite out of order the maner and custome retayned about the celebration of this feaste. For Con­stantinus him selfe wrote vnto such as varied from others, exhorting the fewer multitude to follow the greater number, the which epistle of the Emperour thou shalt finde wholly in Eusebius thirde booke of the lyfe of Constantine. But some portion thereof, which specially concerneth the feaste of Easter, is read in this sorte. In my simple iudgement that is a notable custome, the vvhiche [...]he epistle [...]f Constan­ [...]ne. Euse. lib. de vita [...]onstant. all the churches, VVest, South, and North, together vvith manie contreyes of the East doe retayne: and therefore it commeth to passe, that all presently doe thinke verie vvell of it. I my selfe haue presumed so muche vpon your discrete vvisdomes, that vvhat custome so euer is obserued vvith vniforme consent in the cytie of Rome, Italie, Aphricke, and all Aegypt, Spayne, Fraunce, Brittayne, Libya, and all Greece, in the prouinces of Asia, Pontus, and Cilicia, you moste vvyllingly vvoulde approue the same: vveyinge vvith your selues aright that there are not onely more churches, but a greater number of people in those partes, and that all of duetie shoulde vvishe and earnestly desire that thinge to be moste religiously establi­shed vvhich ryght and reason requireth, vvhich also hath no fellovvshippe vvith the open per­iurie of stubburne and stifnecked Iewes. This is a peece of the Emperours epistle. They that keepe Easter the fourteenth day of the moneth, bring forth Iohn the Apostle for their author: such as inhabite Rome, and the west partes of the worlde, alleage Peter and Paul for them selues, that they should leaue them such a tradition. Yet there is none that can shew in writing any testimonie of theirs for cōfirmation & proofe of their custome. And hereby I do gather, y the celebration of y feast of Easter came vp more of custome thē by any law or canon. Euery sect & religiō hath sūdry & diuers rites & ceremonies, yet cōceaue they no worse opiniō of others therfore thē of thē selues. [Page 355] for they whiche are of one faythe and opinion, varye amonge them selues in rites and obseruati­ons. Wherefore occasion is nowe ministred to discourse of the diuersitie of ceremonies and cu­stomes throughout all contreyes and Christian congregations. The maner of fastinge vsually Lent. obserued before Easter as it appeareth vnto the whole worlde hath diuersly bene obserued. Such as inhabite the princely citye of Rome doe faste three weekes together before Easter, excep­tinge the Saturdaye and the Sundaye: Illyrium, all Greece together with Alexandria, be­ginne their fastinge dayes six weekes before Easter, and that space they call forty dayes fa­stinge or Lent. Others some contrary to the aforesayde customes beginne to fast seuen weekes before Easter, yet in all that whyle they vse abstinence but onely fifteene dayes, pausing be­tweene euery of them, and these fewe dayes they call forty dayes fastinge or Lent. so that I can not chuse but maruell for all that they differ in the number of dayes, yet all ioyntly doe call e­uery of their obseruations forty dayes fastinge or Lent. Others some haue deriued the Ety­mologie of this worde as it pleased them best, and accordinge vnto the inuention of their owne brayne. Neyther is this difference onely about the number of the dayes, but also a greate di­uersitie Diuersitie of meares in fasting. in the kindes of meate. For some doe abstayne from euery liuinge creature: some o­ther, of all the liuinge creatures feede onely vpon fishe: others together with fishe, feede vp­on the foules of the ayre, affirminge as Moses doth write, that their originall is of the water: o­thers Gen. 1. some eate neyther nutts, neither aples, neyther any other kinde of fruite, nor egges nei­ther: some feede onely vpon drye breade, some other receaue no not that. There are some that when they haue fasted vntill nyne of the clocke, they refreshe nature with diuerse sortes of mea­tes. Other nations haue other customes, the maner and causes are infinite. But in somuch there is no man able to shewe a president or recorde thereof in writinge: it is playne that the Apostles left free choyce and libertie vnto euery man at his owne discretion without feare, compulsion and constraynte to addicte him selfe vnto that whiche seemed good and commendable. Wee knowe for moste certayne that this diuersitie of fastinge is rife throughout the worlde. Againe The communion toutching the Communion there are sundry obseruations and customes. for though in maner all the Churches throughout the whole worlde doe celebrate and receaue the holy mysteries e­uery Sabaoth daye after the other: yet the people inhabitinge Alexandria and Rome, of an olde tradition doe not vse it. The Aegyptians adioyninge vnto Alexandria together with the inha­bitours of Thebais, vse to celebrate the Communion vpon the Sundaye, yet doe they not re­ceaue the Communion as the maner is among the Christians. For when they haue banquetted and crommed them selues with sundry delicate and daynty dishes, in the Eueninge after seruice they vse to communicate. Agayne at Alexandria vpon the Thursdaye and Frydaye the Scrip­tures are read, the Interpretours expounde them, all the solemnitie for the Communion is ac­complished, yet the Communion then not receaued. And this is an olde and an auncient cu­stome at Alexandria. It is well knowen that Origen florished in those dayes in the Churche, who beinge a wise and discreete Doctor and Expounder of holy Scripture, perceauing that the preceptes of Moses lawe coulde in no wise be litterally vnderstoode, gaue forthe of the Passeouer a mysticall and more diuine kynde of interpretation: that there was but one onely true Passeouer or Easter, the whiche our Sauiour effectually solemnized at his naylinge to the tree, when he encountred with the power of darkenes, and triumphed ouer the Deuill and Readers. all his workes. Agayne the Readers and Interpreters of holy Scripture at Alexandria be they Cathecumenists or baptized it forceth not: when as the custome in other contreyes and Churches is to admitt none into that function vnlesse he be firste baptized. I remember my selfe an other custome which preuayleth and is of force in Thessalia: that if there he whiche is a Priest after the receauinge of orders doe keepe company with his wife the whiche he maryed beinge a laye man he is forthewith deposed of the ministerye: yea when as all the famous Priestes The lawfull mariage of Priestes. througheout the Easterne partes of the worlde, and the Bishopes also refrayne the com­pany of their wiues at their owne choyse without lawe or compulsion. For many of them not­withstandinge the administration and gouernement of their Bishoprickes, begett children al­so on their lawefull wiues. The autor and ringeleader of that custome in Thessalia was The­odorus a Prieste of Triua a citye of that contrey, the wryter of those wanton and amorous bookes the whiche he made in the pryme of his florishinge youthe, and intituled Aethiopica. They retayne the same obseruation and custome at Thessalonica, Macedonia and Hellas in Achaia. I remember they haue an other custome in Thessalia, that is, they baptize onely on the Baptisme. [Page 356] Easter holydayes and therefore very many die without baptisme, The Church of Antioch in Sy­ria The altare standing west ward. Eu [...]ning prai [...] by candle. is situated contrary to other Churches, for the altare standes not to the East but towards the West. In Hellas, Ierusalem and Thessalia seruice is sayd with candell light after the maner of the Nouatians at Constantinople. In like sort at Caesarea in Cappadocia and at Cyprus, the priests and Bishops doe preach and expounde holy Scripture at euening prayer on the Saturdayes and Sundayes by candle light. The Nouatians of Hellespontus haue not the same order and maner Diuersitie of seruice. of seruice as the Nouatians of Constantinople, yet for the most part they imitate the chiefe chur­ches among them. To be short amonge the customes and obseruations of all sects and religions, we shall not be able to finde two which follow and retaine one order of seruice. Moreouer at Alex­andria An inferior Priest with­out licence doth not preach. Saturday fast The Noua­tian opinion [...]etayned Second [...] mariages. the inferior priest doth not vse to preach, that order first beganne when Arius turned vpside downe the quiet estate of the Churche. At Rome they faste euery Saturdaye. At Caesarea in Cappadocia after the maner of the Nouatians they receaue not into the communion such as sinne after baptisme. Euen so doe the Macedonians in Hellespontus, and such as throughout Asia doe celebrate the feast of Easter the fouretenth day of the moneth. The Nouatians throughout Phry­gia allowe not of seconde mariages: such as of them inhabite Constantinople, doe neither receaue it neither reiect it: againe such as are in y West partes of y world admit it wholly. The originalls and autors of so great a diuersitie were Bishops which gouerned the Churches at diuerse and se­uerall times. such as like of these rites doe commende them vnto the posteritie for lawes. But to penne in paper the infinite and diuerse ceremonies and customes throughout cities and contreyes woulde be a very tedious peece of worke and scarse nay vnpossible to be done. This much already layd downe may seeme a sufficient treatise for to proue that the celebration of the feaste of Easter beganne euery where more of custome then by commaundement either of Christ or any Apostle. Wherfore their talke sauoreth not of the trueth, their report is to no good purpose which say that the Nicene Councell sett the maner of celebrating this feast out of square. For the bishops of that assembly endeuored with all might possible to reconcile the lesser number with the greater which varied from them. Neither were the Apostles times without such broyles and dissentions, neither were they themselues ignorant hereof as it appeareth by the Acts of the Apostles. for when the Apostles vnderstoode of the tumult and sturre raised amonge the faithfull through the variety and contention of the Gentils, they all assembled together: they layde downe a certayne holy lawe the which they published vnto the worlde in forme of an epistle, deliuering the faithfull from the hea­uy yoke of bondage, from the vayne and friuolous contention rising thereof. They haue taught them a sure and a certaine rule for the direction of good life, prescribing them onely such thinges as were necessary to be obserued. And for all the epistle is to be seene in the Acts of the Apostles, yet there is no cause to the contrary but that the reader may find it among these our histories. The Apostles▪ the elders & brethren vnto such brethren as of the Gentils inhabite Antioch, Syria & Act 15▪ Cilicia send greetings. VVhereas vve are geuen to vnderstand that some which departed from vs haue troubled you vvith vvordes and cumbred your mindes saying ye must be circumcised and keepe the lavve, to vvhome vve gaue no such commaundement: it seemed therefore good vn­to vs being gathered together vvith one accorde for to sende chosen men vnto you, vvith our vvelbeloued Barnabas & Paul, men they are that haue ioperded their liues for the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ. Therefore vve haue sent vnto you Iudas and Silas, vvho by vvorde of mouth can declare vnto you the same. For it seemed good vnto the holy Ghost and to vs to charge you vvith no more then vvith these necessary thinges to vvete: that ye abstaine from thinges offred to Idols, from bloode from strangled and fornication, ye shall doe vvell in keeping your selues vndefiled from these thinges. Farevvell. These thinges were agreeable with the will of God, for so the epistle testifieth: It pleased the holy Ghost not to burthen you further then vvith the ob­seruation of these necessaries. But some neglecting these things account of fornication as a thing indifferent, yet they contende about holydayes as it were for life and death: they despise the com­maundements of God and establish them Canons of their owne: they set at nought, they make no accompt of the law published by the Apostles, and so vnaduisedly they put in practise contrary de­crees vnto the will of God him selfe. Furthermore although I coulde presently discourse more at large of the feaste of Easter and proue with manifest demonstrations that the Ievves them selues obserued not diligently neither as they ought, either the time or the maner of the celebration, and that the Samaritans a sect of the Ievves, kept it alwayes after the Aequinoctiall space: yet because it requireth a seuerall title and a long treatise, I will here cutt it of. Onely this I will adde that [Page 357] whosoeuer they be y t are so much in loue w t y e imitation of y Iewes, and so curious in obseruation of Socrates in­ueyeth a­gainst such Nouatians as fell to Iewish apo­stasie. Luc. 5. Mar. 14. Matth. 21. types and figures, it behoueth them to vary from them▪ no (as commonly we say) not the breadth of a nayle. for if they addict them selues vnto such precise obseruations, of necessitie they must not onely obserue dayes, and moneths, and yeares: but also whatsoeuer Christ did after the Iewish maner for the fulfilling of the lawe, or the iniuries he vniustly sustained of the Ievves, or the things he vttered in figures and parables to please all generally. For example, he taught in the ship, he commaunded the Passeouer shoulde be prepared in an vpper chamber or parlour, he charged them to loose the asse that was tyed, he gaue the man bearing the pitcher of water in his hande for a signe vnto such as went to prouide the Passeouer, and infinite other such like examples written in the Gospell. Yet they that hope them selues iustified by the obseruation of this feaste, endeuour not at all to fulfill any of these after the externall maner and literall vnderstandinge. Not one of them euer preached out of the ship vnto the people: not one celebrateth the Passeouer in a par­lour: not one first tyeth a she asse, then looseth her againe: not one of them appoynted the cariage of a pitcher of water for the fulfilling of all circumstances appertaininge vnto these mysteries. They thinke that these thinges belonge rather vnto the Ievves then vnto the Christians. For the Ievves retayne such ordinances more with the outward and corporall obseruation, then with the inwarde and spirituall vnderstanding. Wherefore they are helde accursed because they thinke that Moses law consisteth rather in figures and types then in trueth and the thinges them selues. Such as fauor the Ievves although they conceaue these thinges after a mysticall and diuine kinde of in­terpretation, yet raise they a foule sturre about dayes and monethes, and treade vnder foote, nay they drowne of wilfull ignorance the vndoubted and ghostly trueth ingraffed within them, and therefore of necessitie they are in this point to be condemned alike with the Ievves, for they pur­chase vnto them selues the sentence of curse & condemnation. But of these things inough & inough.

CAP. XXII. Cap. 23. in the Greeke.

Of the sturre betwene the Arians at Constantinople, and howe they were called Psathyriani.

NOw let vs returne vnto our former purpose and drift mētioned a litle before, that is to dis­course howe the Churche being once deuided rested not with the first diuision, but such as were seuered into sundry sects and schismes fell from their felowes and vpon light and tri­fling occasions disagreed among them selues. The Nouatians as I said before were deuided about Nouatians. the obseruation of the feast of Easter, neither yet were they content with one diuision. for through­out sundry prouinces they sometymes iarred and sometymes ioyned together not onely about the moneth, but also the day of the weeke, and other such like matters of small importance. The Ari­ans Arians. were deuided vpon such an occasion as followeth. Continewall arguing and broching of intri­cate quircks, brought their disputations to very absurd and horrible opinions. Wheras y church beleeueth that God is the father of the sonne who is the worde, they call into controuersie whether God might be called a father before the sonne had his being. And because they were of the opinion that the worde of God was not begotten of the father but had his being of nothing, erring in the chiefe and principall, no maruell though they plunged into absurde opinions. Dorotheus whome they had translated thither from Antioch said, that the father could be neither in essence neither in appellation, if the sonne had no being. Marinus whome they had called out of Thracia before Do­rotheus time (stomacking that Dorotheus was preferred before him) supposed now y it was highe time for him to worke his feate, set him selfe opposite & maintained y contrary opinion. Wherfore they were diuided & by occasion of the vaine & friuolous question proposed among them they par­ted companies: Dorotheus w t his followers continewed in their former rowmes, Marinus w t his Marinus the ariā thought that the fa­ther was a father when there was no sonne. P [...]athyri [...]ns. traine erected them chappels & there had priuate meetings, their conclusion was y the father was euer a father yea before the sonne had his being. These followers of Marinus were called Psathy­riani because that one Theoctistus a wafrer, borne in Syria was an earnest maintainer of y side. Of y opinion was Selenas bishop of y Gotths, a mungrell, by father a Gotth, by mother a Phrygian, and therefore was he able to preach in y Church in both those languages. This sect also not long after was diuided: for Marinus contended w t Agapius, one, whom he him self had lately aduaunced to the bishoprick of Ephesus. The controuersie was not of religion but of primacie, they stroue whether of them should be chief. The Gotths went of Agapius side. Wherfore many clergy mē vnder these [Page 358] Bishops iurisdictions, perceauing the ambition, the rankor and malice of these proude Prelats forsooke quite the Arian opinion and embraced the faith of one substance. the Arians being deui­ded among them selues the space of thirty & fiue yeares, in the ende as many as were Psathyrians through perswasion which preuailed with them, made an ende of brawling in the Consulship of Theodosius the yonger and Plinthus the Pretor. Who after their reconciliation and agreement made a lawe that the question which was the principall cause of that sturre shoulde neuer againe be called into controuersie. Yet for all they coulde doe, that decree of theirs coulde take no place saue at Constantinople▪ for in other cities where the Arians doe raygne the sturre is rife. So farre of the diuision among the Arians.

CAP. XXIII. Cap. 24. in the Greeke.

How the Eunomians were at discorde among them selues and called after sundrynames. Likewise of the Macedonians.

THe Eunomians were also deuided. for Eunomius him selfe first fell from Eudoxius who had Eunomians. chosen him bishop of Cyzicum, the occasion he tooke was because he woulde not admitt his maister Aetius lately excommunicated into the Churche. others also called after his name parted them selues into sundry sects. And first of all one Theophronius a Cappadocian, trayned vp Theophro­nius. in captious fallacies and quircks of logick vnder Eunomius, had Aristotles praedicaments and peri­hermenias at his fingers endes, wrote bookes & entitled them the exercises of the minde. Wher­fore he was hated of his owne sect and counted of them an Apostata: he raised thenceforth priuate conuenticles and left behinde him an heresie intitled with his appellation. Agayne at Constanti­nople one Eutychius vpon light and trifling occasion fell from the Eunomians, and vnto this day Eutychius. frequenteth seuerall meetings. The followers of Theophronius were called Eunomothephroni­ani, and such as were of the sect of Eutychius were termed Eunomieutychiani. what vaine and fond thinges they brawled about, I thinke it not needefull to laye downe in writing lest we shoulde di­gresse from the history we haue in hande. Yet in somuch they haue corrupted baptisme, I must in no wise runne that ouer with silence. They baptize not in the trinitie but in the death of Christ. A­mong the Macedonians also on a certaine time there rose a schisme, for Eutropius a Priest of the Macedoniās. Macedonians gathered a seuerall company of such mates as he thought good to followe his tayle. Carterius likewise of the same sect deuided him selfe from him, and of these there rose other schis­maticks throughout other cities. I of mine owne parte, in somuch I leade my life here at Con­stantinople, Socrates where and when he flo­rished. where I was borne, bred and brought vp, no maruell though I write more at large of the famous acts done within this citie: partly seeing that I sawe most of them with mine eyes▪ and partly also in somuch they are more famous and thought farre worthier of memory then ma­ny other acts. These sects and schismes raygned not at one but at sundry times, whosoeuer is dis­posed exactly to learne the seuerall names of all sects, let him peruse the booke of Epiphanius Bi­shop of Cyprus, intitled Anchyrotus. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. XXIIII. Cap. 25. in the greeke.

How Eugenius the traytor and rebell procured the death of the Emperour Ʋalentinianus the yonger, and in the ende was slayne of Theodosius the Emperour.

THe state of the common wealth was then very troublesome, the occasion was as followeth. Eugenius. In the West empire there was one Eugenius a Grammarian and a Sch [...]lemaister, he left schoole and became a Courtier, first he was appointed to gard the Emperours person, next he was made his treasurer. And because he was a politicke man, therefore was he preferred into honor, yet prosperitie puffed him vp with pride and caused him to worke treason: he made Arbo­gastes Arbogastes. of his aduise and councell, one by birth of the lesser Galatia, by office a captaine, in conditi­on barbarous, and in behauiour cruell. They both conspired the Emperour Ʋalentinians death, & wrought meanes to allure the Eunuches of the Emperours chamber on their side. These men ga­ping after promotion and dignities being promised faire, fell vpon the Emperour as he slept and Valentinianꝰ the Empe­rour was sti­fled Anno Dom. 396. stifled him to death. Eugenius hauing gott the supremacy in the west parts of the worlde, behaued him selfe after the wonted guyse of tyrants. Theodosius the Emperour vnderstanding of this was sory at the hart: he thought it high time for him now to make expedition for the seconde battell, for the first he had waged with Maximus. Wherefore gathering together a great army, and creating [Page 359] Emperour his sonne Honorius in his thirde Consulship and the first of Abundantius, the tenth of Ianuary, he tooke his iorney towards the West partes of the worlde, leauing both his sonnes the Emperours at Constantinople. As he went to wage battell with Eugenius, many of the Barbari­an nations inhabiting the contreyes beyonde Istrum, came of their owne accorde to ayde the Em­perour against the tyrant. shortly after he came into Fraunce with great power, for there the ty­rant had gathered infinite multitudes of souldiers and fortified him selfe. the campe was pitched and the battell was fought by a certayne riuer called Phrigdus. Here the greeke was vnperfect. As the battell was doubtfull where the Romaines dealt hand to hand with the Romaines, so agayne of the Barbarians which came to ayde the Emperour Theodosius, Eugenius had the vpper hand. The Emperour seeing the Barbarians foyled and ouerthrowen was wonderfull pensiue, he fell downe prostrate vpon the The Empe­rour Theo­dosius pray­eth vnto god for ayde. grounde, prayed vnto God for ayde and asistance and obtayned his sute. for Macurius his captaine put on venturous and valiant courage got him to the side where the Barbarians were foyled, came to the standard, ioyned with him the chiefe captaynes, encountred with the enemy and brake the aray, In the ende made them to flie which pursued after the flight. Immediatly after there ensued this an other straunge act. for there rose such blustering blasts of winde as turned the darts of Eu­genius the vsurpers souldiers to light in their owne sides, and draue with forcible & violent flight the arrowes of the Emperours souldiers to pearce the armed peltes of the rebells. Of such force and efficacie were the Emperours prayers. Wherefore the variable course of that bloody battell being brought to that passe, the rebel came groueling at the Emperours feete and craued for mer­cy, but as he kneeled the souldiers of Theodosius came and stroke his heade of his shoulders. These Anno Dom. 396. thinges were done the sixt of Septembre in the thirde Consulship of Arcadius and the seconde of Honorius. Arbogastes the autor of so great a slaughter, two dayes after the ende of the battell, see­ing that by flight there was no way possible for him to saue his life, ranne vpon a naked sworde and dispatched him selfe.

CAP. XXV.

How immediatly after this battell the Emperour Theodosius sickned and departed this life afore the triumphes were fully ended.

THe Emperour Theodosius by reason of the trauell and great toyle he had taken about those warres, beganne to be very ill at ease. And when that his disease gaue him to vnderstande that the mortall race of his naturall life was then to be finished, care and doubts appertay­ning vnto the gouernment of the common weale troubled him more then the frayle departure or the feare of death, yea when he considered with him selfe how many calamities do commonly hap­pen vnto the empire when the Emperour and the scepter be parted asunder. Wherefore he sent in post hast for his sonne Honorius to Constantinople, purposing to establish through him peace and tranquilitie in the West partes of the worlde. At the comming of the sonne to Millayne the fa­ther was somewhat recouered and beganne to celebrate exercise of triumphe for ioye of the victo­ry gotten of the tyrant. In the morning he felt him selfe so well that he honored the triumphe with his presence. In the afternoone he was so sodainly taken with his disease that he was not able to goe & beholde the solemnitie, but charged his sonne to see all the royaltie accomplished, the night Theodosius died Anno Domini. 397. following he departed this life. It was when Olybrius and Probinus were Consuls the seuenteneth of Ianuary, the first yeare of the two hundreth nynety and fourth Olympiad. This Theodosius the Emperour liued three score yeares and raygned sixteene. This booke contayneth the history of sixteene yeares and eyght moneths.

The ende of the fift booke of Socrates.

THE SIXT BOOKE OF THE ECCLE­SIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SO­CRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

The proeme of Socrates signifying that nowe he beginneth the history of his tyme.

I Haue performed (most holy Theodorus) in the former fiue bookes the promise I This sixt booke con­tineweth the history of twelue yea­res & six moneths ending Anno Domi. 412. made, and the taske you haue enioyned me as touching the continewing of the ec­clesiasticall history from the raygne of Constantine vnto these our dayes after my sclender skill and the simple talente bestowed vpon me. But I woulde haue you knowe afore ye reade them, that I haue not curiously addicted my selfe vnto lofty stile, neither vnto a glorious shewe of gay sentences: for so peraduenture in running after words and phrases I might haue mist of my matter and fayled of my purpose and intent, had I attay­ned, yet was it not in my reache to laye downe that forcible kinde of stile vsed of auncient wry­ters wherewith they amplifie and diminish, they extoll and debase at their pleasure. Agayne such a penning profiteth very litle the vulgare and ignorant sorte of people who desire not so much the sine and elegant phrase as the furtherance of their knowledg and the trueth of the history. Wher­fore lest that our story shoulde halt of both sides and displease the learned in that it doth not coun­teruade the artificiall skill and profounde knowledge of auncient wryters: the vnlearned in that their capacitie can not comprehende the substance of the matter by reason of the paynted Rheto­rick and picked sentences, I haue tyed my selfe vnto such a meane, for all the handling is simple, the trueth is soone founde and the effect quickly vnderstoode. Furthermore nowe entring into dis­course of our sixt booke I must needes tell you the trueth that I am euen in maner dismayed when He begin­neth the hi­story of his tyme. I take penne in hande to paynt for the vnto the posteritie the famous acts of these our florishinge dayes, lest it fall out that we laye downe in writinge such thinges as may offende some kinde of men, or (as commonly we saye) lest trueth be constrayned to trye her friendes: when as we pub­lishe not with prayses and commendations the names of such as they like well of, or extoll not vn­to the skies the fame of their noble and famous acts. The fauorers of Prelats and patrons of cler­gy men will blame vs for not intitling the Bishops, moste godly, moste holy, and such like epithe­tons. Other sortes of men, somewhat more curious then the rest, will misconstrewe our meaning for not calling the Emperours Lordes, and most vertuous, with other such like honorable titles vsually geuen them of men. But seeing that I am able to proue and iustifie out of auncient wry­ters that the seruant in their bookes hath called his Lorde and Maister no otherwise then after his christened name: I will laye aside these lofty titles and tye my selfe as my bounden duety re­quireth vnto the trueth of the history: and keepinge my selfe within the compasse and limites of faythfull Historiographers which couet a simple and a playne kinde of stile, I will nowe to the matter and write of such thinges as I haue partly seene, and partly learned of such as sawe them with their eyes, the which I haue better liking of because the reporters varied not amonge them selues. I had much adoe and greate labour in sifting out the trueth, because that sundry men of di­uers fortes made relation thereof vnto me: wherof some affirmed that they had bene present, some other that they had occasion to searche out all circumstances.

CAP. I.

Howe that after the death of Theodosius the Emperour his sonnes parted the empire. Of the Bishops then florishing. and howe that Arcadius meeting the army at the gates of the citie had Russinus a Magistrate of his slayne at his feete by the souldiers.

WHen y Emperour Theodosius had departed this life in y Consulship of Olybrius & Pro­binus y seuententh of Ianuary his sonnes tooke in hand the gouernment of the Romaine empire. Arcadius ruled the East & Honorius the West. then was Damasus bishop of the [Page 361] princely citie of Rome: Theophilus of Alexandria: Iohn of Ierusalem: Flauianus of Antioch: and of Constantinople otherwise called newe Rome Nectarius was Bishop as I remembred in the former booke. The eyght of Nouembre, he being Consul him selfe the corps of Theodosius was brought to his resting graue and solemnely interred with noble funerall by his sonne Arcadius. Shortly after being the eyght and twentieth day of the same moneth, the Emperour Theodosius army which ouerthrewe Eugenius with all his host was come thither. When the Emperour Ar­cadius went forth as the maner is vnto the gates of the citie to meete the army, the souldiers pre­sently layd hands vpon Russinus the Emperours Embassadour, and beheaded him, for he was sus­pected Ruffinus. of treason, and the report went of him that he procured the Hunnes a barbarous nation to inuade y Romaine dominions, at the same time also they destroied Armenia with other contreyes of the East. The same day when Russinus was beheaded, Marcianus the Nouatian Bishop depar­ted Marcianus. Sisinius. this life, in whose rowme Sisinius (of whome we spake before) succeeded.

CAP. II.

The death of Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople, whome Iohn Chrysostome succeeded.

SHortly after Nectarius bishop of Constantinople departed this life in the Consulship of Cae­sareus Anno Domi. 401. and Atticus, the eyght and twentieth of Septembre. immediatly there was much adoe about the election of a Bishop. And when some thought on this man some on that man, after longe aduisement and deliberation, in the ende it seemed good vnto them to sende for Iohn a priest of Antioch: for the report went of him that he was a profounde Interpretor and a notable Rhe­torician. Wherefore not long after the Emperour Arcadius with the generall consent both of Priest and people sent for him. And to the ende his consecration might be of more authoritie by the commaundement of the Emperour there were present many other Bishops and namely The­ophilus Bishop of Alexandria, who went about by all meanes to discreditt Iohn and to preferre vn­to the bishopricke one Isidorus a Priest of his owne Churche. Theophilus made very much of this Isidorus, because that for his fake he had taken a perilous peece of worke in hande. And what the same was I am nowe about to declare. When the Emperour Theodosius waged battell with Ma­ximus the tyrant, Theophilus sent presents by Isidorus vnto the Emperour together with two let­ters, charging him with all to present him that had the vpper hande with the gift and one of the letters. Isidorus being carefull of his busines went diligently about this feate, gott him to Rome, and harkneth after the victory. but his fetch was not longe ere it was founde out. for his Reader that kept him company stole away his letters. Wherupon Isidorus being afraide to be taken with the maner, tooke his heeles in all the hast to Alexandria, this was it that made Theophilus to la­bour so earnestly for Isidorus. but all that were of the Emperours court preferred Iohn to the Bi­shopricke. And afterwards when as many charged Theophilus with haynous crimes and presen­ted vnto the Bishops then present libells and articles agaynst some for this thinge and some for that: Eutropius one of the Emperours chamber came by the articles and enditements, shewed them to Theophilus, bad him chuse whether he woulde create Iohn Bishop or stand at the barre and holde his hande to the crimes that were layd to his charge. Theophilus was so affrayde with this, that by and by he consented to the stalling of Iohn. He was consecrated to execute the priestly fun­ction of a Bishop and stalled in the seae of Constantinople, the six and twentieth of February, the Consulship following when as the Emperour Honorius gouerned the common weale of Rome, and Eutychianus the Senator in the Emperours steede ruled Constantinople.

CAP. III.

The linage and education of Iohn Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople.

IN so much that Iohn was a famous man partly for the bookes he penned and left vnto the poste­ritie, partly also for the greate perills and persecution which befell vnto him: it seemed very necessary vnto vs not to runne ouer with silence, but briefly to rehearse such things as of him might largely be entreated, and so to declare out of what contrey he came, what parents he had, The contrey & parents of Chryso­stome. howe he came by Priesthoode, and wherefore he was thereof depriued, last of all howe that after his death he purchaced more fame and renowme then euer he did in his life tyme. Iohn was borne [Page 362] in Antioch a citie of Caelosyria, his father was cleped Secundus, his mother Anthusa, he des­cended of the noble race of Senators, he was the disciple of Libanius the Sophist, and the audi­tor also of Andragathius the Philosopher. When that he purposed with him selfe to apply his minde vnto the lawe and publique affayres of the common weale, and perceaued howe lewde and howe vnrighteous a trade of life they leade which busie them selues therein: he left that trouble­some trade and transformed him selfe vnto a quiet and solitary kinde of life. the example of Eua­grius as I thinke allured him thereunto, who being brought vp vnder the same teachers & schoole. maisters, addicted him selfe a litle before vnto a solitary life voyd of all trouble & molestation. Im­mediatly he chaunged both habite and behauiour and gaue him selfe wholly to the study of the sa­cred Scriptures: he deuised with him selfe howe by all meanes possible be might become a profi­table member in the Churche of God: he perswaded Theodorus and Maximus his fellow students, Theodorus Maximus. who together with him frequented the schoole of Libanius, to forsake that trade of life which was wholly sett on lucre and gaine and to followe that which was satisfied with a litle: of these men the one was afterwards Bishop of Mopsiestia a citie in Cilicia, the other was bishop of Seleucia in I­sauria. These men being then wonderfully inflamed with godly zeale and desire of vertue learned Diodorus. Carterius. the trade of worshipers of Diodorus and Carterius who then were ouerseers of the religious con­uenticles, but afterwards Diodorus being made Bishop of Tarsus wrote many bookes and while he addicted him selfe onely vnto the bare and naked letter of holy Scripture, he erred fouly in the sense and mystical vnderstanding thereof, but of these things so much shall suffice. Iohn, when that he had of a long time accompanied Basil who then was made Deacon of Meletius, but afterwards Chryso­stome a rea­der. A Deacon. Bishop o [...] Caesarea in Cappadocia, was made Reader in the Church of Antioch by Zeno bishop of lerusalem. being Reader he wrote that booke which he intitled against the Ievves. In a while after Meletius made him Deacon at what time he wrote the bookes intitled of priesthoode, with them also which he made against Stagirius. Moreouer the bookes of the incomprehensible nature with the tracts he made of closely kept vvomen. In processe of time when that Meletius had de­parted this life at Constantinople (the election of Gregorie Nazianzene had driuen him thither.) Iohn forsooke the Meletians left also the communion of Paulinus, and for the space of whole three yeares he led a solitary life seuered from all the troublesome affayres of the worlde. Agayne in a while after that, Euagrius who succeeded Paulinus in the seae of Antioch made him Priest. His [...] Priest. maner of liuing and behauiour before he was made Bishop as I may vse in fewe wordes was in such sorte as followeth. He was a man by reason of his maruelous great temperance, in life very austere and (as one that knewe him from his youth vp did report) more ruled by choler then geuen to curteous ciuilitie. A man he was of no great forecast, he made no accompt of the worlde, and be­cause of his plaine and simple meaning he was soone deceaued. He was very copious and free of speach with all such as had conference with him, & as he was very painfull to the ende by teaching he might reforme the maners and liues of his auditors: so againe of such as were not acquainted with his behauiour he was accompted in his exhortations very arrogant and insolent.

CAP. IIII.

Howe that by the procurement of his Deacon Serapion, Iohn was greatly hated of his clergy.

IOhn being thus conditioned and preferred vnto the bishoprick of Constantinople purposing to [...] Bishop. reforme the liues of his clergy (for so he had determined with him selfe) practised greater seue­ritie towards them then right and reason did require. so that immediatly after his stalling in the Bishops seae because of his greate austeritie, he was hated of his clergye: many of them were offended with his dealing and beganne to setle them selues out of his daunger as one that was altogether out of square. And in fewe wordes to confesse the trueth Serapion deacon of that church made him incurre all that displeasure, who in presence of all the clergie sayde thus vnto him. O Bishop thou shalt neuer be able to rule all these as thou wouldest, vnlesse thou make them all taste of one whipp. the which saying of his procured greate hatred vnto the Bishop. The Bishop shortly after thrust many out of the Churche some for one thinge and some for an other. they as it commonly falleth out where such Lordely Prelats put such deuises in vre, conspyred agaynst him and of spyte discredited him with the common people. The reportes that went of him, to wete: that he woulde neuer eate or drynke with any man, and beinge laued to a banquette he [Page 363] would not come, perswaded the herers. So that the sclaunder raised of him increased more & more Why and wherefore he would not fede in company with other men there was no man that knewe certainelye. Some that endeuored to excuse him therefore, affirmed the cause of his seuerall and priuate feedinge to be infirmity, y he was a sickly man & could hardly away w t whatsoeuer were laid before him. Other some affirmed that it was because of his straict & austere kinde of life. But howe soeuer it went these excuses were of force not sufficient to wipe awaye the hainousnes of the crimes wherewith he was charged of the aduersaries. For all that, the people were wonderfully affectioned towards him & loued him entirely, because of the notable sermones he made in the opē audiēce of the church, wherefore they made no accompt of the accusations & sclaunders that were laide to his charge. The sermones he made beinge penned of swift scriueners as he vttered them out of the pulpit, what they were, howe excellent, & with what force they perswaded I neede not presently to rehearse, in so much they are extant abroad in the worlde for euery man to peruse and thereof to gather great profit.

CAP. V.

Howe he reprehended not onely the clergie but also such as were of great honor amonge the laytye. and of Eutropius the Eunuch [...].

AS longe as Iohn inueyed onely against the Ecclesiasticall order, the cōspiracy & sclaunders raised of him preuayled not very much: but when that he fell a taunting of the Magistrates then heaped he on his owne head great spite and malice. And first many reports and sclaū ­ders were bruted abrod of him, next they were increased, for a tale is not twise told but is twise as long: at length his auditors cōceaued an ill opinion of him: last of all the inuectiue he made against Eutropius augmented the sclaunder. For Eutropius the Eunuche and chiefe of the Emperours chamber made great sute vnto the Emperour, for to haue a lawe made by the Emperours y none might take the church for his sanctuary but that such as fled thither for refuge might be pulled out by the eares. The tast of which lawe he himselfe first tried, for as soone as the newe found law was enacted & published abroad in the heating of all the people of Constantinople, Eutropius incurred the high displeasure of the Emperour & tooke the church for his sanctuary. Iohn the bishop seeing Eutropius lye along at the foote of the altare & as it were besotted or amazed for feare, sitting in his pulpit where he was wont to preach to the end his boyce might be the more audible made a whole sermon in the disprayse & reprehension of him. For so doinge many misliked of him very much that be not onely not pitied the man lienge in that lamentable plight but also inueyed against him bit­terly. The Emperour commaunded Eutropius who then was consull for certaine hainous crimes Here is a les­son for them that pull downe san­ctuaries. to be beheaded: that his name should be blotted out of the Catalogue of consuls, and that the title of his honor or dignitie shoulde onely be geuen vnto his college & felowe Eunuche Theodorus. The reporte goeth moreouer that Iohn the bishop rebuked freely after his wonted guise Gainas the cap taine because that he wente about to beg of the Emperour one of the churches within the citie for the Arians his felowe herreticks. Againe for other matters he inueyed freely against other magi­strats of the common weale which turned in the end to his great displeasure. Theophilus also Bi­shop of Alexandria immediatly after he had consecrated him bishop beganne busily to deuise howe he might worke him mischiefe. And as in presence he practised priuately by word of mouth: so in his absence he wrote & signified by letters vnto such as dwelled in farre & foraine countreyes what he wished might be brought to passe. The wonderfull boldnesse & libertie of speach that Iohn vsed, fretted Theophilus & vexed his minde: neither onely that but also because his malicious practises tooke no prosperous successe, for he had purposed to place Isidorus a priest of his church in the bi­shops seae of Constantinople. Thus went the affaires of Iohn the bishop who was continewallye hated euer since he beganne to enioy the bishopricke. But of him we shall haue occasion to speake more hereafter:

CAP. VI.

The tyranny of Gainas the Gotth, the sedition raised of him at Constanti­nople and of his ende.

NOwe I goe about to declare a certaine historie of that time whiche is worthie of me­mory amonge all posterity in time to come, I will (declare howe the citie of Constantino­ple it selfe & the prosperity of the Romaine Empire were deliuered out of extreme peril & [Page 364] vtter ouerthrowe by the wonderfull prouidence of almighty God. Nowe harken to the circum­stance. One Gainas by birth a Barbarian yet a subiect of the Empire of Rome, was so trained vp in warlike exercise, and feates of armes, that at length through the dayly creditte he purchased by valiant actes he was of the Romaines made captaine both of the horsemen and footemen. When he had gotte vnto his person such honor and so great a power at his becke and commaundemente he forgate himselfe, he could not moderate the aspiring pride of his swelling stomacke, but deuised euery waye and rolled as commonlye we saye euery stone for to bringe the Romaynes vnder his girdle. And therefore he sent for all the Gotths out of their countrey determininge with himselfe to entertaine and stay with him as many as were fitte for feates of armes. Tribigildus tribune of the souldiers in Phrygia being somewhat a kinne vnto him and also of his conspiracye subdued all the Phrygian nation: Gainas then made earnest sute vnto the Emperour in his owne behalfe that he woulde make him Liuetenant of Phrygia. The which Arcadius the Emperour without fore­sighte of that which was like to ensue, graunted vnto him with a willinge minde. He immediatly (as they reported) wente to geue battaill vnto Tribigildus, but as trueth was to playe the tyrant Tribigildus. & brought at his tayle thousands of the barbarous Gotths. He was no sooner entred into Phrygia but all the contrey yelded vnto him. The Romaines were in a woefull plight partely because that Phrygia sub dued. so greate a multitude of Barbarians followed after Gainas, and partely also because that the Ea­sterne parts of the empire were in great daunger of inuasion. Then the Emperour yelding vnto y necessity of y time, aduised himselfe, dealt subtlely with y Barbariā, sent vnto him Embassadours, and sought by all fayre meanes to pacifie him. And when that he requested the Emperour to send vnto him Saturninus and Aphelianus who were Consuls & head Senatours whome he suspected to be hinderers of his enterprised conspiracy: the Emperour though vnwilling, yet because of y time yelded vnto his request. They being of a noble & valiant courage, desirous also of death in the qua rell and defence of theyr countrey obeyed the Emperours commaundement. To be short they met the Barbarian in a playne greene, where they vsed to iust and runne at tilt a good way of Chalce­don, and redy they were to endure what torment so euer were layde vpon them. But he did them no harme, for he dissembled his drift & got him to Chalcedon, there Arcadius the Emperour mett him. The Emperour and the barbarian being together in the temple where the corps of Euphe­mia the martyr lyeth interred, sware one to the other that nere nother would conspire neither pro­cure the others death. But although y Emperour a man both godly & zealous made great accōpt of his oth and kept it vnuiolably: yet Gainas forsware himselfe, brake the league and ceased not to Gainas [...] [...] person and a t [...]e breaker. proceede on in his former treason and conspiracy: But deuised with himselfe howe he might settt the citie of Constantinople on fire, & ouerrunne the whole Empire of Rome. Wherefore Con­stantinople vp reason of the infinite number of Barbarians which abode there became in maner a Barbarian citie, of the citizens and inhabitants there was no other accompte made then of capti­ues and bondeslaues. The citie was in so great a daūger that a wonderfull great Comet reaching A comet. in maner frō y skie vnto y earth (the like whereof was neuer remēbred to haue bene seene before) prognosticated the same. Gainas first of all laing shamefastnes aside & steeling his face with impu­dencye purposed in his minde to rifle the shoppes of the bankers and exchaungers. But when as the report thereof preuented his lewde purpose and the bankers remoued theyr exchaunginge ta­bles and conueyed awaye theyr money: he endeuored to compasse an other mischieuous act, for he sent in the nighte season a multitude of Barbarians to fire the pallace of the Emperoure. At what time it appeared vnto the wholl world how carefull God was ouer that citie. For an iufinite nūber of Angells resembling men of monstrous bodies all in glisterng armour were seene of these rebels Constantinople was sa­ued by An­gells. that went about to set the pallace on fire: the Barbarians supposing they had bene a greate armie and a mightie host, were astonied and ranne away. Gainas hearinge of this thought it a thinge in­credible. He knewe for certaintie y t so great a power of Romaine souldiers coulde not possibly be there, for they were appointed seuerally throughout euery citie. The night followinge he sent thi­ther others & that not once neither twise whē as y souldiers being oftē sent of him reported y same (for the Angells of God were alike in the sight of the traitors) at length he went thither himselfe with great power for to knowe the certainety of the wonderfull sight. He perceauinge of a surety that it was an army of souldiers, hiding themselues in the day time and withstanding his violēce in the night season, went about to compasse a crafty feate as he thought, whereby he might great­ly hurt the Romaynes, but as the euent declared, it auayled them very much. He fained himselfe to be possessed of a Deuell and therefore he got him to the Church of Saynct Iohn the Apostle which [Page 365] was not farre frō the citie there for to pray. The Barbarians went forth w t him conueying armour priuely in tunnes and vessells, coueringe them also with other sleyghtes and deuises. When the watch & porters of the citie gats perecaued theyr wile & treason, they commaunded them to carye forth no weapons: the Barbarians hearinge this drewe theyr swords and dispatched thē euery one. Immediately all the citie was on an vprore and death seemed to stande at euery mans dore. Yet for all that, the citie was safe the gates on euery side beinge shutte and well fortified. The Empe­rour aduisinge himselfe in tyme proclaimed Gainas a traitor and an open enemy [...] he commaunded that the Barbarians which remayned in the citie shoulde be slayne euery one: this was the day af­ter the death of the porters: the souldiers within the walls of the citie nigh the Gotthicke church (for there all the Barbarians were assembled together) dealt hande to hande with the Barbarians set the Churche on sire and slewe manye of them. Gainas hearinge that as many of his complices as he left behinde with in the citie were executed, and perceauing that his traiterous conspiracye had no prosperous successe, left his hypocriticall prayers & got him to the coasts of Thracia. And comming into Cherronesus he tooke shippinge thence in all the hast to Lampsacum for to subdue from that place forewards all the Westerne partes of the worlde. When the Emperour had pre­uented him in those countreyes by sending thither great power both by sea and by land: it fel out y God of his prouidence shewed there his wonderfull power the second tyme. For when the Barba­rians wanted shippes, they fell a framinge of newe vessells and so to transporte souldiers in them. The Romayne nauye came thither and ariued at the very pinche or as commonly we saye in the nicke for they had winde and sayle at will, the Westerne Zephyrus blewe on theyr side. And as the Romayne power conueyed themselues thither with ease and pleasure: so the greater parte of the Barbarian nauye, bothe horse and man shippes and all were tossed to and fro, scattered one from the other and suncke in the deepe gulphes of the surginge waues of the seaes. Diuerse also of the Romaines were drowned alike. And thus there was then an infinite number of the Barbarians de­stroyed. Gainas was slayne Anno Dom. 404. But Gainas remouinge thence taking his flight by Thracia lighted by chaunce into the hands of the Romaine souldiers which dispatched both him & also as many Barbarians as were in his company. This muche by the waye of Gainas. If any be disposed to knowe all the circumstan­ces of that battaile lette him reade the booke of Eusebius Scholasticus intitled Gainias, who at that tyme was the disciple of Troylus the Sophiste. This man beinge present in the warres wrote in Hexameter verse all that there in was done & deuided it into foure bookes. And because the acts thereof were freshe in memorye his poeme was of greate price and estimation. Ammonius al­so the Poete of late dayes wrote the same argumente in verse, the whiche he reade in the hea­ringe of the Emperoure aboute the eleuenth Consulshippe of Theodosius the Yonger the which he enioyed with Faustus, and therefore was highely commended. This battaile was ended in the Consulshippe of Stilichon and Aurelianus. The yeare followinge Phranitus was made Consul, who thoughe he were a Gotth borne, yet was he greatly beloued of the Romaynes, he behaued himselfe so valiauntly in that battaile that the Romaynes thoughte him worthye the dignitye of a Consull. The same yeare and the tenth daye of Aprill the Emperour Arcadius had a sonne to wit: the good Theodosius. So farre of these things.

CAP. VII.

Of the schisme betwene Theophilus Byshop of Alexandria and the religious men inhabitinge the deserte: and howe Theophilus condemned the bookes of Origen.

WHile the common weale of y t Romaine empire was tossed w t these troublesome stormes of rebelliō: such as were promoted vnto y reuerent functiō of pristehood were at dissen­tion The heresie of the An­thropomor­phits be­ganne Anno▪ Dom. 40 [...]. among thēselues to y great sclaunder of christian religiō. then was one set against y t other, the originall of which pestilent schisme came from Aegipt & the occasiō was as followeth. There was a question broched a litle before, whether God were a bodye and made after the like­nesse and forme of man? Or whether he were without bodye and not onely without the forme of man, but also (as I maye vtter the wholl in one worde) voyde of all corporall shape? Hereof there rose sundry contentions and quarells whilest y t some affirmed this, other some that. Certen of the rudest & vnlearned sorte of religious mē thought y God was corporeal & that he was of the forme and figure of man, but the greater parte condemned them with theyr hereticall opinion, [Page 366] affirming that God had no corporeall substance, that he was voyd of all bodly shape. Of the which opiniō was Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria so that in the hearing of the wholl congregation he inueyed bitterly agaynst suche as attributed vnto God the forme of man where he proued that he had no bodye at all. The worshippers of Aegypt vnderstandinge of this lefte theyre religious houses, came to Alexandria, flocked about Theophilus, condemned him for a wicked person and foughte to bereaue him of his life. Theophilus beinge made priueye vnto theyr conspiracie was wonderfull pensiue, deuised with himselfe howe he mighte escape theyr handes and saue his life. As soone as he came into theyre presence he saluted them curteouslye and sayde thus vnto them: When that I lasten myne eyes vpon you me thinkes I doe see the liuely face of God. With these words the rash heat of the vnruely monkes was delayed. Againe they replie in this sorte: If that be true that thou sayest that the countenance of God is no otherwise then ours, why then accurse the workes of Origen. For diuerse of his bookes doe impugne our opinion. But incase thou re­fuse to doe this, assure thy selfe to receaue at our handes the punishment due vnto the impious and open enemy of God. Nay sayth Theophilus I will doe that which shall seeme right well in your [...]e maketh Theophilus to [...] him selfe. eyes. I pray you be not offended with me for I hate the bookes of Origen and thinke them wor­thie of great reprehension which allowe of them. When he had thus appeased the monkes he sent them away quietly. This question peraduenture had layen in the dust vnto this daye, had it not bene blowen vp & reuiued vpon an other occasion in such sorte as followeth. The religious houses in Aegypt were ouerseene of foure worthy men, Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius and Euthymius. These men were naturall bretherne and by reason of the goodly stature of theyr taule bodies they were called Longe. Men they were of greate fame for theyre doctrine and godly trade of life. And therefore at Alexandria they were muche spoken of. Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria loued them entirely and made muche of them. Wherefore one of them whose name was Dioscorus he in maner constrayned to leaue the deserte and made him Bishoppe of Hermopolis, two of the other he entreated to leade theyr liues with him. The which he coulde hardely with fayre meanes ob­tayne yet as Bishop he compelled them. The men makinge a vertue of necessitye in so much they coulde not otherwise choose applied themselues about the ecclesiasticall affaires: yet it grieued them very much that they coulde not at theyr pleasure adict themselues vnto the sollitary life and the wonted exercise of true Philosophie. When that in processe of time theyr conscience was prie­ked, This Bishop [...]th more [...]s in the world. perceauinge that the Bishop was sette vpon heapinge and hurdinge vp of moneye and that all his labour tended to gatheringe, they woulde no longer dwell with him but got them into the deserte, assirminge the sollitarie life to be farre better then the trade and conuersation vsed in ci­ties. Theophilus all the while he knewe not the cause that moued them to departe entreated them earnestely to continewe with him: but as soone as he vnderstoode they abhorred his maner of li­uinge he was wonderfullye incensed and promised to worke them a displeasure. When they had made lighte of his threates and departed into the deserte: Theophilus as it seemed beinge prone of nature to anger and reuengemente besturred himselfe agaynst them, endeuored by all meanes to worke them mischiefe. And moreouer he beganne to spite Dioscorus theyr brother whome he had made Bishop of Hermopolis. It grieued him to the guties that the worshippers made so much of Dioscorus and reuerenced him so highly. Remembring with himselfe that he coulde no kinde of waye molest those godly men vnlesse that he alienated and withdrewe the mindes of such monkes as were subiect vnto theyr gouernemente from fauoringe of them: he wrought such a kinde of feat Theophilus to reuenge himselfe of his enemies [...]ers [...]ed [...]s owne o­pinion. this [...] a sinne against the holy Ghost. This heresie was the ori­ginall that God the fa­ther hathe [...]ene painted the man. as followeth. He called to memory that in conferring with thē they had affirmed that God was w tout body & void of humane forme or figure: for had he y shape of man it would follow necessarily that he could suffer after the maner & guise of man: & that Origen w t other auncient wryters had ex­quisirely sifted out the trueth thereof. But Theophilus for all that he was himselfe of that opinion: yet to the end he might reuenge him of his enemies sticked not to oppugne their syncere opinion & sound doctrine: yea he perswaded many Monkes simple and plaine soules such as were idiotes and diuerse also of them which were altogether vnlearned to cleaue vnto his side. He sent vnto the religious houses of the desert that they shoulde obey neither Dioscorus neither his brethren in so much their opinion was that God had no body. For God (saith he) as holy scripture doth witnesse hath eyes, eares, handes and feete euen as men haue. Dioscorus and his followeres (sayth he) are of a wicked opinion: they denye with Origen that God hath eyes, eares, feete and handes. With this subtle and crafty sleighte he allured to his side many of the religious men: so that there rose much adoe and great dissention among them. Such as were not be witched but guided themselues [Page 367] aright cleaued vnto the opinion of Dioscorus and Origen: but the simpler sort which in deede were the greater number, being kindled with the firie flame of contention, and set against their brethrē, Anthropo­morphits be those here­tickes which attribute corpereall substāce vnto God the fa­ther. fell for altogether from their sound opinion. Wherfore they were deuided, & reuiled eche other for lewde & impious persons. The cōfederats of Theophilus called their brethren Origenists & wicked men: againe, the complices of Theophilus were called Anthropomorphits, by interpretation such as attribute to God the forme of man, so that there rose no small bickering among the monkes, nay it fell out to be a deadly battaile. Theophilus perceauinge that his fetches framed at length after his will, went with great power towards the mount Nitria, where their religious houses stoode, and ayded the monkes both against Dioscorus, and also against his brethren. The religious men being beset with great daunger, had much adoe to saue their liues.

CAP. VIII.

Of the conuenticles & hymnes which both the Arians and the professors of one substance, songe [...]. the night season, & their skirmishing: also how the singing of Antemnes was first ordayned by Ignatius the disciple of Saint Iohn the Euangelist and Apostle.

IOhn bishop of Constantinople was altogether ignorant of the aforesayd great sturre & conten­tion raysed in the deserts of Aegypt: he was a man that excelled in those dayes for the gift of vtterance, he was also of great estimation. He him selfe augmēted euening prayer, I meane such Chrisostom [...] made An­temnes. An. Dom. 404. seruice as vsually is sayd in the night, and that vpon such an occasion as followeth. The Arians as we sayd before, had their conuenticles without y walls of the citie in the suburbs. Wherfore when the festiuall meeting throughout euery weeke was come, I meane the Saturday, and the Sunday, vpon which dayes the Christians are wont solemnly to assemble in the church, they (I meane the Arians) gathering thē selues together in the porche of y citie gates, songe interchaungeably such songes as they had made them selues, and sauoured of the Arian opinion, and this they did almost throughout the whole night. First of all they were wont at the dawning of the daye to goe out at the gates, and to singe Antemne wise such lewde songs through the midds of the citie, vntill they came to the place of their assembled congregation. But in so much they ceassed not to sounde out contumelious sentences agaynst such as fauored the faith of One substance, (for among diuers o­thers this was one: Where be these felowes which affirme three to be but one power?) Iohn fea­ringe lest any of the simpler sorte shoulde be snared, and lest these opprobrious rymes woulde be stumblinge blockes and occasions to fall from the faith: ordayned of the contrary certaine of his owne people, which in like sort shoulde occupie them selues in the nyght in singinge of hymnes, partly for to quell the insolencie of the Arians, & partly also for to confirme their owne side in the faith. And for all the meaninge of Iohn was good, and his dryft auaylable, yet the ende proued ve­ry troublesome and perillous. For when the hymnes extolled the faith of One substance, and pur­chased greate maiestie and reuerence, because of the melodious concent and sweete harmonie in the nyght season (for there were siluer candlesticks after the maner of crosses, deuised for the bea­ringe of the tapers and waxe candels, all which Eudoxia the Empresse founde vnto them) the A­rians flocked together, burned with emulation, and for to reuenge them selues, sett vpon their ad­uersaries. And because that a little before their side had preuayled and gott the vpper hande, they were then swollen with pride, and egerly bent to take armour, and made no accompt at all of such as fauoured the faith of One substance. Wherefore without further deliberation, on a certaine night they made an vprore. In this skirmishe Briso an Eunuch of the Empresse, and a fauourer of the hymnes that were song in the commendation of the clause Of one substance, was taken in the forehead with a stone. diuers of the common sort were slayne of ether side. The Emperour vnder­standinge of this sturre, was wonderfully incensed, gaue the Arians strayght commaundement they should openly singe no more hymnes. These things were then in this sort. Now let vs record whence the hymnes that are songe interchaungeably in the church, commonly called Antemnes, Ignatius th [...] disciple of S [...] Iohn was th [...] first author [...] Antemnes. had their originall. Ignatius bishop Antioche in Syria, the thirde bishop by succession from Peter the Apostle, who was conuersant and had great familiaritie with the Apostles, saw a vision of An­gells, which extolled the blessed Trinitie with hymnes that were songe interchaungeably: and de­liuered vnto the church of Antioche the order and maner of singing expressed in the vision. thereof it came to passe, that euery church receaued the same tradition. So much of Antemnes.

CAP. IX.

Of the Monkes that were called longe, and howe that about them Theophilus bishop of Ale­xandria pursued Iohn byshop of Constantinople with deadly hatred, and fought to depose him: howe Epiphanius bishop of Cyprus, being wonne through the wiles of Theophilus, called a Councell at Cyprus, condem­ned the workes of Origen, and reprehended Iohn for perusinge of them.

SHortly after the Monkes left the desert, and came together with Dioscorus and his brethren vnto Constantinople. There came thither also with them Isidorus, the great friend somtime of Theophilus, but then his deadly foe, & so became vpon such an occasion as followeth. Theo­philus conceauing great displeasure against one Peter head priest in the church of Alexandria, de­termined to banishe him the churche: he charged him that he had receaued into the communion a woman of the hereticall sect of the Manichees, before he had conuerted her. But when Peter a­uoutched that he both withdrewe her from that hereticall opinion, and admitted her also into the churche with the consent of Theophilus, makinge him priuye therevnto: Theophilus stomaked the dealing, as if Peter had done it in spite of him. For he sayde that he knewe nothing of it. Wherfore Peter called Isidorus to witnesse, that Theophilus the bishop knewe of the womans admission. Isi­dorus then was at the princely citie of Rome, for Theophilus had sent him vnto Damasus bishop of Rome, for to reconcile vnto him Flauianus bishop of Antioche. For as many as were of Meletius side, fell from Flauianus, because he kept not his othe, as we sayde before. Isidorus then immediatly after his returne from Rome, beyng called of Peter to beare wittnesse, affirmed playnly that the woman which had bene of the Manichees opinion, was receaued by the consent of Theophilus the byshop, and that he him selfe had ministred the communion vnto her. Theophilus hearinge this, fretted within him selfe for anger, and thrust them both out of the church. This was y cause that made Isidore to accompanie Dioscorus into Constantinople: that both in presence of the Empe­rour and Iohn the bishop, the sleyghts and wyles which Theophilus practised against them myght be reuealed. Iohn vnderstanding these circumstances of them, entertayned the men with great re­uerence, made them partakers of their common and publique prayers, but he woulde not receaue them into the communion, before that firste he had throughly examined their cause. When these thinges were thus come to passe, it was falsely reported vnto Theophilus, that Iohn both receaued them into the communion, and was also ready to take their part. Wherefore Theophilus endeuou­red with might and mayne, not onely to reuenge him of Dioscorus and Isidorus, but also to thruste Iohn besides his bishopricke, and therevpon he sent letters vnto the bishops throughout euery ci­tie, where he concealed his principall drift, pretending onely vnto them, that he misliked with the works of Origen, whence Athanasius before his tyme borowed testimonies to the confutation of the Arians. Cap. 10. in the Greeke. Epiphanius some tyme thought that God had a bodie. Moreouer he reconciled and lynked him selfe with Epiphanius bishop of Constantia, a citie of Cyprus, with whome aforetyme he had iarred and bene at variance. For Theophilus had charged him a litle before, that he thought of God basely and abiectly, attributing to him y e forme or shape of man. And for all that Theophilus was of this opinion, and accused them which beleued that God had the figure of man: yet for the hatred and spite he owed vnto others, he denyed openly in word that which he beleeued secretly in minde: and linked vnto him Epiphanius in the league of friendship, who lately had bene his foe, but then as it were repented him of his folly, ioyned with A Councell held in Cy­prus, where of spite through the procurement of Theophi­ [...] the bookes of Origen were cendē ­ [...]ed. A Synode at Alexādria to [...]he same purpose. him in one faith and opinion of God. Through his ayde and furtherance he purposed to summone a Councell at Cyprus, for the condemning and rooting out of Origens workes. Epiphanius beinge a vertuous and a godly man, was easily perswaded therevnto by the letters of Theophilus. To be short, the bishops of that Isle assembled together, and decreed that thenceforth none shoulde reade the workes of Origen: moreouer they write vnto Iohn bishop of Constantinople, exhortinge him to abstayne from perusinge the bookes of Origen, requesting him also to summone a Councell, and to ratifie the same with vniforme consent of them all. When Theophilus had snared Epiphanius (a man of greate fame and renowme) to his side, and perceaued that his fetches nowe framed accor­ding vnto his owne desire, he dealt more boldly, & summoned a synode within his owne prouince, where (euen as Epiphanius had done before) he condēned the works of Origen, which had departed this life about two hundred yeares before him, this was not his principall drifte, but he purposed verely to reuenge him this waye of Dioscorus and his brethren. Iohn made small accompt of the [Page 369] thinges which Epiphanius and Theophilus had signified vnto him by their letters, for he occupyed him selfe to the furtherance and profit of the churches, and therin he excelled: as for the conspira­cie & mischiefe intended agaynst him, he made very light of it. As soone as it was openly knowen and manifestly perceaued, that Theophilus bent all his myght to depose Iohn of his bishopricke, diuers that bare Iohn ill will fell a deuisinge and a forginge out of false crimes and accusations a­gaynst him. Many of the cleargie, sundry also of the magistrates which were in great fauour with the Emperour, supposing now they had gotten fit opportunitie to reuenge them of Iohn, determi­ned with them selues partly by writinge of letters, and partly also by sendinge of messengers to summone together at Constantinople a great Councell of byshops.

CAP. X. Cap. 11. in the greeke.

Of Seuerianus and Antiochus the Syrians: howe, and vpon what occasion they fell from Iohn.

AN other thinge gaue occasion to encrease the hatred and ill will owed vnto Iohn, in suche sort as followeth. There were two bishops by byrth Syrians, which florished at one tyme, the ones name was Seuerianus, the other Antiochus: the one was bishop of Gabale in Syria, the other of Ptolemais in Phoenicia, both excelled in the gift of vtterāce, but Seuerianus although he were learned, yet pronounced he not the Greeke tōgue distinetly neither skilfully, for he spake An olde cu­stome to take money for preaching, if the gayne were not sweete I war­rant you at this day the custome would be lest Greeke as a Grecian, yet pronounced it like a Syrian. Antiochus cōming from Ptolemais to Cō ­stantinople, continewed there a while, and preached with great diligēce: after that therby he had got vnto him selfe good store of money, he returned home to his owne church. Seuerianus hearing that Antiochus had got much money by preachinge at Constantinople, was very desirous to doe the like him selfe. He exercised him selfe diligently, he patched together a great companie of boo­some sermons, and came to Constantinople. Being there friendly & louingly entertained of Iohn, he applied him selfe craftely for a while to please Iohn, and gott greate fauour by flatterie. He was much set by, and in great estimation: and as he was highly cōmended for preaching, so in like ma­ner purchased he vnto him selfe great credit with the chiefe magistrates and w t the Emperour. In the meane space because that the bishop of Ephesus was departed this life, Iohn of necessitie was cōstrained to take his voyage into Ephesus for to chuse there a bishop. After his comming thither when that some would haue this man, & some that man preferred to the rowme, and thervpon fell to bitter words & contention, whilest that euery one would haue his friend aduaunced to the digni­tie: Iohn perceauing that they were all set on tumults, and that by no meanes they would be ruled Heraclides. b. of Ephesus. by him, endeuoured to ende the quarell without offending of either side. He assigned one Heracli­des a deacon of his church, yet borne in Cyprus, to be bishop. With that both parts were pleased, and gaue ouer contention. Iohn was faine for this matter to continewe a greate while at Ephesus. In his absence Seuerianus had brought his auditors at Constantinople to beare him farre better good will then euer they did before, neyther was Iohn ignorant of this, for it was tolde him quick­ly. When Serapion, of whome I spake before, had signified vnto Iohn, that Seuerianus had deui­ded the churches, he forthwith was kyndled with the flame of contention. Wherefore when as he had not fully ended all such thinges as he determined with him selfe (for he had depriued [...]oth the Nouatians, and such as celebrated the feast of Easter the fourteenth day of the moneth, of ma­ny churches) he returned to Constantinople, and applyed him selfe after his vsuall maner vnto the ouersight of the ecclesiasticall affayres. The insolent disdayne and hautie stomacke of Se­rapion was intollerable, for he bouldened him selfe vpon Iohn, and inueyed contumeliously without all modestie and shamefastnesse agaynste all men, which turned to the encrease of the spite and hatred borne vnto Iohn. Moreouer when Seuerianus on a certaine tyme came to the place Seuerall fun­ctions haue seuerall re­uerence. where Serapion sate: Serapion gaue him not the honor and reuerence dewe vnto a bishop, neyther rose vp, in so doing he declared that he regarded not the person of Seuerianus. This contempt and disdayne of Serapion was not taken paciently of Seuerianus, for he exclaimed against him in these wordes: If Serapion dyeth a Christian, then was Christ neuer incarnate. Serapion tooke this as a fitte occasion ministred vnto him, made Iohn to become his foe, whilest that he concealed the firste sentence, to wete, If Serapion dyeth a Christian, and repeated the later, to wete, that Christ was neuer incarnate, affirming y he heard it of Seuerianus owne mouth. And to the end he woulde iustifie the reporte, he brought forth men of his owne degree and callinge to testifie that they [Page 370] heard the words. To be short, Iohn without any more adoe banished Seuerianus the citie. Eudoxia the Empresse vnderstanding of the circumstance founde great fault with Iohn, caused Seuerianus to be sent for out of Chalcedon in Bithynia, who came immediately. Iohn kept him selfe ont of his companie, he woulde not be brought with any mans entreatie and perswasion to become friendes with Seuerianus. At length when that Eudoxia the Emperours mother in the Apostles churche, had throwen her sonne Theodosius the Emperour (who though he were then of tender yeares, yet gouerned he y e common wealth with good successe, and prosperous ouersight) at the feete of Iohn, and craued of him with solemne protestations, that of all loue and friendship he woulde not denye her request: with muche adoe he was wonne to embrace Seuerianus agayne. But for all that out­wardly they bare a shewe and a countenance of friendship: neuerthelesse inwardly they continew­ed their spite and hatred one towards the other. The cause that deuided Iohn and Seuerianus was in such sort.

CAP. XI. Cap. 12. in the Greeke.

Howe that Epiphanius comming to Constantinople, celebrated the communion, & gaue orders without the licence of Iohn, therein to gratifie Theophilus.

SHortly after, Epiphanius the bishop came from Cyprus to Constantinople, at the request of Theophilus, and brought thither with him the decree of the bishops, where he had not excom­municated Origen, but onely condemned his bookes. Wherefore after his comming into the church of Sainct Iohn, which was not farre from the walls of the citie, he celebrated the cōmunion, made a deacon, went forth out of the churche, and came to Constantinople. When that Iohn had inuited him, requesting he woulde take a peece of a lodging with him, he for to feede the humor of Theophilus, refused his curtesie, and tooke vp an Inne by him selfe. After that he had called toge­ther the bishops which then by chaunce were at Constantinople, he read in their hearinge the de­cree, where he had condemned the works of Origen. Of the bookes I haue nothing to say, but thus muche, that it pleased Epiphanius and Theophilus to condemne them. Of the byshops some for reuerence of Epiphanius subscribed vnto the decree: some other denyed it vtterly. Of which num­ber Theotimus bishop of Scythia made Epiphanius this answere. I of myne owne part, ô Epiphanius Theotimus bishop of Scythia. will not so much iniurie the man, who is departed to rest many yeares agoe: neither dare I pre­sume once to enterprise so haynous an offence, for to condemne the bookes whiche our aunce­tors haue not condemned, specially seeyng I vnderstande not as yet, neither read any parcell of the doctrine within contayned. And when that a certaine booke of Origen was brought forth, he read it, and shewed there the interpretation of holy scripture, agreeable vnto the faith of the catho­licke churche: last of all he concluded with these wordes: They that reprehende these things, doe no lesse then mislike vvith the matter vvhereof these bookes doe intreat. This was the answere of Theotimus vnto Epiphanius, a man he was of great fame both for sound doctrine, and godly con­uersation.

CAP. XII.

A kinde of Apologie in the behalfe of Origen. Cap. 13. in the Greeke.

IN so much that many were drawen headlong through the procurement of malicious sclaunde­rers, much like a blast of hurlwinde, to reuile Origen, it shall not be amisse to saye somewhat of In the marge of the greeke copie there was written as followeth: VVe haue to learne that the fift generall Councell con­demned both Origen & his vvorkes. But this historio­grapher vvas before the thirde. them. Obscure men, odde felowes, such as haue no pythe or substance in them, to the ende they myght become famous, goe about moste commonly to purchase vnto them selues glorie and re­nowme by dispraysing of such men as farre excell them in all rare and singular vertues. Of which sort of backebiters first I remember Methodius bishop of Olympus, a citie of Lycia: next Eusta­thius, who for a while was bishop of Antioch: thirdly Apolinarius: last of all this Theophilus. This messe of raylers (if I may so tearme them) fell a sclaūdering of Origē, neither yet all for one thing. One charged him with this, an other with that, wherby they all seuerally declared vnto the world, that they allowed wholly all such thinges in him as they had not reprehended by name. For in as much they blamed him seuerally for seuerall doctrine, it appeareth they tooke that for trueth in him, which they concealed and misliked not withall: and they approued in very deede that which they denyed not in worde. Methodius though at the beginning he inueyed bitterly against Origen, yet afterwardes as it were by way of recantation he extolled him vnto the skies in that dialogue, which he intitled Zeno. Their reuiling in myne opinion encreased the renowne & fame of Origen. [Page 371] For while they charged him with haynous crimes, as they thought, and yet findinge no faulte with him as toutching the blessed Crinitie: they are witnesses them selues that he was of y right and sound faith. Euen as these men being not able iustly to accuse him, beare witnes w t him of his true beliefe: so Athanasius voyd of all parcialitie, a zealous maintayner of the clause Of one sub­stance, alleageth him for a witnesse of his faith in the orations which he wrote to the cōfutation of Athanasius testimony of Origen. the Arians, citeth his words for testimonies among his works, & sayth thus of him. That notable man & that paynfull writer Origen, confirmeth in plaine words the faith & opinion we haue of the sonne of God, in that he auoutcheth him to be coaeternall with the father. Wherefore such as goe about to reuile Origen, they vnwares doe sclaunder Athanasius, which hyghly commended him. Thus much by the way of Origen, and nowe againe to the storie.

CAP. XIII. Cap. 14 in the greeke.

How that Iohn sent for Epiphanius to come vnto him, and charged him that he had behaued him selfe contrary to the canons of the church: after they had braw­led a while together, Epiphanius returned homewards.

IOhn at the first tooke not the matter very grieuously, for all that Epiphanius contrary to the ca­non had made a Deacon in his church: but requested him to accept as a simple lodging a peece of the byshops pallace. Epiphanius answered him in this sorte: I will neyther lye with thee, neyther praye together with thee, vnlesse thou both banishe Dioscorus with his brethren out of the citie, and also subscribe with thine owne hande vnto the decree which condemneth the works of Origen. When that Iohn paused vpon the matter, and sayde that he ought not rashly, neyther without good aduisement determine any thinge of that matter, afore that he had generally exa­mined, and that narrowly, the whole circumstance: the aduersaries of Iohn set Epiphanius other­wise on worke. For at the celebration of the blessed and holie Communion in the churche com­monly called the Apostles, they sette Epiphanius in the myddest: they cause him in the open au­dience to condemne the workes of Origen, to excommunicate Dioscorus and his brethren, laste of all to rebuke Iohn for takinge of their parte. When Iohn hearde of this, he sent vnto Epipha­nius, who the daye followinge was at churche, this message by Serapion: Epiphanius, thou do­est The message which Chry­sostome sent vnto Epi­phanius. The cōtenti­on betwene two aunciēt fathers, Epi­phanius. b. of Cōstantia in Cyprus, and Iohn Chry­sostome. b. of Constanti­nople. manie thinges contrarie to the Canons: firste in that thou hast presumed to make mini­sters vvithin my Diocesse: secondly in that thou hast ministred the Communion of thyne ovvne heade vvithout my licence: agayne in that thou dyddest refuse it vvhen I requested thee, and novve thou doest it of thy selfe. VVherefore take heede lest the people stomacke thy dealinge, and be sett on an vprore, if ought come amysse thou hast thy remedie in thy hande. Epiphanius receauinge this message, was strucken with sodayne feare, left the church, inueyed bitterly agaynst Iohn, and tooke shippinge towards Cyprus. The reporte goeth, that as he went downe to the rode to take shipping, he prophecied thus of Iohn: I hope thou shalt neuer dye a bi­shop, & that Iohn answered him thus againe: I hope thou shat neuer come aliue into thy contrey. Whether they that told mee these things, reported truely, I am not able to say: but sure I am that it fell to ether euen as eche one wished to the other. For neyther came Epiphanius aliue to Cyprus, (he dyed on the seas by the way) neyther dyed Iohn a bishop, for he was deposed and banished the church, as hereafter shall more manifestly appeare.

CAP. XIIII. Cap. 15. in the greeke.

Howe that after the departure of Epiphanius, Iohn made a sermon agaynst allwomen, which made both the Emperour and the Empresse to summone a Councell at Chalcedon, where Iohn was deposed: In his absence the people made much adoe, & to appease them Iohn is called home to Constantinople againe.

AS soone as Epiphanius had hoysed vp sayle, reporte came vnto Iohn that Eudoxia the Em­presse Chrisostom made a ser­mon agains all women. had bolstered Epiphanius against him, he beinge very hot and a hasty man of nature, euer ready, for his gift of vtterance did so serue him, immediatly went vp into the pulpitt, made a whole sermon in the dispraise of all women. The multitude tooke it in the worst part, as if therby he had determined secretly to pay home y Empresse. The sermon was borne away of ill­willers and brought to the Emperour: the Empresse also hearinge therof, complayned vnto the [Page 372] Emperour, that therein she was contuineliously dealte withall, and that the reproche thereof re­dounded also vnto him. Wherfore she worketh through Theophilus to summone a councell against Iohn, Seuerianus likewise went about the same, neither was the dealing of Iohn towards him as yet gone out of his stomacke. Shortly after Theophilus came thither, who called together at the Em­perours commaundement many bishops out of diuers cities. But aboue all other men they came thither apace, which for diuers quarells owed Iohn a displeasure. They also came thither whome Iohn had deposed & put by their bishopricks▪ for he had depriued many of the bishops in Asia in the voyage he made to Ephesus, at what time he made Heraclides bishop. wherfore w t one cōsent they The coūcell of Chalcedō for the depo­sing of Chrysostome. meete all at Chalcedō a citie of Bithynia. At that time Cyrinus an Aegyptiā borne, being bishop of Chalcedō, inueyed bitterly against Iohn in presence of all y bishops, he reported of him y he was a wicked mā, that he was an arrogāt & a sollyne bishop. the rest of y bishops were glad of that. But Maruthas bishop of Mesopotamia trode against his will on Cyrinus foote, and hurt him sore. The broise so encreased & pained Cyrinus so much, y he could not goe w t the rest of the bishops to Cōstā ­tinople, but taryed behind at Chalcedō, the rest sayled to Cōstantinople. When as none of y cler­gie of Constantinople went forth to meete Theophilus, neither exhibited vnto him the accustomed honor and reuerence, (for then all beganne to hate him) the matiners of Alexandria, who then by chaunce were there, and had brought corne to Constantinople, went to meete him, and receaued him with gladsome shoutes. He went not to the house of prayer, but vnto the Empresse pallace called Placidia. Then the aduersaries of Iohn went about to forge many false accusations agaynst him, they brabble no longer about the bookes of Origen, but they take other absurde matters in hande. When these thinges were thus adoynge, the Bishops assembled together in the suburbs of Chalcedon in a place called the Oke: immediately they cite thyther Iohn for to answere vnto such crimes as he was charged withall. Besyde him they charge Serapion, Tygris the Eunuche prieste, and Paulus the reader (for they were also accused) to appeare before them. When Iohn had excepted agaynst such as had cited him thither, as his open enemies, he appealed from them vnto a generall Councell: they without any other circumstance called him foure tymes. And see­yng that he would not come, but sent them still the same answere: they proceeded against him, they condemned and deposed him of his bishoprick, for no other crime but because he being cited would not appeare. When tydings thereof about euentyde were brought to Constantinople, the whole citie was on an vprore. Wherefore they watched all nyght, they would not suffer him to be thrust out of the churche, they exclaimed that his cause ought to haue bene hearde in a greater assemblie of Bishops. But the Emperours commaundement was, that as soone as he were remoued, he shoulde be conueyed to exile. This beyng knowen for certayntie, Iohn the thirde day after his de­position, about noone vnknowinge to the multitude (for he was loth there shoulde be any adoe for Chrylostome e [...]l [...]d. his lake) yeelded him selfe voluntarily into the handes of his aduersaries, and so went awaye. Cap 16. in the Greeke. The people were all sette on fyrie sedition, and as it commonly falleth out in suche hurlybur­lies, many of them which aforetyme pursued him with deadly hatred, then chaunginge theyre mind, pitied his case: many others who lately desired to see his depriuation, reported then that he was craftely dealt withall, and falsely accused. Many cryed out agaynste the Emperour, and ex­claimed at the Councell: but aboue all others they inueyed agaynst Theophilus, who was knowen to haue bene the author of all that treacherie and malicious sclaunders raysed of Iohn. For the cō ­spiracie and wayte he layd for Iohn could do longer be concealed. and though it was diuersly found out, yet specially in that he cōmunicated with Dioscorus and his brethren called Longe, immedi­atly after the deposition of Iohn. Seuerianus also as he preached in the church, thought now he had fit opportunitie geuen him to inuey against Iohn: he sayde playnely though Iohn were conuicted of no crime, yet was he iustly deposed for his insolent and hautie behauiour: that all sinnes were to be forgiuen, yet as holy scripture bare witnesse, that God resisted the proude. With the hea­ringe of these and suche lyke contumelious phrases recited, the people was the more prone to contention. Wherefore the Emperour in all the hast caused Iohn agayne to be sent for, and to returne to Constantinople. Briso being the messenger (he was an Eunuche of the Empresse) found him at Prenetum a mart towne ouer agaynst Nicomedia. and brought him to Constanti­nople. Chrysostome [...]turneth frō [...]xile. But for all he was thus called home from exile, yet purposed he with him selfe not to treade within the citie, afore he were proued and founde innocent by the censure of the hygher Iudges, therefore he continewed a whyle in the suburbes called Marianae. When that he lyngered from returnynge into the Cytie, the multitude tooke it grieuouslye, [Page 373] and forthwith fell a reuilinge of the Magistrates. Wherefore of necessitie he was constrayned to come home: the people went forth to meete him, they bring him to the church w t great reuerence, they request him to continew their bishop, and thenceforth after the vsuall maner to praye for the peace and prosperous estate of the church of God. When that he refused so to doe, and pleaded for him selfe, that it must not so be afore his cause were hearde of indifferent Iudges, & the deposers had chaunged their mind & absolued him: they were the more desirous, for they longed to see him stalled againe in the bishops seae, and preache afreshe vnto the people. To be short the people cō ­pelled him so to doe. When that Iohn was placed in the bishops seate, and prayed after the accu­stoined maner for peace vnto the people and congregations throughout the worlde: he was con­strayned also to preache. The which thinge ministred occasion vnto the aduersaries to accuse him againe, although for a while they suffred it to lye for deade.

CAP. XV. Cap. 17. in the Greeke.

Howe that when Theophilus woulde haue Heraclides matter hearde in his absence, and Iohn resisted it: the citizens of Constantinople and Alexandria went together by the eares, so that Theophilus with other bishops was fayne to leaue the citie and flye away.

IN the meane space Theophilus went craftely aboute for to call into question the consecratinge of Heraclides: to the ende he myght thereby, if it were possible, finde matter to charge Iohn afreshe, and so to depose him the seconde tyme. Heraclides for all he was not present, yet they proceede againste him: they laye to his charge, that he had iniustly punished certaine persons, im­prisoned them, last of all lead them throughout the open streetes of Ephesus to be ignominiously derided. When Iohn made answere, that of ryght no man ought to be iudged in his absence, with­out the presence of the partie, and the hearinge of his owne cause: the people of Alexandria br­ged very earnestly that the accusers of Heraclides were to be hearde, for all he him selfe were ab­sent. Herevpon there rose greate strife and contention betweene the citizens of Constantinople, and the inhabitants of Alexandria. And while they skirmishe one with the other, many were sore wounded, and diuers also presently dispatched. When the heade of this combatt was past, and the trueth come to light, Theophilus gott him in all the hast to Alexandria, the other bishops ranne likewise away, fewe onely excepted which helde with Iohn, and repaired euery one to his owne bi­shopricke. After that these thinges were thus come to passe, euery man was readie to speake ill of Theophilus. The hatred grew and increased agaynst him dayly, because he sticked not studiously to peruse the workes of Origen secretly, though openly he condemned them. And being demaunded why he made so much of the bookes he had lately condemned: his answere was, that the bookes of Origen were like meddowes clad with euery kinde of flowers: therefore (sayeth he) if I finde in them ought that is good, I cull it out, if otherwise bryers or brambles, I sett nought by them, because of their prickes. This was the answere of Theophilus, when he called not to remembrance the saying of the wise man: that the wordes and counsells of sages resemble very much prickinge Ecclesiastes. 12 thornes, and that such as are toutched therewith, ought not to kicke agaynste the pricke. The a­foresayde causes made Theophilus to be hated of all men. Dioscorus Bishop of Hermopolis, one of these religious men which commonly were called Longe, departed this lyfe shortly after the departure of Theophilus into Alexandria, and enioyed an honorable funerall at the Church called the Oke, where the Councell was summoned for the hearinge of Iohns cause. Iohn gaue him selfe wholly to teache and to preache vnto the people: he made Serapion, who had procured vnto him great hatred, bishop of Heraclea a citie of Thracia.

CAP. XVI. Cap. 18. in the Greeke.

Howe the picture of Eudoxia was erected all of siluer with playes and spectacles: Iohn reprehended the authors that did the whole, & was therfore banished.

SHortly after such things as followe ensued. A siluer picture (couered with a mantell) of Eu­doxia the Empresse was set vp vpon a pillour of redd marble. The place of this erected pil­lour was not very nygh the church called VVisdome, neither very farte of, onely the broade streete went betwene the picture & the church. There were cōmon playes & showes (as the maner [Page 374] was) celebrated. Iohn supposing verely that these things redounded to the great sclaunder and in­famie of Christian religion, not forgetting his wonted audacitie and libertie of speache, prepared him selfe for the authors therof: and in steede of the exhortation he should haue vsed to the perswa­sion, or rather the reformation of the princes and magistrates, he skoffed with nipping tauntes at such as had caused those vanities to be solemnized. The Empresse likewise applying these things to her selfe, supposing that all was vttered to her disgrace and reproche, procured an other Coun­cell of bishops to be called together agaynst him. Iohn vnderstanding of this, made that famous & notable sermon in the church, which beginneth in this sort: Herodias rageth afreshe, stomacketh A Councell assembled at Constanti­nople for the deposition of Chrysostome anewe, daunceth againe: seeketh as yet the head of Iohn in a platter. This sermon made the Em­presse mad, set her on fire against him. Not long after the bishops met there together, Leontius bi­shop of Ancyra in Galatia the lesser: Ammonius bishop of Laodicea a citie in Pisidia: Briso bishop of Philippis in Thracia: Acacius bishop of Beroea in Syria, w t diuers others. The accusers which lately charged Iohn with haynous crimes, are nowe brought forth before these bishops. Iohn tru­sting to the iust dealing of the bishops, requireth of them that the accusations may indifferently be examined. By that time the seast of our sauiours natiuitie was come on which day y Emperour went not to the church after the wonted maner, but sent Iohn this message: that he would not com­municate w t him, before he had cleared him selfe of the crimes layd to his charge. And when as the accusers seemed to mistrust them selues, & that Iohn through the vprightnes & equitie of his cause boldened him selfe: the bishops then present affirmed they ought not to examine any other offence saue only whether he of him selfe had takē possession of the bishoprick after he was deposed, with­out the sentence & admission of a councell. When Iohn made answere y he had the consent of fiftie bishops which cōmunicated w t him, Leontius replied against him. but more (saith he) in the coūcell withstoode thy admission. Againe when Iohn sayd that the canon which cōtained such a clause ap­pertained not vnto their churche, but was to be executed where y Arians did raigne (for such as as­sembled at Antioch to roote out y faith of one substance, layd downe y canon against Athanasius) they neuerthelesse makinge no accōpt of his answere, proceeded & gaue sentence against him, not weying with thēselues that such as were authors of this canon were also deposers of Athanasius. These things were done a litle before Easter. Then also the Emperour sent vnto Iohn, y he had no authoritie to go into the church, insomuch he was deposed & condemned in two seuerall councells. Wherefore Iohn gaue ouer executing of the ecclesiasticall function, & refrained from going into the church. Immediatly also such as fauored him departed y churche, they keepe Easter in the cōmon Such as clea­ned to Iohn Chrysostome were called Iohannits. bathes called Cōstantianae, together with many bishops, priests, & other ecclesiasticall persons, who thenceforth because of their seuerall conuenticles were called Iohannits. For the space of two moneths Iohn was neuer seene abrode, vntill y by the Emperours cōmaundemēt he was brought to exile. & so at length being banished the church, he was bereaued of his contrey soyle. The same day certaine of such as were called Iohannits, set the church on fire, with that the easterne wind be­ing vp, blew the flame into the senatours court, & cessed not from burning, vntill all was cōsumed to ashes. This was done the twentieth of Iune, in the sixt Consulship of Honorius, the which he en­ioyed together w t Aristanetus. For which conspiracie & treason what heauy penalties & grieuous punishments Optatus gouernour of Constantinople, in religion a pagane, and therfore a sore pla­guer of Christians made them endure, I thinke it best to ouerskip them with silence.

CAP. XVII.

Howe that after the deposition of Iohn, Arsacius was made byshop of Constantinople. Cap. 19. in the Greeke. of Cyrinus byshop of Chalcedon, that was payned with the sore foote, and of the death of Eudoxia the Empresse.

ARsacius an old man aboue the age of fourescore yeares, who sometime gouerned the bishop­ricke of Constantinople before the dayes of Iohn, was shortly after made byshop of that seae. In his time when as the church enioyed greate ease and quietnesse, by reason of his singular modestie and meeke behauiour: Cyrinus bishop of Chalcedon, whose foote Maruthas bishop of Mesopotamia had trode on and hutt against his will, had such infortunate successe, y t his foote rotted of the broise, and therfore of necessitie he was cōstrained to saw it of. Neither suffred he that once, but twise and oftenner toe. For the putrefaction ranne ouer his whole bodie, and fell at length into his other foote: then was he fayne to lose both. I haue therefore remembred these [Page 375] thinges because it was rife in euery mans mouth that Cyrinus suffered this plague or punishment Cyrinus was plagued for reuiling of Chrylo­stome. Great haile in token of Gods wrath. for reuiling of Iohn, and terming him (as I sayd before a stuburne Bishop. Againe when as great haile (the bignesse whereof was not remembred to haue bene seene before) fell in the suburbes of Constantinople y thirtieth day of Septembre & the aforesayd Consulship: y report likewise went that it was a token of Gods wrath for the deposition and banishment of Iohn. The death of the Em­presse which followed immediatly after confirmed this rumor, for she departed this life the fourth day after the fall of this haile. Some there were also which sayd that Iohn was iustly deposed: be­cause that in the voyage when he made Heraclides Bishop of Ephesus, he thrust many out of their Churches, namely the Nouatians, and such as celebrated the feast of Easter the fourteeneth day of the moneth with many others both in Asia and in Lydia. But whether Iohn was iustly deposed as they said which bare him ill will: whether Cyrinus was plagued for his opprobrious langua­ges and sclaunderous reports: last of all whether the haile and the death of the Empresse were si­gnes of Gods high displeasure for banishing of Iohn: or whether they happened for some other causes God alone knoweth which searcheth the secrets of mans hart, and pronounceth here of the right sentence of iust iudgement. I of myne owne parte committed to writing such things as then were rife in euery mans mouth.

CAP. XVIII. Cap 20 in the Greeke.

Howe that after the desease of Arsacius, Atticus was chosen Bishop of Constantinople.

ARsacius continewed not Bishop very long, for the yeare following to wit in the second Con­sulship Arsacius. of Stilicon, but the first of Anthemius and the eleuenth of Nouembre he departed this life. When that the election of a bishop fell out to be a troublesome peece of worke, and the contention endured a very long time: the next yeare after in the sixt Consulship of Arcadius, and the first of Probus, Atticus a godly mā, by birth of Sebastia in Armenia, by order a religious man, Atticus. trayned in the monasticall discipline from his youth vp, of meane knowledge yet of singuler wise­dome naturally ingraffed in him, was chosen bishop of Constātinople. but of him more hereafter.

CAP. XIX. Cap. 21. in the greeke.

Howe that Iohn Bishop of Constantinople died in exile,

IOhn being banished his Churche & bereaued his contrey soyle dyed in exile at Comanum situa­ted Chryso­stome dieth in exile An­no Dom. 412 vpon the sea Euxinus the foureteeneth of Nouembre, the seuenth Consulship of Honorius, & the seconde of Theodosius: a man he was (as I sayd before) more lead with heate of burning cho­ler then ruled by ciuill curtesie, and because he was a man of wonderfull boldnes he vsed liberty of speach and had tongue at will. I can not verily but wonder at him, why he addicting him selfe so much to temperance, taught in some sermons that temperance was in maner to be sett at nought. for when as by the councell of Bishops there was admission left and pardon graunted for such as had once fallen after baptisme to be receaued againe after repentance into the Church: he sticked The saying of Chryso­stome. not to say, If thou fall a thousand times & repent thee of thy folly come boldly into the Church. for which doctrine besides that he was misliked of many his familiars: yet was he ratled of Sisini­us the Nouatian Bishop which wrote a booke against that saying of his. but these thinges were done a litle while agoe.

CAP. XX. Cap. 22 in the Greeke.

Of the conference had betwene Iohn Bishop of Constantinople and Sisinius the Nouatian.

HEre occasion is offred to say somewhat of Sisinius. A man he was (as I haue remembred often times before) very eloquent and a profounde Philosopher: and as he was a skilfull disputer so was he also a cunning interpretor of holy scripture, so that for his notable witt Eunomius the heretick refused oftentimes to reason with him. He was no spare man of diett but li­berall and a great spender, yet with good order and temperancie. He seemed riotous & to exceede in sensualitie partly in that he arayed him selfe in white, and partly for bayning him selfe twise a day. When he was demaunded on a certaine time why he being a Bishop bayned him selfe twise a day, his answere was: because I can not doe it the thirde tyme. At an other time going of reue­rence to visite Arsacius the Bishop, one of Arsacius familiars asked of him why he vsed such atyre as was vncomely for a Bishop? and where he founde written that a Priest ought to weare white? [Page 376] tell thou me (sayth he) first where it is written that a Bishop shoulde weare black. And when as the other muzed what answere he shoulde make, Sisinius preuented him and sayd: thou art not a­ble to shewe me that a Bishop ought to goe in black, but I am able to alleadg Solomon for my selfe where he sayth: let thy garments be white. Againe our Sauiour as we reade in the Gospell wore E [...]iasie [...]. 9. Iu [...]. 9. white, and moreouer he shewed vnto his Apostles Moses and Helias clad in white. With these and other such like answers he brought all that heard him into great admiration. When that Leontius Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia the lesser had depriued the Nouatians of a certaine Church and then as it fell out remayned at Constantinople, Sisinius went vnto him requesting him to restore them their Church againe: Leontius in a great chafe made him this answere: It is pity that you No­uatians shoulde enioy ere a Church insomuch you take away repentance and depriue men of the benefitts which God hath bestowed vpon them. After that Leontius had vttered these with other such like sentences to the reprehension of the Nouatians, Sisinius replied: no man repenteth more then I. why sayth Leontius and how doest thou repent? because sayth Sisinius that euer I saw thee. Againe when Iohn the Bishop had taunted him and sayde that one citie coulde not holde two Bi­shops, his answere was, no more it doth not. Iohn taking this answere in ill part sayd againe, I see thou wilt be Bishop alone: Not so (sayth Sisinius) but with thee alone I am not Bishop though o­thers doe so take me. Iohn being grieued with this answere tolde him againe: I will forbid thee to preache for thou art an hereticke. Sisinius replyed mearily in this sorte: then will I doe thee a good turne if thou ease me of so great a labour. Iohn was somewhat pleased with that answere and sayd: Nay then I will not stay thee from preaching if it be a griefe vnto thee. so witty and so pleasaunt was Sisinius in his answeres, it were to longe to rehearse all his pithye sayinges and sage an­swers. Wherefore I thinke it sufficient in these fewe lynes to declare what kinde of man he was. Thus much further I am able to auouteh that by the report of all men he excelled for learning all the Bishops which succeeded him, count all one after an other: and therefore was he much made of and in great estimation, yea the chiefe Senatours made great accompt of him and had his ver­tues in admiration. And for all he wrote many bookes and furnished them with rhetoricall phrases and poeticall sentences: yet was he commended more for pronouncinge then for penning. for he had a notable grace in his countenance, voyce, behauiour, & loke, with all other his bodily gestures for the which he was honored of all seets and religions, but aboue all others of Atticus Bishop of Constantinople. So farre by occasion of Sisinius.

CAP. XXI.

Of the death of Arcadius the Emperour.

SHortly after the death of Iohn, the Emperour Arcadius departed this life, a quiet and a cur­teous man he was, who in the latter ende of his life was thought to be a very godly man, vp­on such an occasion as foloweth. In Constantinople ther is a great pallace called Carya, & in the porche there stands a hazell on the whiche, report goeth that Acacius the Martyr was han­ged. Wherefore there was a Church erected at that tree: the Emperour passing by was desirous to see it, went in, and after he had sayd his prayers came forth againe. All the parish ranne forth to see the Emperour: some left their houses and tooke vp their standing in the open streete, thinking verily to see the Emperours face as he passed by with all his port and trayne: other some follow­ed the Emperour out of the Church vntill that both men, women and children had all gone out of the house which adioyned vnto the Churche. they were no sooner gone but the house where they had flocked together fell downe. Immediatly the fame of the Emperour was spred abroad with great admiration that so great a multitude of people was saued by the meanes of his prayers. the Arcadius the Emperour died Anno Dom. 412. end of that was in this sort. Arcadius leauing behinde him his sonne Theodosius of the age of eyght yeares departed this life, in the Consulship of Bassus and Philip, the first of May, the seconde yeare of the two hundreth nynety and seuenth Olympiad. He raygned together with his father Theodo­sius the space of thirteene yeares, and beginning with the one and thirty yeares of his age, he ray­gned foureteene yeares after the desease of his father. This booke conteyneth y e history of twelue yeares and six moneths.

The ende of the sixt booke of Socrates Scholasticus.

THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE EC­CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Howe that after the death of Arcadius the Emperour who left his sonne Theodosius of the age of eyght yeares, Anthemius the Lieuetenant tooke the gouernment of the Empire.

AFter the desease of Arcadius the Emperour, being in the moneth of May and the Consulship of Bassus and Philip. his brother Honorius tooke the rule of the West Honorius. parts of the empire, and Theodosius the yonger the sonne of Arcadius being eyght Theodosius. Anthemius. yeare olde gouerned the East parts of the world by the direction of Anthemius his chiefe Magistrate. This Anthemius was Nephewe to Philip, which in the tyme of Constantius thrust Paulus the Bishop out of the Churche and placed Macedonius in his rowme. The same man compassed the citie of Constantinople with a strong wall: he seemed and was veri­ly a man accompted among the wisest sort of that age: he neuer tooke any thing in hande without good aduisement: he woulde conferre with some of his familiers of the busines he went about, but Troilus aboue all others he vsed the aduise of Troilus the Sophist, a man very wise, of great experience and singuler pollicie: he was nothing inferior to Anthemius, and therefore Anthemius retayned him of his counsell in all his affayres.

CAP. II.

Of Atticus Bishop of Constantinople,

WHen the Emperour Theodosius went on the eyght yeare of his age, the thirde yeare of Atticus bishop of Constantinoples consecration the which he enioyed with great com­mendation was expired: a man he was (as I sayd before) of meane learning yet in life godly and of great wisedome and therfore the Churches in those dayes encreased and florished ex­ceedingly. He reconciled not onely such as were fauorers of his owne faith but also made the here­ticks to haue his wisedome in admiration: whome he would in no wise molest but after that he had ratled them againe he woulde shewe him selfe louing and amiable towards them. He was a pain­full student for he bestowed great labour, he spent the greater part of the night in reading ouer the works of auncient wryters, in so doing there was no grounde of philosophy, no quirck in sopistrie that coulde blanke or astonish him. He was gentle and curteous vnto such as conferred with him, and with the sorowfull he seemed to sorowe him selfe, In fewe wordes, he became (as the Apostle 1. Corinth. 9. writeth) all vnto all men. First as soone as he was made Priest, the sermons which with great la­bour he framed together, he learned out of the booke and pronounced in the Churche. In processe of tyme by dayly exercise and greate diligence he so boldned him selfe that he preached ex tempo­re, his maner of teaching was very plaine. his Sermons were so simple that the auditors thought them not worthy the bearing away, neyther the writing in paper to the knowledge of the posteri­ty following. Thus much of his conditions, behauiour, learning, and gift of vtterance, now to the history of that tyme.

CAP. III.

Of Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synada.

THeodosius Bishop of Synada a citie of Phrygia pacatiana was a sore scurge vnto the here Theodosius a couetous Bishop. ticks (for in that citie there were many of the Macedonian sect) he banished them not onely the towne but also the contrey. Neyther did he this according vnto the rule of the Catho­licke Church, which accustometh not to persecute men neyther with zeale of the right and sincere fayth, but in hope of fifthy suere and foule gayne for to wringe money from the hereticks. Where­fore there was no way that might grieue the Macedonians left vnassayed: he mayntayned his owne clergie against them: there was no deuise but he practised for to afflict them with: he sticked not to bring them in fetters to holde vp their handes at the barre, but aboue all others he plagued [Page 378] their Bishop Agapetus with sundry griefes and vexations. And when as he perceaued that the A [...]petus [...] M [...]doni­ [...]n [...]ll to em b [...]a [...] the [...]aith of one substance. chiefe Magistrats within that prouince were not of autoritie sufficient and that their commission ertended not to the punishment of the Macedonians, he gott him in all the hast to Constantino­ple and sued out a commaundement of the Lieuetenant of that prouince for the sharpe correction of them. Whilest that Theodosius the Bishop made friends at Constantinople for the furtherance of his sute: Agapetus whome I tearmed the Macedonian Bishop was conuerted and fell to em­brace the right and sound faith. For after he had assembled together all the clergie and layty with­in his iurisdiction, he perswaded them to receaue the faith of one substance. This being done he went with speede together with a great multitude, nay with the whole citie, into the church where after prayers and solemne seruice he gott him into the seate of Theodosius. Immediatly after the linking of the people together in the bonde of loue and vnitie, thenceforth he maintayned the faith of one substance so that he obtayned the gouernment of the Churches belonging vnto the diocesse and citte of Synada. Shortly after Theodosius came home to Synada, and brought with him auto­ritie from the Lieuetenant whereof he bragged not a litle, and being ignorant of all the thinges that were done in his absence straight way he gott him into the Church, there he founde but small welcome for the dores were made fast against him, and after that he vnderstoode of their dealing, againe he posteth to Constantinople. There he be wayled his state before Atticus the Bishop, and openeth vnto him how that he was iniuriously thrust beside his bishoprick. Atticus vnderstanding that all fell out to the great profitt and furtherance of the Church of God, beganne to pacifie him with milde and curteous languages, exhorting him thenceforth to embrace a quiet life voyd of all trouble and molestation and not to preferre his owne priuate gaine and lucre before the profit and commoditie of the whole Church: he wrote moreouer vnto Agapetus willing him to enioy the bi­shoprick and not to feare at all the displeasure of Theodosius.

CAP. IIII.

Howe a lame Iewe being baptized of Atticus Bishop of Constantinople recouered againe his lymmes.

EƲen as the aforesayde circumstance which fell out in the florishing dayes of Atticus was a great furtherance to the church of God: so likewise miracles with the gift of healing which raygned in those times turned to the glory of God and the profitt of his people. for a certayne A Iewe troubled with the paulsey. Iewe being helde the space of many yeares with a paulsey was faine to keepe his bed, and hauing tried all the salues and medicens, all the practises and prayers of the Iewes, was not a iote the bet­ter, at length he fled for refuge vnto the baptisme ministred in the Churche of Christ, perswading him selfe for suertie that by the meanes of this being the true phisicke of the soule, he might reco­uer the former healthe of his bodye. Atticus was immediatly made priuey vnto this his deuoute minde and godly disposition: he instructed the Iewe in the principles and articles of Christian re­ligion, he layd before him the hope that was to be had in Christ Iesu, he bidds that Iewe bed and all shoulde be brought vnto the font and place appoynted for the ministration of baptisme. This Iewe being grieuously taken w t the paulsey was no sooner baptised in the faith of Christ and taken out of the font, but his disease left him, so that he recouered his former health. This gift of healing be­ing The gift of [...]e [...]ling in he dayes of Socrates. wrought by the power of Christ preuayled in the worlde amonge the men of these our dayes. Many of the Gentils hearing the fame of this miraculous power receaued the faith and were ba­ptized: but the Ievves for all they sought after signes and wonders, yet could they not with signes be brought to embrace the Christian faith.

CAP. V.

Howe that Sabbatius a Iewe borne, being Priest of the Nouatian Church fell from his owne sect.

FOr all that Christ the sonne of God, bestowed the aforesayd graces and benefitts of his sin­guler loue and goodnes towards mankinde: yet the greater part weying not thereof (more is the ptty) wallowe still in the pudle of sinne and incredulitie, neither were the Iewes onely they which made light accompt of the signes and wonders wrought among men: but others also which are proude of their rites yea and are proued to be no lesse then plaine Iewes in faith and re­ligion. Sabbatius of whome I spake a litle before coulde not quiet him selfe with the inferior de­gree Sabbatius a Nouatian [...]est. of priesthoode but coueted to clime vp vnto the rowme of a Bishop: tooke occasion then of the Iewishe obseruation of the feaste of Easter, and seuered him selfe from the Nouatian Churche. [Page 379] Wherefore as he frequented seuerall and priuate conuenticles from his Bishop Sisinius in a cer­taine place of the citie called the drie Hillock, where nowe the market of Arcadius is kept, he pre­sumed so haynous an offence that hanging might seeme to be to small a punishmēt for his labour. For on the daye appointed for the celebration of the communion as he reade a certaine peece of the Gospell which beganne with these words: The feast of sweete bread drewe nigh which is cal­led Luck. 22. Easter, he added of his owne that which was neuer founde written, neuer hearde of before in these wordes: cursed be euery one that keepeth Easter without sweete breade. Which wordes sticked in the mindes of many mē, so that diuerse of the simpler sorte of the Nouatian laiety being thus drawen from the fayth adicted them selues vnto his fonde opinion. But this his craftye and The corrup­ters of Gods word haue ill endes. subtle forgery fell otherwise out then he hoped, for such as presume to corrupte the worde of God haue euer an ill ende and an vnfortunate successe. For shortly after when as he kept the feaste of Easter accordinge vnto the corrupte opinion conceaued in his mynde: when as manye flocked vnto him after the wonted maner and solemnized throughout the wholl nighte the accustomed vi­gills, they were all sette on a furious and frentike kinde of tumulte. They imagined with them selues that they sawe Sisinius theyr Bishoppe sette vpon them with an infinite multitude of men. Wherefore the thronge beinge greate, and as it is very like in the nighte season, beinge shutte vp in a narrowe rowme smothered one an other, so that there dyed aboue threescore and tenne persons. This beinge done manye shrinked from Sabbatius but diuerse others for all that, clea­ued earnestlye vnto the foolishe and fonde opinion they had conceaued of that celebration of Ea­ster. But howe this Sabbatius forswore him selfe a litle while agoe, and aspired vnto the calling of a Byshop we will declare hereafter.

CAP. VI.

Of such as were the captaines and ringleaders of the Arian opinion.

DOrotheus an Arian Bishop whome we haue remembred before to haue bene translated by the Arians from Antioch to Constantinople, departed this life when he had liued a hun­dreth and nynteene yeares, the sixt of Nouember in the seauenth Consulship of Honorius and the seconde of Theodosius Augustus. After his desease the Arian sect chose Barbas to theyr bi­shop Barbas. in whose time the Arians had amongest them two notable men by whose meanes theyr here­sie beganne to reuiue againe: the ones name was Timotheus, the other was called Georgius, but priests both: Georgius excelled in prophane literature, Timothee of the cōtrary gaue himselfe wholly Georgius. Timotheus. to the reading of the worde of God. Georgius was neuer seene without Aristotle or Plato in his hand, Timothee againe was a great mā in Origen and as he expounded holy Scripture he shewed him selfe to be well seene in the Hebrew tōgue. Timothee was aforetime of the Psathyrian sect and Georgius was made priest of Barbas. I my selfe by conferring with Timotheus perceaued howe re­dy he was to satisfie and resolue euery doubt that was demaunded of him and plainely to set wide open the obscure places of holy Scriptures: he was euer wont to cite Origen for a witnesse to te­stifie that his sayings were no other then true. Wherefore I can not verily but maruell why these two men continewed Arians seing that the one was a great reader of Plato, the other euer a per­using of Origen. For Plato affirmed that the seconde and thirde cause (so he was wonte to tearme them) had no begininge of essence: Origen likewise confesseth euerye where the sonne to be coe­ternall with the father. And althoughe they perseuered in theyre Churche yet priuelye, and by a litle and a litle they reformed the Arian opinion and purged theyr doctrine of many pernicious & pestilent blasphemies of Arius. Of these men so farre. Shortly after when Sisinius the Nouatian bishop had departed this life in the aforesayd Consulship Chrysanthus (of whome I mind to speake more hereafter) was chosen to be theyr Bishop.

CAP. VII.

Howe that Cyrillus succeded Theophilus in the Bishopricke of Alexandria.

SHortly after Theophilus bishop of Alexandria being fallen into a lethargie departed this life y e nynth Consulship of Honorius, the fift of Theodosius & y e fifteenth of October. Then ther rose a great stur & contentiō about y e electiō of a bishop. some would haue Timotheus y e archedeacō, some other wold haue Cyrillus, Theophilus brothers sonne preferred to y e bishoprick. while y e people [Page 380] were thus at variance for all that Abudatius captaine of the garrison in Alexandria labored for Cy [...]illus Bi­shop of Ale­xandria An­no Dom. 418 The Bishop of Alexan­dria bothe a Bishop and a magistrate. Timothee and furthered his sute: yet three dayes after the desease of Theophilus, Cyrillus was cho­sen Bishop and enioyed the bishopricke: and withall he challenged vnto himselfe more authoritie then euer Theophilus had before him. From that time forth the Bishop of Alexandria besides the ouersight and iurisdiction of his clergie and ecclesiasticall matters tooke also the gouernement of temporall affayres. Wherefore Cyrillus immediatly after he had shutte vp the Nouatiā churches within Alexandria he not only rified them of all the treasure but also bereaued Theopemptus their Bishop of all his substance.

CAP. VIII.

Of Maruthas Bishop of Mesopotamia and howe that by his meanes the faith of Christ tooke great increase in Persia.

IT fell out in those dayes that the faith in Christ florished in Persia and that vpon such an occa­sion Anno Dom. 418. as followeth. Betwene the Romaines and the Persians there doe commonlye passe manye Embassadours, sundry causes doe cōstraine ech of them to send in Embassie vnto y other. That very instant did require that Maruthas bishop of Mesopotamia (of whome I made mentiō before) should be sent from the Emperour of Rome vnto the king of Persia. The king perceauing by him y he was a godly man had him in greate reuerence, was ruled by him as by a rare & singuler man. This grieued the Magicians which were much made of and in great credit with the king of Per­sia. For they were wonderfully affrayd lest the king through the counsell of Maruthas would be­come a Christian. Maruthas by the meanes of prayer, had rid the king of his cōtinewall headach which the Magicians and Sorcerers could not doe. Wherefore they deuise a certaine sleight for to delude the king withall. And because the Persians worship the fire for theyr God, the king is al­wayes accustomed to adore in a certaine house fire which continewally burneth: vnder the ground they conuey a man, whome they make to rore and to crie out as followeth when the king is at his prayers: The king must be thrust out of his kingdome, He behaueth himselfe lewdly in taking the Christian priest for a godly person. Isdigerdes (for so was their king called) hearing this dreadful Isdigerdes [...]ing of Per­sia. voice for all that he reuerenced Maruthas, yet purposed he to sende him awaye. Then Maruthas being a right godly man gaue himselfe wholly to prayer whereby he found out the fraude and de­ceate of the Magicians. Wherefore he reasoneth thus with the kinge. Be no longer deceaued O king, but get thee into the house, cause the earth to be digged vp & thou shalt easily perceaue theyr guile. For the fire speaketh not, it is a certaine deuise inuēted by men for y purpose. The king yel­deth vnto the counsell of Maruthas, in he goeth againe vnto the house where the fire continewally burned. As soone as the voice was heard the second time, he commaunded the earth should be cast vp, and there was he founde which spake, and cried out the which clamor they tooke to be the com­maundement of God himselfe. The kinge when he espied theyr lewde treachery was exceedinge wroth, and gaue forth charge that euery tenth of the Magician kinred shoulde be executed: he tur­ned The M [...]gi­ [...]ians doe [...]uffer. him to Maruthas and willed him to buylde churches where pleased him best. Upon this occa­sion it fell out that y faith in Christ florished exceedingly in the kingdome of Persia. For that time Maruthas left Persia and tooke his voyage to Constantinople. Shortely after he went againe in embassie into Persia, by that time the Magicians found out other deceytfull deuises, and a freshe they fall a forging to the end the kinges mind might be alienated from him. Of sette purpose they infected the ayer of a certaine place where the king was wont to frequent, with a stinking sauour and with all they sclaunder the Christians that it was scattered by them. But the kinge hauinge iust cause to suspect the Magicians for theyr former wiles, made great inquire who should play so slutush a parte, at length by longe sifting it was knowen that the Magicians themselues had cau­sed this corrupte odour for the nonce to be spred all ouer the place, wherefore againe he executed many of them, but Maruthas he had in greate estimation. Thence forth he loued the Romaynes entirely & embraced thē in league of peace & friendship. The king was almost become a christian, when Maruthas together w t Ablaatus the Persiā bishop published vnto y world an other experimēt bl [...] b. Persia. or triall of the Christian faith, for they both beinge continewally geuen to watch and to pray cast a Deuell out of the kinges sonne which tormented him out of measure. But death preuented him ararancs [...] of Per­ [...] and abridged the raines of his mortall rare ere he coulde fully be instructed in the Christian faith. After his desease his sonne Bararanes enioyed the crowne, in whose dayes (as it shallbe hereafter [Page 381] more plainely declared) the league betwene the Romaynes and the Persians was broken.

CAP. IX.

The succession of Bishops in the Church of Antioch and Rome.

ABout that time when Flauianus Bishop of Antioch had departed this life Porphyrius was Flauianus. Porphyrius. Alexander. Damasus. Siricius. Anastasius. Innocentius. chosen in his rowme, and after Porphyrius, Alexander was made Bishop of that seae. In the Churche of Rome when that Damasus had gouerned the Ecclesiasticall affayres the space of eighteene yeares, Siricius succeeded him in the Bishoprick. Againe after that Siricius had continewed there the tearme of fifteene yeares & departed this life, Anastasius was Bishop three yeares: after his desease Innocentius (who firste droue the Nouatians out of Rome and depriued them of many Churches) was made Bishop of that seae.

CAP. X.

Howe that Alarichus tooke Rome and made it subiect vnto the Barbarians.

IT fell out in those dayes that Rome was taken of the Barbarians. For one Alarichus a Barba­rian Alarichus. being in league with the Romaynes and sometime ayded the Emperour Theodosius in the battaill agaynst the tyrant Eugenius and therefore was aduaunced into great honour by the Ro­maines, when he could not paciently content him selfe with the prosperous sayle of fortunate suc­cesses, although he aspired not vnto the Emperiall seepter, yet left he Constantinople and posted in all the hast into the Weste partes of the worlde. He was no sooner come into lllyrium but he subdued vnto him all that contreye. As he went forewardes on his iorneye the Thessalians with­stoode him aboute the entries of the riuer Peneus, the readye waye by Mounte Pindus vnto Ni­copolis a citie of Epirus: the sielde beinge there pitched the Thessalians slew aboue three thousand men. After that bloody s kirmishe the Barbarians which accompanied Alarichus ransackinge and spoylinge both towne and coutrey as they went, tooke at length the citie of Rome. They rāsacked the citie: They defaced and fired many worthie monuments: they violently spoiled the citizens of theyr money, they executed many of the Senatours with sundry kindes of tormente. Alarichus to the ende he might bring the Royall porte and maiestie of the Emperiall scepter into contempt and derision, proclaymed Emperour one whose name was Attalus: this man by his procuremc̄t Attalus. walked abroade the space of one wholl daye with a garded troope of souldiers, the next day after, in the attyre and habite of a seruant. When these things preuailed then in suche sorte as you heare Alarichus tooke his heeles and ranne away: for the reporte that was bruted abroad of Theodosius y Emperours great power marching to geue him battaill, astonied his mind and put him in great feare. Neither was it a fable or a forged rumor but for moste certaine trueth that the Emperours host made expedition to wage battaill with him. He when as he coulde in no wise away with that fame gaue him selfe to flight. The reporte goeth that as he went towardes Rome a certaine monk Alarichus (as it is sup­posed) is cō ­maunded frō aboue to de­stroy the citie of Rome for theyr greate sinne and iniquitie. met him which admonished him not to delite him selfe with perpetrating of such haynous and horrible offences neither to reioyce in committing of slaughter and bloodshed. Whome Alarichus an­swered in this sorte. I God knovveth doe take this voyage agaynst my will. There is one which molesteth me dayly, nay he compelleth me by force and sayth thus vnto me: goe on thy iorney, destroy the citie of Rome. So farre of Alarichus,

CAP. XI.

Of the Bishops which in those dayes gouerned the Church of Rome.

AFter Innocentius, Zosimus gouerned the Churche of Rome the space of two yeares, after Innocentius. Zosimus. Bonifacius. Celestinus. The bishop of Rome fell to chalenge vnto him self seculer po­wer. his desease Bonifacius was Bishop three yeares whome Celestinus succeeded. This man banished the Nouatians out of Rome, depriued them of their Churches and constrayned Ru­sticula their Bishop priuely to rayse priuate conuenticles. For vnto that time the Nouatiās flori­shed at Rome, enioyed many churches & had vnder thē great cōgregatiōs. but they were thē hated out of measure whē as the bishop of Rome (no otherwise thē the bishop of Alexandria) passing the boundes of his priestely order presumed to chalenge vnto him selfe secular power and authoritye. Therefore those bishops permitted not such as held w t thē y faith of one substāce freely to frequēt [Page 382] their wonted assemblies: and although they commended them for theyr vniforme consent as tout­ching the faith, yet they depriued them of all theyr substance. But the Nouatians which inhabited Constantinople were not so dealt with all. For the Bishops of Constantinople besides that they embraced them for theyr vniformity in faith, they suffred them (as I sayde before) to haue theyr Churches within the citie.

CAP. XII.

Of Chrysanthus Byshop of the Nouatian Church in Constantinople.

AFter the desease of Sismius, Chrysanthus the sonne of Marcianus, who was the predecessor of Sismus in the Nouatian Bishopricke, was in maner compelled to be their Bishop. This man almost from his youth vp was a souldier in the Emperours court: afterwardes in the raigne of Theodosius Magnus, Liuetenant of Italie: againe the Emperours vicegerent in the I sles of Bryttaine where he purchased vnto him selfe greate commendation for his politicke gouerne­mente. Beinge well strucken in yeares he came to Constantinople and labouringe to be gouer­nour or Magistrate rather in that citie, then in farre and forayne contreyes, he was constrayned against his will to be bishop of the Nouatians. For when Sisimus being at the point of death, made mention of him as a sitte man to succeede him in the rowme: the Nouatian people taking the cen­sure of Sisimus as a canon or lawe compelled him to be their Bishop. But when Chrysanthus had conueyed him selfe out of the way least he should take vpon him y function: Sabbatius thinking ve­rily y nowe he had found fit opportunitie for to creepe into the bishops seae: despised the dreadfull protestations he had solemnly auowed, and the oth he had taken: got him a company of obscure bi­shops to consecrate him, and forth he steppes a Bishop. One of the consecrators was Hermogenes whome he him selfe had afore time excommunicated for the blasphemous bookes which he publi­shed vnto the worlde. But all the fetches of Sabbatius framed not aright. For the people detesting his corrupt and intollerable ambition (there was no waye vnassayed of him for to attaine vnto the bishopricke) sought out both coast and contrey for Chrysanthus, when they had found him lurking in Bithynia they forced him thence and stalled him Bishop. He was a man that excelled all others not onely in politicke wisedome, but also in modest behauiour: by his meanes the Nouatian chur­ches in Constantinople florished exceedingly. He was the firste that of his owne substance gaue Golde vnto the poore: He tooke nothing saue onely two loues euery sundaye of the blessed breade: he was a man that was very diligent in his ecclesiasticall function: he tooke Ablabius the Rheto­rician a very wise man of the Nouatian Church, out of Troilus the Sophists schoole and made him minister. There are extant notable and excellent sermons of this Chrysanthus. Ablabius was af­terwardes made Bishop of the Nouatian Church at Nice, where also he professed Rhetorick.

CAP. XIII.

Of the sturre at Alexandria betwene the Christians and the Iewes: of the contention betwene Cyrillus the Bishop and Orestes the Liuetenant.

ABout that time the Ievves were banished Alexandria by Cyrillus the Bishop vpon suche an occasion as followeth. The people of Alexandria aboue all other men are prone to schisme and contention: for if that any quarell at any time rise amonge them, immediatly hainous & horrible offences are wonte to ensue, the tumult is neuer appeased without greate bloodeshede. It fell out that y greate throng and multitude of people contended among themselues not about any Daūcing vsed in Alexad [...]ia on the sat­turdayes. necessarie matter, but who coalde approche nerest vnto the dauncers, which lewd custome is now crept into all cities. For a great multitude assembled together on y saturday to pastime thē selues with the beholding of a certene dauncer. And because the Iewes spent not that daye in the hearing of their lawe being theyr sabaoth day, but gaue them selues wholly vnto the bearing of comedies and enterludes, to the beholdinge of showes and spectacles, that daye was the occasion of greate schisme and dissention among the people. And though the tumult was partly appeased by y Liue­tenant of Alexandira yet neuerthelesse the Iewes gaue not ouer theyr quarell nor the spite they owed vnto the one parte of the faction. For the Iewes as they were alwayes found deadly foes vn­to such as prosessed the Christian faith: so then aboue all other times they were incensed against them because of the dauncers. Wherefore when as Orestes the Liuetenante of Alexandria had [Page 383] nayled vpon the theatre the wrytte of politicke gouernance (for so doe the people of Alexandria tearme the publicke proclamations of the Liuetenant) some of Cyrillus y Bishops familier friēds stepped forth to examine what the Liuetenant had wrytten. Of which number one was Hierax a schoolemaister and professor of grammer, a dligent auditor of Cyrillus the bishop and one that was greatly delited with his sermons. The multitude of the Iewes seeing this Hierax vpon the stage exclaimed immediatly against him y he came thither for no other cause, but onely to set the people together by the eares. Orestes although heretofore he enuyed y authority of Bishops because that Temporall and worldly Magistrats are grieued that the Church shoulde haue any authori­ty or preeminence. the credit and power which the Emperours graunted the Magistrates and Liuetenantes was by reason of them abridged and cut short: yet thē he spited him aboue all other times because that Cy­rillus would prie into his wrytings and curiously sift out the contents & meaning thereof. There­fore he caused Hierax openly to be apprehended in the midest of the theatre and to be punished ex­tremly. Cyrillus vnderstanding of this warned the chiefe of the Iewes to appeare before him, tolde them plainely if they woulde not geue ouer their rebellion and traiterous conspiracie agaynst the true Christians he would punish them according vnto theyr deserts. The Iewes stomakinge the Bishops threates, fretted the more and boyled within them selues for anger, they fell to deuisinge of sleights for to mischiefe the Christians, which in the end caused all the Iewes to be banished A­lexandria. The circumstance was in such sort as followeth. The Iewes after consultation layinge downe a signe for ech of them to knowe the other to wit: the carieng of a ring made of the rinde or barke of the palme tree, purposed to set vpon the Christiās in the night time. Wherefore on a cer­taine night they sente abroade throughout the wholl citie suche as shoulde crie fire, fire, and where should it be but in the church called Sainct Alexanders, The christians hearing of this rose vp, left theyr houses, ranne to saue the church from burning, some out of this streete, & some out of that. thē the Iewes stepped forth sodainely from vnder the pentises, set vpon y Christiās & slewe them. And as they endeuored to keepe theyr hands y their rings might not be seene: so they dispatched out of the way as many christians as met them. When the day appeared & y sunne was vp the authors of this horrible murther were knowen well inough. Cyrillus vnderstanding of y circumstance was wonderfully incēsed against them: got him straight with great power into y synagoges of y Iewes (for so were their churches called) & executed presently some of the Iewes, some other he banished the citie, other some he bereaued of their substance. Wherefore the Iewes which inhabited Alexā ­dria since the raigne of Alexander king of Macedonia, were then banished the citie & dispersed o­uer all contreyes. Adamantius a phisicion one of the scattered Iewes got him vnto Atticus Bishop Adamantius. Orestes. of Constantinople, became a christian & dwelled afterwards in Alexander. Orestes the Liuetenāt of y citie tooke in very ill part y deede of Cyrill: was very sory y so noble a citie should be depriued of so great a multitude of men. Wherefore he certified the Emperour of all the doings there: Cy­rillus like wise painted forth in paper the traiterous conspiracy of y Iewes & sent it in wryting vn­to the Emperour: yet neuertheles he laboured to become friends w t Orestes, for so y citizens of A­lexandria did aduise him. But when Orestes woulde not as much as once heare the motion of recō ­ciliation betwene them, Cyrill reached into his hand y newe testament supposing verely he would reuerence the booke & remember himselfe the better. When y the mind of Orestes could not be tur­ned neither any good moode found in him but y deadly enmity grew betwene thē such a calamity ensued thereof as I mind hereafter at large to declare.

CAP. XIIII.

Howe the monkes inhabiting the deserts of Nitria came to the citie of Alexandria for to defend Cyrill, & of the stur that rose betwene them & Orestes the Liuetenant.

DIuerse of the Monkes inhabiting the mounte Nitria being feruently disposed & lately also tried when as Theophilus the Bishop had armed thē against Dioscorus & his brethren gaue themselues contentiously to partakinge & purposed of theyr owne accord to maintaine the quarell of Cyrill. Wherefore to the number of fifty Monkes leauing their monasteries, came to Ammonius the Monke wounded the Liuete­nant of Ale­xandria with a stone. Alexandria, compassed the Liuetenant as he rode in his charriot, conferred with him, called him a sacrificer, an Ethincke, with sundry other contumelious languages. He supposing with himselfe y Cyrill had wrought this conspiracy against him cried out that he was a christian & that Atticus, bishop of Constantinople had baptized him. But when as the Monks weyed not his words one of them whose name was Ammonius tooke the Liuetenant on the heade w t a stone. The Liuetenant [Page 384] being sore wounded with the blowe, the bloode ranne about his cares. The sergeantes and such as garded the person of the Liuetenant seeing the stones flie about their eares fled away, fewe onely excepted and held downe their heads among the multitude. In the meane while the people of Ale­xandria came about them and in the Liuetenantes behalfe set vpon the Monkes, in the ende these Monkes ranne all away Ammonius onely excepted. Him they tooke and brought before the Liue­tenant. He openly according vnto the lawes, reasoneth w t him of the matter, pronounceth against him the sentence of Iustice and tormented him as longe as breath remained in his body. All these circumstances shortly after were opened vnto the Emperours, Cyrill also certified him of the same matter though in an other sorte. He tooke the corps of Ammonius and buriedit in a certaine church calling him not Ammonius but Thaumasius. In the church he extolled the noble courage of this mā the great combat he endured for godlines and commaunded he shoulde be called a martyr. But the modest and grauer sorte of christians allowed not of Cyrills doings herein, for they knew y t Ammo­mus died not in torment because he would not deny Christ, but suffred dewe punishmēt for his rash enterprises. Wherefore Cyrill him selfe suffred at length this hainous offence by a little and a litle to fall into the dust of obliuion, Neither was the cōtention & quarel betwene Cyrill and Orestes put vp as yet, for there ensued an other calamytye not much vnlike this the which I am nowe about to declare.

CAP. XV.

Of Hypatia a woman which excelled in Philosophie.

THere was in Alexādria a womā whose name was Hypatia y daughter of Theon the Philo­sopher Hypatia a woman of great lear­ning. which profited so much in profound learning, y the excelled all the Philosophers of y time: and not onely succeeded in Plato his schoole the which exercise Plotinus continewed, but also expounded vnto as many as came to heare her the precepts & doctrine of all sorts of Phi­losophers. wherefore as many as gaue their studie to the knoweledge of philosophicall discipline flocked vnto her lessons from euery contrey. Moreouer for her graue courage of minde the which she gathered out of the fountaines and bowells of philosophicall literature, for her modest and ma­tronlike behauiour she sticked not to present her selfe before Princes & magistrates. Neither was she abashed to come into the open face of the assembly. All men did both reuerence and had her in admiration for the singuler modesty of her mind. Wherefore she had great spite & enuy owed vnto her, and because she conferred oft and had great familiarity w t Orestes, the people charged her that she was the cause why the Bishop & Orestes were not become friends. To be shorte certen heady & rash cockbraynes whose guide and captaine was ` Peter a reader of y church, watched this woman cōming home frō some place or other: they pul her out of her chariot: they hale her into the church called Caesarium: they strip her starke naked: they rase the skinne and rent the flesh of her body w t sharpe shells vntill breath departed out of her body: they quarter her body: they bring the quarters vnto a place called Cinaron and burne them to asses. This hainous offence was no small blemishe both to Cyrill and to the church of Alexandria. For the professors of christiā religion should be no fighters, they ought to be farre frō comitting of murther & bloodshed w t other such horrible offē ­ces. These things came thus to passe the fourth yeare of Cyrills consecratiō, the tenth consulship of Honorus and the seuenth of Theodosius in the moneth of March and on the ember dapes.

CAP. XVI.

Howe the Iewes conspired againe against the Christians and were foyled.

SHortly after, the Iewes for their horrible practises against the professors of the christiā faith suffred punishment dewe for their desert, in a certaine place called Inmestar betwene Chal­cis and Antioch in Syria. At the time of their playes and enterludes they committed many absurd and shamefull acts: at length through frensie and furious motion they remoued reason out of her seate, much like madd men they contumeliously derided in their playes not onely the Chri­stians but also Christ Jesus him selfe: they scoffed at the crosse and mocked as many as put theyr trust in him that was crucified thereon. The maner was as followeth. They lay hold on a child of The Iewes crucified a boye in deri­sion of all Christians. the Christians, they nayl him to a tree and lift him vp on high. When they had so done, First they deride & laugh at him: immediatly after like madd mē they scurge him as lōg as breath remained in his body. For this haynous offence there was muche adoe betweene them and the Christians. Moreouer the Emperours were certified what an horrible acte the Ievves had committed, which [Page 385] wrote againe vnto the Liuetenante and Magistrates of that prouince, that they should make dili­gent search and inquisition for the authors and workers of so greate a mischiefe and punishe them seuerely. Where the Ievves inhabiting that region, for the shameful act they had committed in iest were punished in earnest.

CAP. XVII.

Of Paulus the Nouatian Bishop and the miracle wrought at the baptisinge of the deceatfull Iewe.

ABout that time Chrysanthus the Nouatiā Bishop after he had gouerned such congregatiōs Chrysanthus as were vnder him the space of seauen yeares departed this life in the Consulship of Mo­naxia & Plyntha the sixt and twentieth of August, whome Paulus succeeded. This Paulus a Paulus. good while ago was schoolemaister and reader of the Latine tongue, afterwards he left that kind of studie and framed himselfe to the Monasticall life. He founded a monastery of such men as gaue them selues to the study of vertue and godlines, not vnlike vnto the Monasteries of the Monkes inhabiting the deserte. I knewe the man my selfe to be suche a one as Euagrius wryteth the religi­ous men liuing in y wildernesse ought to be. For he imitated his precepts, he gaue him selfe to cō ­tinewall fasting: he spake litle: he accustomed to abstaine from liuing creatures & oftentimes from wine & oyle: he was very carefull in relieuing of the poore: he visited cōtine wally such as lay in fet­ters and close prison: he was a great futer vnto temporall magistrats for the afflicted and succour­lesse, which alwayes with willinge mindes graunte him his request for the greate reuerence, and singuler opinion of godlines they cōceaued of him. But what neede I vse many words in the reci­tall of his vertues? one notable act of his I am nowe about to declare which shall sufficein steade of many, & worthy it is to be printed in Marble to y memorie of all posteritie in time to come. A certē dissembling Iewe, fayning he would embrace the Christian fayth was often baptised, through the which wiles he got much money. After that he had guilefully deceaued many men of sundry sects and opinions (for he had bene baptised of the Arians & Macedonians) he had no more whose eyes he might bleare, at length he commes to ` Paulus the Nouatiā Bishop and protesteth vnto him that gladlye he woulde be baptised and prayeth him that he may obtaine it at his hande. Paulus liketh well of his sute, but he sayd vnto him that he woulde not baptise him afore he had learned the arti­cles and principles of the fayth, and geuē him selfe to fasting the space of many dayes. The Iewe against his will was constrained to faste, he called vpon them euerye daye to be baptised. ` Paulus seeing that he was so earnest and would needes be baptized thought best not to displease him with delay, made all thinges ready for baptisme. When he had prouided for him a white garment and caused the font to be filled with water, he sent for the Iewe thither to be baptized. But all the wa­ter by a certen diuine power & secret operation which the outward eye could not attaine vnto, was sodainely dried vp. When as neither Bishop neither such as were also then present perceaued the maner howe it was gone, but thinkinge that it ranne through the hole in the bottome of the fonte (where at other times they were wont to let the water goe) filled the fonte a fresh and stopped all the holes and chinkes on euery side. But when the Iewe was brought the second time and hanged his heade ouer the fonte, the water againe vanished away euery drop. Paulus seeing this sayd vnto y Iewe O man either thou dissemblest egregiously, or else thou hast bene baptised vnwittingly. In the ende when as the rumor and report of this miracle caused many to runne vnto the place, one by chaunce amonge the rest knewe the Iewe by his fauour and affirmed that he sawe him baptized of Atticus Bishop of Constantinople. This miracle was wroughte vnder the handes of Paulus the Nouatian Bishoppe.

CAP. XVIII.

Howe that after the desease of Isdigerdes king of Persia the league was broken betweene the Romaines and the Persians and howe that the Persians in the ende were foyled and the citie preserued.

AFter the desease of Isdigerdes kinge of Persia which in all his life time persecuted not the Christians inhabitinge his dominions, his sonne Bararanes beinge crowned in his fathers steede, was driuē thereunto through the perswasion of Magicians and southsayers, so that he vexed the Christians out of measure and punished them with sundrye torments after the maner [Page 386] of Persia. wherefore y christians which dwelled in Persia were cōstrayned to flie vnto y Romains for refuge, they humbly craue of them that they will pitie theyr case, that they will not suffer them in such sorte lamentablye to be oppressed. Atticus the Bishop entertained those suters curteously: furthered their sute as much as in him laye, and opened vnto the Emperour Theodosius their case. The Romaines at the same time were offended with the Persians for an other matter, the quarell was as followeth. The Persians had borowed of the Romaines certaine searchers and diggers of gold mines, these men they would not only not deliuer backe againe but spoyled also the Romaine marcha [...]rs of theyr wares and marchandise, the refuge of the christians augmented the vnkind­nes and increased the displeasure. For immediatly after theyr flight the kinge of Persia sent Em­bassadours requiring them backe againe as fugitiue persons. The Romaines because they ranne vnto them for succour would not restore them: nay they purposed not onely to aide thē which were simple suters but also with all might possible generally to maintayne the quarell in the behalfe of christian religion. Wherefore they chose rather to wage battaill with the Persians then suffer the christians so miserably to perish. To be shorte the league was broken & open warres proclaimed, but in mine opiniō it shall not be amisse briefly to runne ouer some things thereof. The Emperour of Rome first of all sent an host of armed souldiers a parte, one from the other against the Persiās, whereof Ardaburius was generall captaine: he passinge through Armenia entred with force into the Persian dominions & destroyed the prouince called Azazena. Narsaeus the king of Persias cap­taine went forth to meete him with great power of Persian souldiers: they ioyned together: y field was fought: Narseus was foyled and fled away to saue his life. Afterwardes when he sawe his tyme he determined to enter vnlooked for into the Romayne dominions throughe Mesopotamia where there was no power to resiste them and purposed so to reuenge him of the Romaynes. But the Romayne captaine was quickely made priuey vnto the pollicie and fetche of Narsaeus, for he sacked and rifled Azazena with all speede and got him in post hast to Mesopotamia. Wherefore though Narsaeus had gathered a wōderfull great power together, yet could he not inuade the Ro­mayne contreyes. When he came to Nisibis a citie of Persia, yet situated iuste in the middest be­twene the Romayne and Persian dominions, he sent vnto Ardaburius that he would gladly come to parle with him, toutchinge the time and place, when and where the battaill shoulde be foughte. Ardaburius answered the legats in this sorte: tell Narsaeus from me that the Emperours of Rome vse not to wage battaill at Narsaeus his pleasure. Wherefore the Emperour of Rome vnderstan­ding that the kinge of Persia had gathered a greate army together for to wage battaill with him, put his wholl trust & confidence in God: he sent of the contrary a great host against him. And here­by it will euidently appeare vnto the wholl worlde that the Emperour enioyed immediatly a sin­guler benefitte for casting his care & affiance vpon God. For when as y citizens of Constantino­ple were very sad & heuy, mistrusting the doubtful end of the variable chaunces incident to warrs, a company of Angells appeared vnto certen in Bithynia, whose necessary affayres constrained to trauell into Constantinople & willed them to salute the citizens of Constantinople & bid them be of good cheare: exhorting them to pray & to put theyr trust in God: that the Romaines should foyle the enemy & become conquerours and that God had sent them as gouernours and soueraigne cap­taines of the warres. this being heard not only the citie was recreated, but also y souldiers harts were lighted & the more encouraged to fight. Whē the campe was remoued & y warres trāslated out of Armenia into Mesopotamia, the Romaines got the Persian souldiers into the citie of Nisi­bis and there besieged them: they set to the walls wodden turrets resembling ladders rolled vpon wheeles and winded vp: they slewe many of them whiche fought on the walls, defended theyr citie & withstood their skaling. Bararanes king of Persia vnderstāding that his contrey Azazena was destroyed and that his souldiers were shutte vp of the Romaynes and besieged within the citie Ni­sibis, wente him selfe with all his power agaynste the Romaynes. But because he feared great­ly the force of the Romayne souldiers, he craued ayd of the Saracens, whose gouernour then was Almundarus a man of valiaunte courage and noble prowesse, whiche broughte with him an in­finite multitude of Saracens and encouraged the kinge of Persia and promised moreouer that in a shorte while after he woulde not onely conquere the Romaines, but also take Antioch and Syria & deliuer it into his hands. But his promise was not performed, it preuayled not accordinge vnto his desire, for God vpon a sodaine so terrified & astonied the Saracens that they imagined the Ro­maine souldiers were vnawares come vpō them: & whilest that they besturred thē selues for feare & knewe not where to flie they cast thēselues headelonge as they were all in armour into the riuer [Page 387] Euphrates, where the number of one hundred thousand was drowned. such a misfortune befell vn­to the Saracens. The Romaines which layde siege to Nisibis, hearing that the king of Persia was comming against them with a great number of Olyphants, were wonderfully afrayde, gathered together all the engines they had prepared for siege, and burned them, afterwards returned backe to their cōtrey. But what battailes were afterwards fought: how Areobindus an other captaine of the Romaines, slew a mightie Persian dealing with him hand to hād: how Ardaburius dispatched through wiles and stratagemes seuen of the nobilitie of Persia, and how that Vitianus a third cap­taine of the Romaines, foyled the remnant of the Saracens power: I thinke it my duty to ouerskip them with silence, lest I seeme to make toe long a digression from the purpose.

CAP. XIX.

Of Palladius the poste, and his swiftnesse.

THe aforesayde newes were quickly brought vnto the Emperour Theodosius, but howe he coulde so soone vnderstande of matters done in contreyes so farre distant, I am now about to declare. He had a man whose name was Palladius, one that had rare gyftes bothe out­wardly in bodie, and inwardly in minde. He was able in three dayes to ryde in such poste, as was to be wondered, vnto the furthest places and boundes of the Romaine and Persian dominions, and backe agayne in so many dayes to Constantinople. Moreouer he went with maruelous greate speede throughout the worlde whyther so euer the Emperour had sent him, so that a wise man sayde once of him: This fellowe with his celeritie maketh the Empire of Rome, which is very wyde, to be narrowe and strayght. When the king of Persia heard the same of him, he coulde not chuse but wonder. So farre of Palladius.

CAP. XX.

Howe the Persians were agayne vtterly foyled by the Romaines.

THe Emperour of Rome abydinge at Constantinople, and vnderstanding for trueth of the victory that was geuen him, behaued him selfe so graciously, that he desired greatly the en­ioyinge of peace and quietnesse, for all that his souldiers had suche prosperous successe in all their aduentures: Wherefore he sent Helion, one that was in greate creditte with him, in em­bassie vnto the kinge of Persia for to conclude a league betweene them. Helion comminge to Me­sopotamia, and the place where the Romaines had trenched them selues, sent Maximinus a va­liaunt man, and felowe captayne with Ardaburius, as Embassadour to entreate for peace. As soone as he had presented him selfe before the kinge of Persia, he sayde that he came not from the Emperour, but from his captaines, to see whether it woulde ple [...]e him to make truce: that the Emperour was ignorant of all the circumstance and euents of that battaile▪ and if peraduenture it were told him, he would make but small accompt of it. The king as he purposed with him selfe to receaue this embassie with most willinge minde (for his army was almost famished to death) the order of the souldiers whome they call Immortall (the number moūted to tenne thousand of most stronge and valiaunt men) came and perswaded the kinge that he should not confirme any league, before that they firste of all had assaulted and sodainly sett vpon the Romaines, who nowe as they thought, were vnprouided. The Kinge yeelded vnto their aduise and councell: deliuered the Em­bassadour in the meane while to be kept in holde: and sent those Immortall souldiers for to assault the Romaines. They went on their voyage, and deuided their cōpany into two armies, purposing to beset and compasse some part of the Romaine host. The Romaines when as they might see but one onely army of the Persians, set vpon them: for the other had not as yet appeared, but sodainly rushed in vpon y Romaines. But as they skirmished together, a Romaine captayne y was sent by Procopius for the purpose, looking downe (as God would) from the top of a hill, behelde his felow souldiers in great peril, went behinde the Persians and kept them in: so y they which a litle before besett the Romaines, were now besette them selues. Wherefore the Romaines when as in shorte space they had foyled these foremen, they turned them selues backe towards them which rushed in vpon them through wyles, and in like sort dispatched them euery one. Thus it came to passe that they which called them selues immortall, proued them selues mortall: and thus Christ reuenged him of the Persians, because that they had executed many godly men and holy saints which serued him deuoutly. The king of Persia vnderstanding of this slaughter and ouerthrow, fained he knewe of nothing: accepted of the embassie and reasoned thus with the embassadour: It is not for the Ro­maines [Page 388] sake that I now assent vnto peace, but only to gratifie & pleasure thee whome I have tried by experience to be for pollicie and wisdome of the chiefest among the Romaines. To conclude by this meanes the warres which the Romaines held with the Persians in the quarell and defence of the persecuted Christians, were ended in the thirteenth Consulship of Honorius, and the tenth of Theodosius, the fourth yeare of the three hundreth Olympiad: and also the fiery flame of persecutiō kindled there against the Christians, was wholly quenched.

CAP. XXI.

Of the pitie and compassion which Acacius bishop of Amida had on the captiues of Persia.

ACacius bishop of Amida, was renowmed and much spoken of for a notable worke of mercie which he wrought in those dayes. When the Romaine souldiers purposed in no wise to re­store againe vnto y king of Persia such captiues as they had takē at y winning of Azazena, (there were of them about a seuen thousande, to the great griefe of the kinge of Persia) all which were almost starued for foode: Acacius lamented their state and condition, called his clergy toge­ther, and sayd thus vnto them: Our God hath no neede either of pottingers or of cups, for he nei­ther Acacius. b. of Amida. eateth neither drinketh, these be not his necessaries. wherfore seeing the church hath many precious Jewels both of gold & of siluer, bestowed of the free wil & liberalitie of the faithful, it is requisite that the captiue souldiers should be therwith redeemed & deliuered out of prison & bondage, & that they also perishing with famine, should with some part therof be refreshed & relieued. When he had used these & other such like reasons, he cōmaunded that the treasure should be cast & trāslated, he made money therof, & sent the wholl price partly for to redeeme the captiues out of prison, and partly for to relieue thē, that they perished not w t famine. Last of all he gaue thē their costage, to were necessary prouision for their voyage, and sent them back to their king. This notable act of y renowmed Acacius brought the king of Persia into great admiration, that the Ro­maines endeuoured to winne their aduersaries both w t warrs and w t well doing. The report goeth moreouer y the king of Persia desired greatly y sight of Acacius, & coueted y presence of his persō: & that the Emperour Theodosius cōmaūded Acacius y bishop to gratifie the king therin. When y so famous a victory was geuē from aboue, many notable writers layd penne to paper, & published vnto y world y praises & vertues of y Emperour, extolling his name vnto y skies, The Empresse also being y doughter of Leontius the Athenian sophist, instructed of her father, & trained up in all kind of good literature, set forth a poë [...]e of the same argument in heroicall verse. Whē the Em­perour Eudocia the Empresse was learned. tooke her to his wife, Atticus the bishop which christened her, in steede of Athenais called her Eudocia at the time of baptisme.

CAP. XXII.

Adiscourse in commendation of the vertues of Theodosius the yonger.

ALthough many writers as I sayd before, published abroade the praises of the Emperour, of which number some endeuoured by y meanes to crepe into his fauour, some other desired thereby to blase abrode in the world the fame of their skill and knowledge, lest the doctrine which they had gottē w t lōg study should be trodē in the dust of obliuiō: I of mine owne part which desire not the acquaintāce & familiaritie of the emperour, neither couet arrogātly to geue y world a tast of my doctrine, have determined w t my selfe simply without the glorious & painted shewe of Rhetoricke to publishe abrode the bertues of the Emperour. For if that I should passe them over with silence, being as they are both noble & frutefull, containing many examples for the amende­ment of life, I shoulde in my opinion iniurie not a litle the posteritie in time to come. Firste of all though he was borne & brought up in y very pallace of the emperour, yet was he nothing geuē for Discretion. sob [...]etic. Hardinesse. all y trade of life vnto light & idle behaviour: but so wise & discrete, y he seemed vnto such as had cō ­ferēce w t him, to be a mā of great experiēce. Againe he was a mā of such hardines & sufferāce, both inwardly in minde and outwardly in body, that he could endure with great pacience the pinching Fasting. colde of winter, and the parching heate of sommer. He was wont often to fast, but specially on the wensdayes & fridayes, this did he to the end he might liuely expresse the Christian trade of liuing. Deuotion. Singing of [...]almes. Memorie. Knowledge. [...]tudie. His pallace & court seemed uo other then a religious house. For at the dauning of the day his ma­ner was to singe hymnes and psalmes interchaungeably together with his listers. He was able to repeate holy scriptures out of the booke, he reasoned of thē w t the bishops, as if he had bene a priest of great continewance, he was more earnest & far more diligent in gathering together the bookes [Page 389] of holy scripture, & the works of the auncient fathers, then me reade of old of Ptolomaus Philadel­phus. Patience. Curtesie. Clemencie. Furthermore he excelled all men in pacience, curtesie & clemencie. The Emperour Iulian for all he professed the study of philosophie, yet coulde he not put up the hatred of such as reuiled him at Antioch, but punished extremely one of them whose name was Theodorus: as for Theodosius, he layd aside the subtilities & quircks of Aristotle, & practised dayly in life the profession and study of Good life. true philosophie. He learned to bridle anger: to take griefe and sorow paciently: to reuenge him of none that did him iniurie, nay there is not the man that euer saw him angry. When that one of his familiars had demaunded of him, why he neuer executed any y had done him iniurie, his answere was: I would to God it laye in me to reuiue them that be dead. Unto an other that demaunded of him the like, he sayd: It is no hard matter to bereaue a man of his life, but when he is gone, there Mercie. is no man be he neuer so sory for him, that can restore him to life againe, saue God alone. He was alwaies of y mind, that if any cōmitted treason, he would not suffer him to go as farre as the gates of the citie towardes the place of execution, but of his clemencie he called him backe againe. The same man againe, when he published spectacles on a certaine time at Constantinople, w t the bic­kering and fighting of beasts in cōpasse of the theatre, and the people shouted vnto him requiring that one of the strōgest men should be turned vnto the sauadge beast which rainged about, his an­swere was in this sort: Doe not you know that we can not away with cruell spectacles? When the Humanitie. people hearde this, they learned thenceforth to refraine from cruell showes. Moreouer he was so religious, that he honored all the priests of God, but specially such as he knew did excell in godle­nesse. Religion. The report goeth, that he made searche for the sackcloth which the bishop of Chebrū wore that died at Constantinople, aud being found, they say he more it how homely soeuer it was, thin­king verely to gett vnto him selfe thereby some of the deade mans holinesse. As he soleminzed on a certaine tempestuous and stormie tyme of the yeare, (the people requiringe the same) the vsuall and wonted spectacles and showes in the place called Circus, enuironed with a wall and galeries round about, when the rowme was full of people, and the tempest waxed sore, there fell vpon them sodainly a great cloude of snow, then the Emperour renealed vnto the worlde what affection and Zeale and feare of God zeale he bare towards God: he willed the bedells in his name to say thus vnto the people: It is far better for vs to lay aside these sowes and pastime, and with one voyce to fall a praying vnto God that he will deliuer vs out of this present storme. The words were no sooner spokē, but all ioyntly fell downe to the ground, and poured out earnest & zealous praiers vnto God, so y the whole citie Humilitie. was become like one church. The Emperour him selfe in the middest of the assembly, arrayed in cōmon & vsuall attire, began the hymnes, neither failed he of his purpose. For the wether became faire, againe the great derth and scarsitie was turned by the goodnes of God into plenty and abū ­dance of all things. If warres at any time were proclaimed, he followed the example of Dauid, he Prospetitie & good suc­cesse for well doing. made God his refuge, perswading him self for certaine that God ruled and gouerned all battails: and by the meanes of prayer, he obtayned euer a prosperous successe.

CAP. XXIII.

Of Iohn, who after the desease of the Emperour Honorius playd the tyrant at Rome, & how God deliuered him through the prayers of Theodosius into the hands of the Romaine souldiers.

OCcasion is presently ministred to discourse howe Theodosius being ayded frō aboue, foyled the rebell and tyrant Iohn, immediatly after the Persian battaile & the desease of Honoritu, in y cōsulship of Asclepiodotus & Marianus, y 15. of August. In mine opiniō y acts of those dayes are worthy y writig, & such they are as of right should be recorded to y knowledge of the posterity in time to come. For the like thigs which hapned vnto the Hebrewes vnder Moses as they passed through the red sea, new befell vnto the emperours captaines being set against y tyrāt, the which I mind briefly to rūne ouer, leauīg y large discourse because it requireth a seuerall volume vnto others. Although Theodosius knew that Honorius y Emperour had departed this life, yet cō ­cealed he his death frō others, so y an other deuise which hereafter shalbe spokē of, begutled many therin. He sent priuely a souldier vnto Salonae a city of Dalmatia, to geue warnig y if any nouelty were attēpted in y west parts of the world, there should be such preparatiò as might quickly sup­presse y authors therof. Whē he had brought y about, he opened vnto all men y death of his vncle. In y meane while Iohānes one of y Emperours chiefe secretaries, being not of setled disposition to beare y saile & bāner of prosperity, chalēged the empire, & sēt embassabours vnto y emperour The­odosius, requiring him to proclaime him emperour. Theodosius tooke his legats, layd thē in hold, & [Page 390] sēt vnto Iohn Ardaburius y captaine, who of late had behaued him self valiātly in y battaile agaīst the Persians, he cōming to Salonae, sailed into Aquileia, whence (as it is thought) he tooke a wrōg course. the chaunce was as followeth. Being in the surging waues of y maine seae, y winde blewe against him, & brought him ere he was ware into y tyrāts clawes. The tyrant laying hand on him was now in good hope y Theodosius would be brought of necessitie (if he tendered y life of his cap­taine Ardaburius) to create & proclaime him Emperour. whē these thīgs came to light, both The­odosius him selfe & his army also, which marched forwardes against y rebell, were wonderfull sory lest Ardaburius should take any harme at y tyrāts hāds. Aspar also y sōne of Ardaburius seing both his father taken captiue, & also hearing for certainty y an infinite power of Barbariās wēt to ayde the rebell, knewe not what to doe, he was at his wittes ende. To be short y prayers of y godly Em­perour thē also proued thē selues againe to be very effectuall. for an Angell of God in y forme of a shepherd guided Aspar on his iourney, & led his army by a lake adioyning vnto Rauēna (for there it was that the tyrant kept captaine Ardaburius in hold) which way as fame goeth, there was ne­uer man y found passage. But God opened a way vnto Aspar where as it is thought others coulde not goe. He led then his armie through the lake, which then as it fell out was dryed vp by the han­dy worke of God: he rushed in at the gates of the citie which lay wide open, & dispatched the tyrāt. At what time the most godly Emperour vnderstanding of the tyrāts death, as he celebrated those showes and spectacles in Circus, made manifest his singular zeale & pietie godwards, for thus he spake vnto the people. Let vs geue ouer this vaine pastime and pleasure: let vs rather repaire vnto the church and serue God deuoutly, pouring vnto God zealous prayers, & yelding vnto him harty thankes, who with his owne hande hath bereaued the tyrant of his life. He had no sooner made an end of speaking, but ther gaue ouer their spectacles and showes: they set all at nought: they passed throughout the theater sounding out thanks geuing with one voyce together with the Emperour: they went straight to the church, and spent there the whole day, so that all the citie seemed to be as one church.

CAP. XXIIII. Howe Theodosius the Emperour after the execution of Iohn the tyrant, proclaimed Ʋalentinianus (the sonne of Constantius and Placidia the Aunt of Theodosius) Emperour at Rome.

WHen the tyrant was dispatched out of the waye, Theodosius began to consider with him selfe whome he should proclaime Emperour of the west parts of the worlde. He had to his kinseman one Valentinianus a very yong gentleman, begotten on Placidia his aunt, for she was the doughter of Theodosius Magnus the Emperour, and sister to Arcadius and Hono­rius the Emperoures. Constantius that was made Emperour by Honorius, and gouerned the em­pire with him a very shorte space (for he dyed immediatly) was the father of Ʋalentinianus. Theo­dosius made this his cosin Caesar, sent him into the west, and put his mother Placidia in truste with the emperiall affaires. Afterwards whē he determined to go him selfe into Italie for to proclaime his Cosin Emperour, and in his owne person to counsell the Italians that they shoulde not lightly geue eare vnto tyrants and rebelles, he came as farre as Thessalonica, and there he was hindred with sicknes, so that he could goe no further. Therefore he sent the emperiall scepter vnto his Co­sin by Helion the Senatour, and returned him selfe backe againe to Constantinople. But of these things thus much shall suffice.

CAP. XXV. Of Articus bishop of Constantinople, & how he gouerned the churches. Also howe he caused that the name of Iohn Chrysostome should be canonized among the saincts of that church.

ATticus the bishop was a great furtherer of the ecclesiasticall affaires, for he gouerned with great wisdome, and exhorted the people diligently with heauenly doctrine to vertuous and godly liuinge. When he sawe the church deuided, and that the Iohannits vsed their priuate meetings and conuenticles, he commaunded that the memoriall of Iohn shoulde be solemnized at seruice time as the maner is of other Bishops that are deseased. for by that meanes he hoped very­ly it woulde come to passe that many of them woulde returne vnto the Church. He was so bounti­full and liberall that he prouided not onely for the pouerty of his owne Church, but also sent mo­ney vnto the next Churches for to supply the want of the needy. for he sent vnto Calliopius minister of the Church of Nice three hundreth peeces of golde and withall letters contayning this forme. [Page 391] Aiticus vnto Calliopius sendeth greeting in the Lord. I am geuen to vnderstand that there is an Atticus b. of Constantino ple vnto Calliopius mi­nister of Nice. infinite number in your city ready to perish with famine & stand in neede of the almes & cha­rity of godly & weldisposed persons. VVhere I write an infinite number, I meane a great multi­tude, the certayne nūber wherof I do not readily knowe. Therefore seeing I receaued money of him which bestoweth aboundance and plenty of ritches vpon them which vse it a right: seeinge also dayly experience teacheth vs that some do want to the end that such as be welthy & mini­ster not vnto them, may throughly be tryed: my will is (welbeloued brother) that thou receaue from me these three hundreth peeces of golde, and distribute them at thy discretion among the poore people of thy parish, see that thou deale the same not among such as respect only the bel­ly, & make a liuing or trade throughout their life time of begging, but among such as are asha­med to begge. Neither vvoulde I haue thee herein to respecte any opinion o [...] sect vvhatsoeuer, neither to preiudice them which practise in doctrine a contrary faith vnto vs, but onely to haue consideration of this, that thou relieue them which hunger & thurst & haue not vvherevvithall to helpe them selues. Thus was he carefull of the pouerty of such as dwelled from him in farre & forayne contreyes. Againe when he vnderstood y such as seuered them selues from the Nouatians Atticus en­deuored to bring the Nouatians from Idola­try. about y keeping of Easter, had translated the corps of Sabbatius out of the Isle Rhodos (for there he died in exile) buried it solemnly and praied vpon his tumbe: he sent certaine thither in the night time, charging them to remoue the corps of Sabbatius & bury it in an other sepulchre. such as vsed to frequent the place when they saw the graue digged vp, ceassed thenceforth to honour the tumbe of Sabbatius. The same Atticus did passe in assigning of proper names to things. for the rode in y bosome of Pontus Euxinus which of old was called poyson, he called Medicen, lest he should there raise an assembly & appoynt thereunto a place called after a foule name. Moreouer he tearmed a peece of the suburbes of Constantinople, Argyrople vpon such an occasion as followeth. Chryso­ple is a rode in y head of the sea Bosphorus. Many auncient writers make mention therof, namely Strabo, Nicolaus Damascenus & the famous writer Xenophon, who both in y sixt booke of Cyrus ex­pedition & in the first of y famous acts of y Grecians remembreth the said towne, y Alcibiades wal led it about & how there is a place therein assigned for y paiment of tyth & tribute. for such as loose out of the maine sea & ariue at y place doe vse there to pay tyth. Wherfore Atticus seeing the place ouer against him had so worthy a name, procured this rode thenceforth to be called Argyrople. As soone as he spake y word, the name was immediatly chaunged. Againe when as some men said vn­to him y the Nouatians should not haue their conuenticles & assemblies w t in the walls of the citie, what do ye not remember (saith he) what troubles & vexations they endured, when we were tossed w t the grieuous storme of persecution in y raigne of Constantius & Valens, & howe y at sundry other times they testified together w t vs the true faith which we maintaine? Moreouer for all they were of old deuided from the church, yet attempted they to establish no noueltie as toutching y fayth. A­gaine this Atticus being at Nice about the ordayning of a bishop, & seing there Asclepiades a No­uatian bishop who was a very old man, he asked of him how many yeares he had bene a Bishop? when the other had answered fifty yeares: thou art truely a happy man (saith he) in y God graun­ted thee to enioy so worthy a function, so long a time. he said againe vnto Asclepiades: verily I doe commende Nouatus, but I allowe not of the Nouatians. Asclepiades maruelling what he shoulde meane in so saying, replyed: how so O bishop? Atticus made answere: I do commend him (saith he) for refusing to communicate w t such as had sacrificed to Idols, for I would haue done no lesse my selfe. But I like not of the Nouatians, because they exclude from the communion such as of y lay­ty haue lightly offended. Asclepiades replied againe vnto these things: besides y sinne of sacrificing vnto Idols there are (as holy Scriptures do witnes) many other sinnes vnto death: for the which you depriue onely the clergie & we the layty of the communion, referring vnto God alone y pow­er of remitting their sinne. The same Atticus had the foreknowledge of his death. for taking his leaue of Nice he sayd vnto Calliopius the minister of that Church: make haste to Constantinople before Autumne that thou mayst againe see me aliue, for if thou linger & make delayes thou shalt see me no more in this world. In vttering these wordes he hitt the trueth on the head, for he depar­ted this life the one and twentieth yeare of his consecration, the tenth of October, in the eleuenth Consulship of Theodosius, and the first of Valentinianus Caesar. Theodosius the Emperour returning from Thessalonica came short to his funerall, for Atticus was buried the day before the comming of the Emperour into Constantinople. Shortly after, the creation of Ʋalentinianus the yonger was proclaymed, to wit the three and twentieth day of the same moneth.

CAP. XXVI.

Of Sisinius the successor of Atticus in the bishoprick of Constantinople.

AFter the desease of Atticus there was great contention in the Churche of Constantinople about the election of a Bishop▪ for some woulde haue Philip a minister, some other Proclus who also was a minister preferred to the rowme: but all the people with vniforme consent desired Sisinius. He was like wise a priest, not of any of the Churches within the walls of Constan­tinople, but of Elae a Church in the suburbes ouer against the citie, where all the people of Con­stantinople are wont to celebrate the feast of our Sauiours ascention. All the laytye laboured by all meanes to haue him to their Bishop, partly because he was counted a very godly man, & part­ly also for that he endeuored to relieue the poore beyond the reach of his substance. To be short the layty got the vpper hande and Sisinius was consecrated the eyght and twentieth of February in the twelse Consulship of Theodosius, and the seconde of Ʋalentinianus Augustus the yonger. Philip the minister seeing that Sisinius was preferred before him, stomacked the matter wonderfully and in­ueyed bitterly agaynst his consecration in the worke which he wrote and intitled the Christian hi­story. While he inueyeth against Sisinius that was consecrated, agaynst the Bishops who were consecrators, and especially agaynst the laytye who were electors, he wrote such thinges as I am loth to report, for I can not chuse but blame him greatly that euer he durst be so bold to lay downe so rash and vnaduised reasons. yet in my opinion it will not be amisse presently to say somewhat of him.

CAP. XXVII.

Of Philip a Priest, bred and brought vp in Sida.

PHilip of whome we spake before was borne at Sida a citie in Pamphilia, where also Trophi­lus the Sophist had his original, of whome Philip boasted not a litle that he was his kinsman. This Philip being a Deacon and of great familiaritie with Iohn, the Bishop was as it were driuen to bestowe great labour and diligence in the study of good learning, so that he wrote many bookes of diuerse sortes. his stile was asiaticall, proude, and lofty, and to the ende he might confute the workes of luhan the Emperour, he compiled a volume and intitled it The Christian historie, the which he deuided into six and thirty bookes, euery booke hath sundry tomes, the number of all mounteth very nigh to a thousande, the argument prefixed to euery one is in maner as bigge as the tome it selfe. this worke he entitled not the Ecclesiasticall but the Christian historie, where he patched together many matters for to let the worlde vnderstand that he was seene in Philosophy. Wherefore he alleadgeth very oft precepts and rules of Geometrie, Astronomie, Arithmetick & Musick. Moreouer he describeth Isles, mountaines, trees, with other thinges of smal importance, so that it grewe to a huge volume full of bumbast and vayne ostentation. In my simple iudgement it is a worke that is prositable neyther for the learned neyther the vnlearned. For the learned will condemne the often repetition of the same wordes which is ri [...]e throughout the booke: the vnlear­ned haue not the capacitie to comprehende the insolent stile and affected sentences of his arrogant minde. but let euery one iudge of his owne doings as he shall thinke good. I dare affirme that the order he followed in laying downe of the times is both confuse & farre from good order. for when he had runne ouer the raygne of Theodosius, back againe he getts him to discourse of Athanasius the Bishops tymes▪ the which I note to be his vsuall maner. but of Philip so farre. Now to the hi­story of Sisinius tyme.

CAP. XXVIII.

Howe that Sisinius made Proclus Bishop of Cyzicum, whome the Cyziceni woulde not receaue.

AFter the desease of the Bishop of Cyzicum, Sisinius appoynted Proclus to be their Bishop. The citizens vnderstanding of his comming preuented him and chose Dalmatius a religi­ous man to gouerne the bishoprick. This they did neglecting the lawe & canon which com­maundeth that no Bishop be appoynted and ordayned without the consent and autoritie of the Bi­shop of Constantinople. They made no accompt of that canon because it commaunded namely (as they thought) that the sayd autoritie shoulde be geuen vnto Atticus alone. Wherefore Proclus being not admitted to execute the function of a bishop in the Church where he was ordayned, con­tinewed at Constantinople, where he occupied him selfe in preaching, and purchased vnto him [Page 393] selfe thereby great fame and commendation. but of him I shal haue occasion of speake more here­after. Sisinius had scarse bene Bishop two yeares when he died, it was in the Consulship of Hierius and Ardaburius, the foure and twentieth of Decembre. He was a man highly commended for tem­perancie, for godly and vertuous life, and to be shorte for his liberalitie bestowed vpon the poore. He was a man both gentle and familier, playne without fraude or guyle, and therefore he neuer molested any in his life. he was a great enemie to busie bodyes and to quarellers, and therefore ta­ken of many for a cowarde.

CAP. XXIX.

After the desease of Sisinius Bishop of Constantinople Nestorius was sent for to Anti­och for to enioy the bishoprick, who immediatly reuealed him selfe what kinde of man he was.

IT seemed good vnto the Emperour after the desease of Sisinius because ofdiuers vaine glorious persons to chuse none of that Church to be bishop (though many made sute for Philip, and many againe for Proclus) but determined with him selfe to send for a straunger out of Antioch. there was in those dayes there a man whose name was Nestorius, by birth he was a Germaine, a loude voice he had and an eloquent tongue, and therefore as it was thought a fitt man to preach vnto the people. They put their heades together, they sent for Nestorius and brought him from Antioch to Constantinople three moneths after: who though his temperance was highly commended of ma­ny, yet the wisest sort and sagest people perceaued well inough his other conditions when he first beganne to preach. for immediatly after his stalling in the bishops sea the tenth day of Aprill & the Consulship of Felix and Taurus, he gaue forth in the hearing of all the people such a saying as fol­loweth, at the pronouncing of his oration before the Emperour: Restore thou vnto me O Empe­rour the earth weeded & purged of hereticks, and I will render heauen vnto thee: ayde thou me in [...]oyling of the hereticks and I will asist thee in the ouerthrowing of the Persians. Although such as detested the hereticks tooke these words in good part: yet such as by his outward behauiour ga­thered the inward disposition of his minde, could not chuse but espie his hautie stomacke, his hasty & running braine, his foolish feeding on vaine glory, specially seeing y t by and by he bolted out such rash & vnaduised sayings. Nay we may say (as the common prouerbe goeth) that the citie had not drunke before he beganne to blowe the smoke and the burning flame of persecution. for the fift day after he was chosen bishop, when he determined with him selfe to ouerthrowe the church of the A­rians where they had their seruice priuely and by stelth, he so troubled and disquieted their mindes that when they saw their Church must needes downe, they put to their owne hands & fired it them selues, the which fire fell vpon the next houses and burned them to ashes, so that there was much adoe in the citie, and the Arians rose vp to reuenge them of their enemies. But God the defender and conseruer of the citie suffered not that pestilent infection of rankor & malice to runne any fur­ther. from that time forth not onely the hereticks but such as were of his owne faith and opinion called Nestorius a firebrande. Neyther rested he with this but destroyed as much as in him lay the whole citie while he went about to mischiefe the hereticks. Againe he fell a molesting of the No­uatians onely because Paulus their bishop was famous and much spoken of for his zeale and god­lines. but the Emperour bridled and withstoode his enterprise with sharp admonitions & nipping words. I thinke it best to runne ouer with silence the vexations and iniuries he did vnto such as ce­lebrated the feaste of Easter the foureteeneth daye of the moneth throughout Asia, Lydia and Ca­ria, and how many were cast away in the sedition which he raysed at Miletum and Sardis. But as for the plague and punishment he suffered partly for the aforesayd causes, and partly also for his malapert tongue, I will lay it downe in an other place.

CAP. XXX.

Howe that in the raygne of Theodosius the yonger the Burgonions receaued the fayth in Christ.

NOwe am I about to declare a worthy historie which happened at that time. there is a cer­taine barbarous nation inhabiting beyond the riuer Rheyne whome we commonly do call Burgonions. these people leade a life farre frō magistracy & gouernment of y cōmō weale, for they are all carpenters and thereby get their liuinge. The people called Hunni breaking often [Page 394] tymes into their regions, haue destroyed their contrey and dispatched very many at sundry tymes out of the way. Wherefore they determine w t them selues not to fly for refuge and succour vnto any mortall man or liuing creature, but to yeld themselues wholly vnto some god or other. And when they called to mind y the God of the Romaines neuer sayled such as feared his name and put their affiance in him, ioyntly with one hart and minde they turned them selues to embrace the fayth in Christ: they tooke their voyage into a certayne citie of Fraunce, and there they require of the Bi­shop to baptize them in the Christian faith. The Bishop hauing enioyned them to fast seuen daies, and instructed them in the principles of Christian profession, did baptize them the eyght day fol­lowing and bid them farewell. They put on valtant courage and went on boldly to encounter with the tyrants, neither was their hope frustrate neither did it fayle them in the ende. For the Burgo­nians (when Ʋptarus King of the Hunni crommed him selfe with vittaills on a certayne night vn­till he burst in the midle) set vpon the Hunni nowe wanting a heade and captaine, fewe of them a­gainst many of the other, to witt three thousande against tenne thousande, they fought valiantly & gott the victory. From that time forth the sayd nation was a zealous maintayner of the Christian fayth. About that tyme Barbas the Arian Bishop died, it was the thirtienth Consulship of Theodo­sius. the thirde of [...]alentinianus, and the foure and twentieth of lune, in whose rowme Sabbatius suc­ceeded. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. XXXI.

Howe Nestorius vexed the Macedonians.

NEstorius insomuch he practised many things preiudicial vnto the quiet state of the church, procured vnto him selfe great hatred euen as the ende of his doings proued sufficiently vn­to vs. Antonius Bishop of Germa a citie in Hellespontus, feeding the humor and crueltie of Nestorius in the rooting out of hereticks, beganne to vexe the Macedonians out of all measure, and for to cleare him selfe he fayned that the Patriarck to wete, the Bishop of Constantinople had commaunded him the same. Wherfore the Macedonians although they suffered for a while griefs and vexations, yet seeing that Antonie kept no meane but exceeded in crueltie, they coulde no lon­ger beare the weight of so intollerable a burthen of iniuries, but in the mad furye of their minde preserring the rashe motion of reuengement before all right and reason, procured the death of An­tonie to be done by such men as they had sent for to worke the feate. This haynous offence which the Macedonians committed was an occasion to kindle and sett on fire the crueltie of Nestorius. for he perswaded the Emperour to depriue them of their Churches. Wherefore the Macedonians were put by one church which lay without the olde walls of Constantinople. by an other at Cyzi­cum, besides many others throughout Hellespontus, so that many of them returned into the Church and embraced the faith of one substance.

CAP. XXXII.

Of Anastasius the Priest who was the occasion that Nestorius fell into such extreame impietie.

COmmonly we say that such as are geuen to drunkennesse are neuer to seeke for the cupp, and busie bodies neuer want woe: Nestorius who endeuored with might and mayne to be­reaue others of their Churches was by chaunce thrust out of the Churche him selfe, the oc­casion was as followeth. Anastasius the priest who came with him thither from Antioch: kept him Anastasius. alwayes companye: was highly esteemed of him and his chiefe counselour in all his affayres, taught on a certaine tyme in the Church that none ought to call Marie, the mother of God, be­cause that she was but a woman and that God could not be borne of a woman. These words of his disquieted out of measure the mindes both of clergie and laytie. for they had learned of olde that Christ was true God and not to be seuered because of the misterie of his incarnation, as man alone from his diuinitie, and that according vnto the minde of the Apostle where he sayth: Although we 2. Corinth. 5. haue knowen Christ after the fleshe, yet novve doe vve knovve him so no more. Wherefore for this cause let vs ceasse to reason any longer of Christ, but let vs endeuer to attayne vnto his perfe­ction. When as schisme and contention was hereof risen (as I sayd before) in the Church, Nesto­rius going about to confirme the opinion of Anastasius (for he woulde in no wise haue him whome he made so much of to be rebuked as one that had vttered blasphemies against Christ) discoursed very oft of that matter as he preached in the Churche: layde downe very contentiously certayne [Page 395] positions and condemned vtterly the clause that signified the bearing of god. And because that di­uers men to a diuers ende & purpose disputed of this question, the church was deuided & the mem­bers parted asunder. for much like blind folded persons & men brawling and fighting in the darke they were caried here and there, now they affirmed this, anone they sayd that, and loke what they auoutched a litle before, the same they denied immediatly after. Many thought that Nestorius was of the opinion that Christ was but onely man and that he went about to reuyue and to rayse vp a fresh the heresie of Paulus Samosatenus and of Photinus. there was so much adoe about this matter that the summoning of a generall councell seemed needefull for the deriding of the controuersie & the appeasing of the people. I of mine owne part by perusing the works of Nestorius, doe finde the man ignorant and altogether vnlearned, I speake this from the hart and vnfainedly. far it is not of hatred I owe him that I fall a ripping of his crymes and infamie, neyther haue I determined by flattery and feeding of some mens humors to report lesse of him then I founde true. Nestorius in mine opinion followeth neither Paulus Samosatenus, neither Photinus, neither thinketh he that our The opinion of Nestorius the heretick. Lord Iesus Christ is onely man: but onely auoideth this clause the mother or bearing of God as a sraying ghost. This befell vnto him for his palpable error and ignorance. for though of nature he had a smoth and an eloquent tongue and therefore was thought learned, yet to say the trueth he was altogether vnlearned. Moreouer he disdained to peruse the works of the auncient fathers. he so vaimted him selfe with his rolling congue and eloquent speach, that in maner he contemned the olde writers and preferred him selfe before them all. Againe he was ignorant of that which was 1. Ioh. 4. written in the olde coppies of S. Iohns Catholick epistle: euery spirite which deuideth Iesus is not of God. As many as went about to seuer the diuinitie from the humanitie of Christ, sticked not to rase and blot this sentence out of the auncient coppyes. Wherefore the olde writers signified no lesse then that certaine men had corrupted that epistle, to the ende they might deuide the humani­tie of Christ from the diuinitie of God. his manhoode is ioyned with the godhead, neyther are they two but one, in which sense the aūcient writers were not affraid to call Marie, the mother of god, Euen so wrote Eusebius Pamphilus in his third booke of the life of Constantine. God among vs was Euseb. lib. 3. de vit. Const. borne on earth for oursakes, & the place of his natiuitie is called of the Hebrewes after a proper name Bethleem. VVherefore Helen the most holy Empresse hath set forth the trauailing of the mother of God with goodly ornaments, & bedecked that hollowe rocke with sundry notable monuments. Origen hath written no lesse in the first come of his commentaries vpon the epistle of S. Paul vnto the Romaines, where he discourseth at large of this matter, and alleadgeth the cause why Marie was called the mother of God. Therefore Nestorius seemeth neuer to haue read the wor [...]s of the auncient fathers, and therefore he inueyed only (as I said before) agaynst this clause the mother of God. For he saith not that Christ is onely man as Photinus and Paulus Samosate­nus affirmed: neither taketh he away y subsistencie of the sonne of God but confesseth euery where that he hath his being and that he is in the trinitie: neither denieth he his essence as Photinus and Samosatenus did (so did also the Manichees and Montanists) as it appeareth by the sermous which he published vnto the world. But though I finde that Nestorius was of that opinion, partly by his bookes which I haue perused, and partly by the report of his familier friendes, yet his foolish and fonde doctrine disquieted not a litle the whole worlde.

CAP. XXXIII.

Of a haynous offence committed by certaine fugitine seruants at the altare of the great Church, & of the former councell summoned at Ephesus for the hearing of Nestorius opinion.

WHen these thinges were done in such forte as I sayd before, a certaine haynous offence was committed in the open church and face of the whole people. for some noble mans seruants, by birth Barbarians, when they had tasted of their Lord & maisters extreame truelty and coulde not paciently away with the rigor thereof, ranne for refuge vnto the Church, and got them vnto the altare with swordes hanging by their sides. being requested to depart they woulde not in any wise but disturbed and hindred deuine seruice. Moreouer for the spare of many dayes they held their naked swordes in their hands ready to dispatch whosoeuer came vnto them. Wherefore when they had killed one of the Priests and wounded an other, in the ende they slewe them selues: with the sight hereof one of them that were present sayde that the profanation of the Churche prognosticated some calamitie to ensue, and repeated two Iambick verses out of some olde Poete to iustifie his saying.

[Page 396]
Men see full oft such signes before and vvonders eke:
VVhen haynous crimes the holy Church to stayne doth seeke.

Neither was he in a wronge boxe that vttered these Iambicks, for it prognosticated as it see­med vnto vs diuision to rise among the people, and depriuation of him that was ringleader of the whole mischiefe. Cap. 34 in the Greeke. The councel of Ephesus. Anno Dom. 435. Shortly after the emperour gaue forth his commaūdement that the bishops out of all places should meete at Ephesus, where they came together, whither also Nestorius tooke his voyage immediatly after Easter holy dayes together with a greate multitude of people, where he found the bishops assembled▪ but Cyrillus bishop of Alexandria came thither in a while after, it was about VVhitsontide. The fift day after Pentecost Iuue [...]alis Bishop of Ierusalem was come. But while Iohn bishop of Antioch lingered by the way, the Bishops which were already come thither called the matter into controuersie. Cyrillus bishop of Alexandria to the ende he might molest Ne­storius (for he thought very ill of him) vsed certaine preambles of disputation. When many confir­med Nestoriꝰ de­nieth Christ [...]o be God. that Christ was God, Nestorius pleaded for him self: I verily (sayth he) will not call him god who grew to mans state by two moneths and three moneths and so forth, therfore I wash my han­des from your blood, and from henceforth I will no more come into your company. Immediatly after he had spoken this he went aside & ioyned him selfe with the Bishops which held with his o­pinion▪ so that the bishops then present were deuided into two parts▪ such as of the councell held w t Cyrillus, called Nestorius before them, he came not but answered that he would differr the hearing of his cause vntill the comming of Iohn bishop of Antioch. Wherfore Cyrillus together with the o­ther Bishops of the councell after they had read ouer the Sermons of Nestorius the which he had preached vnto the people and gathered out of them that in good earnest he had vttered open bla­sphemies against the sonne of God, deposed him of his bishoprick. This being done the Bishops which helde with Nestorius assembled together seuerally by them selues and deposed Cyrillus and Memnon Bishop of Ephesus. Shortly after Iohn Bishop of Antioch was come, who vnderstan­ding of all circumstances, blamed Cyrillus greatly, as the autor of all that sturre, and because that vpon a head, he had so soone deposed Nestorius. Cyrillus taking Iuuenalis on his side for to reuenge him of Iohn, deposed him also. When the contention grewe to be very trouble some, when also Ne­storius perceaued that the poysoned infection of discorde was scattered farre and nighe amonge the common [...]orte of people, he as it were recanting his folly called Marie, the mother of God, his wordes were these: Let Marie be called the mother of God, and I pray you conceaue no longer displeasure. But no man thought that he spake this and repented from the hart, there­fore as yet he dwelleth in Oasis, both deposed of his bishoprick and banished his contrey. Thus was the councell of Ephesus at that tyme broken vp, it was in the Consulship of Bassus and An­tiochus the eyght and twentyeth of Iune. Iohn Bishop of Antioch after his returne vnto his pro­per seae, called many Bishops together and deposed Cyrillus who nowe was gone to Alexan­dria. Shortly after for all that, they layde aside all spyte, grudge and enmitie, they became friendes and restored eche to other their bishoprickes againe. After the deposition of Nestorius, there rose a greate schisme in the Church of Constantinople, for the vayne and foolish doctrine of Nestorius parted the people asunder. All the Elergie with vniforme consent accursed him o­penly, for so we Christians doe call the sentence which we pronounce against the autor of blasphe­mie, whereby we minde to make it so manifest vnto the worlde as if it were ingrauen in a table, and nayled to an open post.

CAP. XXXIIII. Cap. 35. in the greeke.

How that after the deposition of Nestorius, Maximianus was chosen Bishop of Constantinople.

AT Constantinople there rose an other schisme about the election of a Bishop▪ for some Anno Dom. [...]35. would haue Philip (of whome I spake a litle before) some other would haue Proclus chosen bishop. Proclus verily had preuailed had not some of great autoritie bene his back friends: and signified playnly that the canon of the Church forbad any should be nominated Bishop of one city and translated to an other▪ the which saying being alleadged was of such force that the people were therewith appeased and satisfied. Wherfore three moneths after the deposition of Nestorius, Maximianus was chosen Bishop, a man he was which led a monasticall life, by degree a Priest, one that of late had purchased vnto himselfe a good name and was thought to be a godly man, because he had buylded vpon his owne costes and charges the sepulchres and tumbes where [Page 397] godly men shoulde be interred▪ he was a man altogether vnlearned, who determined with him self to leade a quiet life void of all care and molestation.

CAP. XXXV. Cap. 36. in the Greeke.

Socrates proueth that it is not forbid but that there may be a translation of Bi­shops from one seae to an other.

INsomuch that some by reason of the Ecclesiasticall Canon which they allendged for them sel­ues haue inhibited Proclus intitled Bishop of Cyzicum from being placed in the Bishops [...]eae of Constantinople, I thought good presently to say somewhat thereof▪ such as tooke vpon them to iustifie that saying, in myne opinion did not reporte the trueth: but eyther of enuie against Pro­clus forged such a decree or of wilfull ignorance considered not then of the canons and other con­stitutions oftentimes established for the profitt and commoditie of the Church of God▪ for Eusebi­us Pamphilus in the sixt booke of his Ecclesiasticall history reporteth that one Alexander Bishop of some citie in Cappadocia, taking his voyage towards Ierusalem, was of the citizens of Ierusa­lem caused to tary and stalled Bishop in the rowme of Narcissus, where he continewed vnto the ende of his life. It was an indifferent matter of olde time among the auncient fathers as oft as the Ecclesiasticall affayres so constrayned to translate bishops from one seae vnto an other. If it be a­ny thing auaileable to annect the canon decreed in this behalfe vnto this our present history, let vs see howe shamelesse these men were who therefore thrust Proclus besides the bishopricke of Con­stantinople, and how vntruely they reported of the canon, for it is read as followeth. If any Bishop A canon of the Church. be assigned to gouerne any Church whatsoeuer, & goeth not thither, the fault being not in him selfe but either that the people repelled him, or some other necessary cause doe staye him: vnto him be it lawfull to enioy the honour & the priestly function, so that he be not troublesome vn­to the Church whereof he is appointed Bishop, but approue whatsoeuer the prouinciall coun­cell shall determine of the matter called in controuersie. These be the wordes of the Canon. But that it may appeare more euidently that many Bishops were translated from one citye vnto an o­ther vpon necessary and vrgent causes, I wil here lay downe the names of such as were remoued. Perigenes being chosen bishop of Patras in Achaia and refused by the citizens of that place, was by Perigenes. the commaundement of the Bishop of Rome placed in the Metropolitane seae of Corinth to suc­ceede Gregorie Nazianzene. the late deseased, where he continewed all the rest of his life. Gregorie Nazianzene was first bishop of Sasimum a city in Cappadocia, next of Nazianzum, afterwards of Constantinople, last of all he went back againe to Nazianzum. Meletius was chosen Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, Meletius. Dositheus. Berentius. but afterwardes remoued to Antioch. Dositheus Bishop of Seleucia was by Alexander Bishop of Antioch, translated vnto Tarsus in Cilicia. Berentius Bishop of Arcae in Phaenicia was brought thence into Tyrus. Iohn was sent from Gordus a city of Lydia to gouerne the bishoprick of Proco­nesus. Iohn. Palladius. Alexander. Theophilus. Polycarpus. Hierophilus. Optimus. Siluanus. Palladius was translated from Helenopolis to Aspunis: Alexander from Helenopolis vnto Adrian: Theophilus from Apamea in Asia to Eudoxopolis, which of old was called Salabria: Po­lycarpus from Sexantapristae a city in Mysia, vnto Nicopolis in Thracia: Hiero [...] hilus from Trape­zupolis in Phrygia vnto Plotinopolis in Thracia: Optimus from Andagamia in Phrygia, vnto Antioch in Pisidia: and Siluanus bishop of Philippopolis in Thracia was translated vnto Troas. but these many shall suffice in steede of many others who were translated from their proper seaes vnto other bishopricks.

CAP. XXXVI. Cap. 37. in the Greeke.

Of Siluanus who being Bishop of Philippopolis was remoued to Troas.

NOwe I thinke it not amisse to write a fewe lynes of Siluanus whome we sayd a litle before to haue bene translated from the bishoprick of Philippopolis in Thracia vnto Troas. This Siluanus first studied Rhetorick in the schoole of Troilus the Sophist: who though he was an earnest embracer of Christian religion and exercised the monasticall trade of liuing, yet wore he still the philosophicall habit. In processe of tyme Atticus the Bishop sent for him and made him Bishop of Philippopolis. who hauing continewed in Thracia the space of three yeares when he coulde no longer away with the pinching colde of that contrey (for he had a thinne and a weake bodye) he requested Atticus to substitute an other Bishop in his rowme, protestinge that he left Thracia for no other cause but onely to auoyde the extreame colde. Siluanus then hauing procured [Page 398] an other bishop to succeede him, remayned at Constantinople and exercised continewally the mo­nasticall trade and discipline▪ he was so farre from pride and hautines of stomack that often times in the thick assemblies and solemne meetings of the citizens he wore scandals and bus kin [...] of twi­sted haye Shortly after the Bishop of Troas departed this life, and immediatly the people Troes came to Constantinople for to seeke a Bishop. Atticus muzing with him selfe whome he might prefere to the rowme, Siluanus by chaunce came by: as soone as Atticus espied him, he ceassed to bethinke him selfe and turned vnto Siluanus with these wordes: thou mayst no longer excuse thy selfe but of necessity thou must take vpon thee the gouernment of the Church, for in Troas there is no chilling colde, beholde God hath prouided for the infirmitie of thy body a delectable and plea­sant soyle, make no more adoe brother but in hast get thee to Troas. To be short Siluanus went thi­ther. Here I thinke very well to lay downe the miracle which he wrought. A greate ship or hulke (for the bredth thereof called plate) being fraighted and laden with great pillours & newely made vpon the shore or rode of Troas, could not be drawen from the land to take sea, no, for all the Pilote together with a greate multitude of men drewe her with cable ropes she woulde not moue. When they had the space of many dayes assaid what they could doe and nothing preuayled, they thought verily that some deuill helde the hulke from mouing. Wherefore they went vnto Siluanus the Bi­shop and request him to pray in that place, for so they hoped it woulde come to passe that the ship might be drawen into y sea▪ but he excused him self very modestly, sayd that he was a sinner, & told them that he could not helpe them, that it was the office of a iust man. But seeing they were so im­portunate vpon him that they woulde not be answered, he came to the shore, there he prayed vnto God, tooke the rope by the ende and bad the rest doe their endeuour. The ship being shaken with a litle violence was brought by a litle and a litle into the mayne seae. This miracle which Siluanus wrought allured many of that prouince to embrace with feruent zeale the christian faith. Siluanus also expressed no lesse in other acts and dealings of his the good motion of his godly mind. When he perceaued that the clergie respected nothing but gaine in deciding the controuersies of their clients, he suffered thence forth none of the clergie to be iudge, but tooke the supplications and re­quests of suters: appoynted one of the laytie whome for certainty he knewe to be a iust and a god­ly man: gaue him the hearing of their causes and so ended quietly all contentions and quarells▪ for the aforesayd causes Siluanus became renowmed and famous among all men. Thus farre of Sil­uanus, & though we may seeme herein to haue digressed, yet haue we remembred such things as may tende to the profitt & commoditie of the reader. But now let vs returne where we left. When Maximianus was chosen Bishop of Constantinople in the Consulship of Bassus and Antiochus, the church enioyed peace and quietnes.

CAP. XXXVII.

Of the Iewes in Crete how they were deceaued, and in the ende perceauing their folly, embraced the Christian faith.

ABout that time many Ievves inhabiting Crete, receaued the Christian faith being brought thereunto by such a calamitie as followeth. A certayne Iewe being a subtill knaue fayned himself to be Moses and said that he came downe from heauen for to leade the Ievves which inhabited that Isle through the seae into the firme and mayne lande: that he was the same who of olde did safe conduyte Israel through the redde seae. For the space of one whole yeare he did nothinge else but wander from one cytye to the other throughout the Isle, vsinge all meanes possible to perswade the Ievves which dwelled there to creditt him, and exhorting them to leaue all their wealthe and substance behynde them▪ for he promysed to brynge them through the seae drye footed into the lande of promise. When that he had bewytched them with suche vayne and deceatefull hope, they left their worke and trade of life: they sett nought by their wealthe and substance: and they gaue lycence to him that lysted for to possesse them. When the daye ap­poynted of the false Ievve for the voyage was come, he led them the waye, all the rest beganne to followe after together with women and children▪ he brought them to a certayne mountayne whiche laye as it were an elbowe into the seae warde and thence he bad them caste them selues in­to the seae. Wherefore such as firste came vnto the fall did so, wherof some were crushed tumbling downe the hyll, some other were drowned in the seae and dyed immediatly, it woulde haue cost many more theyr liues had not the prouydence of God prouyded better for them. For as God [Page 399] would there were nigh them many Christians whereof some were fishermen, and some other mar­chants, they drewe vp some which were almost choked vp with water & saued their liues who be­ing in this lamentable plight acknowledged their folly: they stayd others frō plunging thēselues in the waues of the seae, laying before their eyes y e death of the Iewes which leade them the daūce. They perceaued then the guyle, they blamed them selues for being so credulous, they went about to kill the counterfait Moses. But they could not catch him for he conueyed him selfe priuely from among thē. Whereupon diuerse men did coniecture that it was a deuell, which endeuored by borowing the shape of man to destroy y natiō, & vtterly to roote the Iewes from of the face of the earth. Wherefore y calamity schooled the Iewes which inhabited Crete, made thē for sake Iudaisme, and cleaue vnto the Christian faith.

CAP. XXXVIII. Ca. 39. in the Greeke.

Howe the Church of the Nouatians was set on fire.

SHortly after Paulus the Nouatian bishop although aforetime counted a very godly man, yet Anno Dom. 437. then specially it fel out y men conceaued a farre better opinion of his piety thē euer they did before. At Constātinople there happned such a fire y like whereof was not remebred before. For the greater parte of the citie was consumed to asses, the famous graynard, the market house called Achilleus were quite burned. Last of all the fire crept into the Nouatian church which ad­ioyned vnto the signe of the Storck. Wherefore Paulus as soone as he perceaued the churche to be in great daunger, fell prostrate before the Altare, referred vnto God in his prayer the preseruatiō of the church, neither ceassed he to inculcate as well the remembrance of the citie as of the church. God as it proued in the end gaue eare vnto his prayers. For all y e fire flashed into the church both by dore and by windowe, yet was there no harme done: nay though the buylding round about was on fire, though the church was inuironed w t burning flames by the power of God the church was preserued and ouercame the furie & rage of the fire. It was not quenched the space of two dayes & two night,s the citie burned all that while, In the end though many partes of the citie were vtterly come to nought, yet the church (as I sayde before) escaped that lamentable ouerthrowe. And that which was more to be wondred at, no signe of the smoke, no scorching of the flame, no parching of the heat could be seene vpon the timber, beames, or walls. This came to passe the seauenteenth of August in the fourteenth Consulship of Theodosius and the first of Maximus. The Nouatians since that time doe yearely keepe holyday the seauenteeneth of August in remembrance y their church was then miraculously preserued from fire, at what time they render vnto God harty thankes: all men doe reuerence that church for the miracle, and not only the Christians but also y e Ethniks doe honor it as an holy place. So farre of that.

CAP. XXXIX. Cap. 40. in the Greeke.

Howe that Proclus succeeded Maximianus in the Bishoprick of Constantinople.

WHen Maximianus had peaceably gouerned the church the space of two yeares and fiue moneths. He departed this life, in the Consulship of Areobindus & Asparis, the twelf of Aprill. It was the ember weeke next before Easter and on good fridaye. At what time Theodosius the Emperour plaid a very wise part. For lest that tumult & dissention should be raised againe in y e church, w tout any further delay, while as yet y e corps of Maximianus was aboue groūd he procured the bishops then present to stall Proclus in the Bishops seae. To this end the letters of Celestinus bishop of Rome were brought vnto Cyrill bishop of Alexandria, vnto Iohn bishop of An­tioch & vnto Ruffus bishop of Thessalonica, certifieng them that there was no cause to the contra­ry but that one either alredy nominated bishop of some certaine citie, or stalled in some proper sea might be translated vnto an other bishopricke. As soone as Proclus then tooke possession of the bi­shoprick, he solemnized the funerall of Maximianus and interred his corps.

CAP. XL.

Of Proclus Bishop of Constantinople and what kinde of man he was.

NOwe fit oportunity is offred to say somewhat of Proclus. This Proclus from his youth vp was a reader, he frequented the schooles and was a great student of Rhetoricke. When he came to mans estate he had great familiarity with Atticus, for he was his scribe. Atticus [Page 400] seeing his forewardnes in learning & good behauiour in life made him Deacon. But whē he was thought worthy the degree of a priest, Sisinius (as I sayd before) made him Bishop of Cyzicum. But these things were done a good while before. At that time as I saye he was chosen Bishoppe of Constantinople. A man he was of a maruelous good life, for being trained vp vnder Atticus he became an earnest follower of his vertuous steps. As for paciēt sufferāce he farr excelled Atticus. Euen as Atticus as time and place required could terrifie the heretickes: so he behaued him self tractable towardes all men & perswaded him selfe that it was farre easier for him by faire meanes to allure vnto the Churche then by force to compell them vnto the faythe. He determined to vexe no secte whatsoeuer: but reserued and restored vnto the Churche that renowmed vertue of meeke­nesse required in Clergie men. Wherein he imitated the Emperourē Theodosius. For euen as it pleased him not to execute the Emperiall sworde agaynste suche as committed haynous crimes and wrought treason: so Proclus made no accompt at all of suche as were of the contrary fayth and opinion.

CAP. XLI. C [...]p. 42. in the greeke.

Of the clemencie of Theodosius the Yonger.

THeodosius the Emperour did highely commende Proclus for the aforsayde vertues. For he counteruayled in pacience y holy pryests of God: he could not away w t persecutors, yea [...]o say the trueth he passed all the priestes of God in modesty and meekenes of spirite, euen as it is wrytten of Moses in the booke of Numbres: Moses was the mildest man vpon earth, so may it nowe be sayd of Theodosius that he is the mildest man in the world, for which cause God subdued Numb. 12. his enemies vnto him without slaughter & bloodshed, euen as the victory he got of Iohn the tyrant and the ouerthrowe of the Barbarians did manifestly declare vnto the worlde. For God bestowed such benefittes vpon this most holy Emperour as he did of olde vpon the righteous and vertuous liuers. Neyther truely doe I wryte these thinges in the waye of flattery, but I will heareafter de­clare vnto the world more plainely that they are as true as I reporte them.

CAP. XLII.

VVhat calamity befell vnto the Barbarians which ayded the tyrante and rebell Iohn.

AFter the desease of the tyrante, the Barbarians whome he had gathered together to wage battaill with the Romaynes purposed to ouer runne certaine dominions that were subiecte vnto the Empire of Rome. The Emperour hearing of this referred vnto the wisedome of God after his wonted guise the wholl matter, he gaue him selfe altogether vnto prayer and in the end obtayned his desire. It shall not be amisse presentely to laye downe the miserable endes of the Barbarians. First of all theyr captayne Rugas was slaine with a thunderbolt. Next there ensued a Rugas sl [...]ine with a thun­derbolt. Pethlence. [...]e from heauen. plague which dispatched the greater parte of his souldiers. Neither seemed this a sufficiente pu­nishment, but there came fire also from heauē & consumed many of them that remained, the which thing did greatly astonish y Barbariās, not so much because they presumed to take armour against y fierse & valiaunt Romaynes as when they saw y Romaynes asisted by the mightie arme & inuin­cible power of God. At that time Proclus the Bishop repeated some parcell of Ezechiels prophe­cy, expounded it in the Churche and applied it with singuler commendation to haue bene foreshe­wed of God and then to haue taken place to the welth of y Romayne Empire. The prophecy was as followeth: Thou sonne of man prophecy against Gog the prince of Rhos, Misoch & Thobel. [...]h▪ 38. I will visite him with pestilence and blood: I will cause stormy raine and halestones, fire and brimstone to fall vpon him and all his hostes, yea & vpon all that great people that is with him. Thus will I be magnified, thus will I be sanctified and knowen in the eyes of many nations and they shall knowe that I am the Lorde. For this sermon, Proclus (as I sayd before) was highely commended.

CAP. XLIII.

Howe the Emperour Ʋalentinianus the yonger maried Eudoxia the daughter of Theodosius.

[Page 401] THeodosius the Emperour besids sundry other graces for his singuler modesty and mildnesse had this one benefitte which followeth bestowed vpon him by the goodnesse of God. He had a daughter on his wife Eudocia, whose name was Eudoxia. Valentinianus the yonger his cosin whome he had made Emperour of the West partes of y world requested he might haue her to his wife: Theodosius the Emperour yelded vnto his request. And when as they deliberated with them selues and thought vpon a place that was situated iumpe in the midest betwene Rome and Constantinople where the mariadge mighte be solemnized and agreed that it shoulde be at Thessalonica: Valentinianus wrote vnto Theodosius requestinge him not to trouble him selfe any thing at all therein, that he would come to Constantinople. Wherefore after he had set all things in order in the West dominions he tooke his voyage towardes Constantinople for to be maried. When all the royall solemnitye was accomplished, in hast he returned together with his wife to­wardes Anno Dom. 440. the West. It was in the Consulship of Isidorus & Sinator. Thus had the affaires of Theo­sius happy and prosperous successes.

CAP. XLIIII.

How Proclus Byshop of Constantinople perswaded the Emperour to translate the Corps of Iohn Chrysostome out of exile and burie it in the Apostles Church.

SHortly after Proclus the bishop reconciled vnto the Church such as had deuided them selues because of Iohns deposition, and with his graue wisedome, and pollicy he remoued out of their mindes the offence and displeasure they had conceaued. But howe he brought that to passe I will now declare. When he had first perswaded the Emperour, he caused the corps of Iohn bnried at Comanum, to be translated to Constantinople fiue and thirty yeares after his deposition and solemnly with great pompe and reuerēce to be iuterred in the Apostles Church. By this meanes such as for the affection they bore vnto Iohn, raised priuate and seuerall conuenticles, were coopled vnto the congregatiō of the faithfull. This was done in the sixteenth Consulship of Theodosius the Emperour, the eight and twentieth of Ianuary. Yet I can not chuse but maruell greatly, what the occasion might be of so great a spite and hatred owed vnto Origen that was dead (for he was excō ­municated O [...]igen was excommuni­cated two hundred yeare [...] after his death. by Theophilus Bishoppe of Alexandria two hundred yeares after his desease) when as Iohn fiue and thirtye yeares after his departure was of Proclus receaued into the companye of the faythfull. But Proclus was a fayre conditioned man in respecte of Theophilus. Wise and di­screete men doe perceaue well inough howe these thinges bothe haue fallen out in times past and nowe also dayly doe come to passe.

CAP. XLV.

The death of Paulus the Nouatian Byshop and howe Marcianus was chosen to succeede him.

NOt long after they had interred the corps of Iohn in the Apostles church, Paulus the No­uatian departed this life, it was in the aforesayd Consulship y one & twentieth of Iuly. His hearse reconciled in maner vnto y church all the varieng sects & opinions. For all came to­gether to his buriall & brought his corps to y graue w t singinge of psalmes. He was the man that was greatly beloued throughout his life time for his sincere and vpright behauiour. And insomuch he did a worthye acte a litle before his departure I thoughte good to penne it in this our presente historie to the profitte of the studious reader in time to come. That he vsed his wonted dyete of the Monasticall discipline all the while he was sicke, without any chaunge or alteration thereof, that he ceassed not to praye continewallye I haue determined to runne ouer with silence, leaste while I linger aboute the recitall of these I maye seeme anye kinde of waye to deface the Acte of his bothe worthye (as I sayde) of memorye and the profitte of the Reader. It was as followeth. Paulus beinge ready to departe out of this life called the Priestes within this iurisdiction before him, and sayde thus vnto them: prouide you a Bishoppe while as yet there remayneth breath in my bodye lest after my departure the Churches be sette on tumultes and dissention. When they had answered, that the election of a Bishop was in no wise to be referred vnto them (for they sayd, one of vs is of this minde, an other of that mind, and therefore it is vnpossible we should agree vpō [Page 402] one man, but we would haue thee to name him whome thy pleasure is we shoulde chuse) after the hearing of their reason he replied▪ why then deliuer me this your promise in wryting, that you wil elect whome soeuer I shall nominate. When the bonde was made and subscribed vnto with theyr hands, first he lifted him selfe a litle out of his bed, nexte he wrote secretelye within the bonde vn­knowē vnto thē that were present the name of Marcianus who was a priest, and had bene trained vp vnder him in the Monasticall discipline, but then as it fell out was not presente. Laste of all he sealed it, he willed y chiefe priests to doe the same, he deliuered it vnto Marcus the Nouatiā bishop of Scythia who thēwas in the citie & sayd vnto him as followeth▪ If it please God that I may reco­ner and lengthen my dayes yet a while longer in this world, deliuer me this bond which I geue thee to keping, but if his pleasure so be that I must needes depart and finish the race of this frail & transitory life, thou shalt finde his name written in this bonde whome I haue nominated to be my successor in the bishoprick. These words were no sooner vttered but he gaue vp the Ghost. Three days after his departure out of this life the bond was opened in the presence of a great multitude, when they found that Marcianus was therein nominated, all with one consent lifted theyr voices & sayd he was a fit man for the function, and immediatly they sent to seeke him out. When they had happely met with him at Tiberiopolis a citie in Phrygia, they take him and bring him thence, in y e end he was placed in Paulus rowme y one and twentieth day of the aforesaid moneth. But of these things thus much shall suffice.

CAP. XLVI.

Howe Theodosius the Emperour sent Eudocia his wife to Ierusalem.

FRom that time forth Theodosius the Emperour beganne to offer praises and thankesgeuing for the benefits he receaued of God and to ex [...]oll w t diuine laudes the name of Christ. More­ouer he sente Eudocia the Empresse to Ierusalem, for he promised y she should performe this vowe if he might see his daughter maried. But she both at her going and at her returne bewtifled with sundry ornaments not onely the churches of Ierusalem, but also throughout all the cities of the Easte.

CAP. XLVII.

Of Thalassius Byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.

PRoclus about that time in the seauenteenth Consulship of Theodosius, tooke in hand a marue­lous enterprise suche a thinge as none of the bishops of old haue at any time brought about. After the desease of Filmus bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, the Caesareans came to Con­stantinople for a bishop. When Proclus mused with himselfe whome he should assigne to be theyr bishop, by chaunce on the sabbaoth day as he sought a fit mā for the rowme all the Senators came to the church for to see whome he woulde elect, of which number Thalassius was one, Liuetenant & gouernour of the nations and cities throughout Illyrium. Who as reporte goeth being commaū ­ded of the Emperour to gouerne certen contreyes of the East, was consecrated of Proclus, and in steede of a Liuetenant made bishop of Caesarea. And thus y Ecclesiasticall affayres of those times enioyed peace and tranquility. But here I will cut of and make an end of my history prayinge for the continewance of peace and prosperous estate of all churches vnder heauen, for the wealth of all people, for the cōcord and vnity of all cities and contreyes. For when peace preuayleth there is no matter for an historiographer to occupie his pēne. for most holy Theodorus which hast inioined me this taske, nowe at length performed in these seauē bookes of the Ecclesiasticall history: there would haue bene no matter ministred for my penne, if such as set theyr minds on seditiō & discorde had bene at peace and vnity among them selues. This seauenth booke contineweth the historye of two and thirty yeares, our wholl history being deuided into seauē bookes compriseth the compasse of one hundreth and forty yeares, begining at the first yeare of the two hundreth and first Olympiad when Constantine was proclaimed Emperour, & ending the second yeare of the three hundreth & Socrates en­deth his hi­ [...]tory Anno Dom. 440. fift Olympiade, being the seauenteenth Consulship of Theodosius the Emperour.

The ende of the seauenth booke of the Ecclesiasticall historie of Socrates Scholasticus.

The Translatour vnto the Reader.

HItherto (Christian reader) haue I translated Eusebius & Socrates, vvhich continevved their histories from the birth of Christ vnto the raigne of The­odosius Iunior. I vvould haue thee knovve that at one tyme vvith Socra­tes there vvrote tvvo other Grecians, Sozomenus and Theodoret, begin­ninge vvhere Socrates beganne, and endinge their histories vvith him at Theodosius Iunior. Their argument is one, to vvit: The Ecclesiasticall historie, their language one, they vvrote all in Greeke, their yeares one, for they florished the same tyme. Little difference there is betvvene them in substance, sauinge vvhere the one is longe the other short, vvhere the one is obscure, the other playne, vvhere the one is taedious, the other pleasaunt. To translate them all three, vvoulde not in my opinion be so profitable as payne­full, the volume both vvoulde be toe huge, and the reader soone vvearyed vvith the oft re­petition of one thinge. Cassiodorus the Senatour and compiler of the Tripartite historie, preuentinge this inconuenience, and seeyng that these three vvriters agreed in substance, deuised vvith him selfe hovve to ease the reader of so greate a labour, and hovve to rydde him from so taedious a studie. He made an Epitome or briefe collection of them all three, I meane Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoret, and called it the Tripartite historie. The creditt of the Epitome and collector doeth not counteruayle the authoritie of the author, Antiquitie vvith the trueth is to be preferred. Therefore in translating, I thought farre better thou shouldest see, not the authors to auoyde repetition and vvearisome reading, but the author him selfe, I meane Socrates alone, in steede of the tvvo other, vvhome I haue chosen as the soundest vvriter, the faithfullest historiographer, and the absolutest delyuerer of the historie in all poyntes vnto the posteritie. VVherefore if ought be vvell done, geue the prayse vnto God, lette the paynes be myne, and the profit the Readers.

THE ECCLESIASTICALL …

THE ECCLESIA­STICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS A NOBLE MAN OF ANTIOCH, AND ONE OF THE EMPEROVRS LIVETENANTS, COM­prised in six bookes, beginning where Socrates left, and ending a hundreth and seuentie yeares after: VVRITTEN in the Greeke tongue about nine hunderd yeares agoe, & translated by M. H.

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Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefriers. 1576.

TO THE RIGHT VVORSHIPFVL THE GODLY AND VERTVOVS GENTLE­MAN, CHRISTOPHER KENNE ESQVIER, INCREASE OF VVORSHIP, CONTINEVVANCE OF GODLIE zeale and health in Christ Iesu.

WHē I cal to memorie (right vvorshipful) the saying of the holy Apostle S. Paul, that God according vnto his vnsearcheable vvisedome chose not many vvise men according vnto the fleshe, not many mightie men, not many noble men to plant the principles of his Gospell amonge the nations vnder heauen: I can not chuse but honor studious nobilitie, and reuerence vertue vvhere I finde her for the rare­nesse thereof. hovve precious is a litle siluer amonge a great deale of drosse: one fruitfull tree in a vvide barren forest: one ruddye rose amonge manie pricking thornes: one pearle though founde in a puddle of mire: one tvvinkeling starre through manie thicke and my­stie cloudes: one Lotte in Sodome: one Helias in Israel: one Iob in Husse: one Tobi­as in Niniue: one Phoenix in Arabia: and one Euagrius a noble gentleman, imploying his trauell to the furtherance of the Ecclesiasticall affayres? Dionysius byshopp of Alexan­dria vvritinge a booke of repentaunce sent it to Conon byshopp of Hermopolis, vvho by repentaunce had renounced the idolatrie of pagans, and zealously cleaued to the Christian profession, as a fit reader of so vvorthy a theame: Origen vvriting of martyrs sent his trea­tise vnto Ambrose and Protoctetus ministers of Caesarea, such as had endured great af­fliction and grieuous crosses vnder Decius the emperour, vvhere they might haue a vievv of their valiant and inuincible courage: The philosophers of Alexandria & Aegypt, such as in those dayes excelled in prophane literature, vvrote great volumes of their profound skill, and sent them vnto the famous philosopher and Christian doctor Origen, the great clarke of Alexandria: Of mine ovvne part (right vvorshipfull) not attributing vnto my self, such excellency of vvit, & singularitie of giftes as raigned in the aforesaide vvriters, vvhen I had finished the translation of the former histories, I meane Eusebius and Socrates, & de­dicated them vvhere duety did binde me vnto the right honorable and my very good Lady, the Countesse of Lyncolne, I thought good to send this present translation of Euagrius vnto your vvorship, a noble Gentleman, vnto a vvorshipfull Esquier, a lieuetenant of Antioch, vnto the Shiriffe of Sommerset, a learned historiographer vnto on that is no lesse studious, of great fame vnto one that is of as good report, a furtherer of religion vnto a fauourer of such as professe the same. It is tolde me of trueth, nay I haue found my selfe sufficient triall of your curtesie and vertuous disposition. VVhen I trauelled novve tvvo yeares agoe at the re­quest of a deare friende and kinsman of mine in your countye of Sommerset, and savve the good vvill you bare vnto your neighbours and tenauntes, the entire loue and affection they ovved vnto you againe, I called to remembraunce the sayinge of Eberhardus Duke of VVittenberge in the Parlament helde at VVormes of all the princes of Germanie, in the time of Maximilian. Euerie of the nobylitie commended his ovvne cuntreye, the Princes of Saxonie praysed their myne pittes and quarries, their precious mettalls: the Dukes of Bauaria sette foorth the maiesticall buyldinge and portly Cyties vvythin their dominions: the Duke Palatine extolled the fertylitie of his soyle, the plentiful­nesse of his grape, and the pleasauntnesse of his vvyne: Duke Eberhardus holdinge [Page 404] his peace & harkning to the rest, vvas requested of Friderick Duke of Saxonie to say some­vvhat for his ovvne cuntrey. I knovve not (saith he) vvhat commendation I shoulde geue my cuntrey, but sure I am of this one thinge, that I may safely lay my heade and sleepe in the lappe of any subiect vvithin my dominions, by day or by night, at home or abroade. as muche to say he gouerned his cuntrey so vertuously that the commonalty vvould liue and die vvith him, the vvhich sying of his by the censure and opinion of all the princes deserued the grea­test prayse. If I may speake vnfainedly vvhat I thought, I tooke his case to be yours, the iudg­ment he gaue of his dominions to be the report you giue of your cuntrey, and novve I thinke the godly rule of his people thē, to be presently the politick gouernment of your shiriffvvike, you remember I am sure (naye I see it in you my selfe) hovve the painter setteth forth the portracture of the emperours of Germanie, holding a booke in the right hand & a svvord in the left. the booke betokeneth knovvledge of the lavve, the svvorde execution of iu­stice. many there are novve a dayes vvhich sue for suche offices, in mine opinion they are not the fittest men, they respect not the afore saide conditions but their ovvne lucre and the making vp of their bags for that yeare. Iouianus refused the empire of the vvhole vvorld vvhen it vvas offred him: Ambrose vvoulde in no vvise be made byshoppe of Millaine: Eusebius could not be persvvaded to take the byshoprick of Antioch, Constantinus mag­nus vvrote of him that in so doing he vvas vvorthie to be byshop of the chiefest Churche vnder heauen: it vvas against your vvill that you tooke the office vpon you, I knovve it full vvell, therefore you deserue the greater prayse and commendation. Novve that you are in office hearken vvhat a learned Poët seeing his friende chosen magistrate, vvrote vnto him, it vvas in such sort as follovveth:

Da, capias, quaeras, plurima, pauca, nihil.

By interpretation, geue much: take litle: seeke nothing, he meant by extortion. Aristotle bad Alexander remember that gouernment vvas not insolencie, oppression and iniurie, but execution of iustice, helping vvith counsell and maintaining of right. Ernestus Duke of Luneburge vvas mindefull of his calling, vvhen he caused a burning candle to be stamped in his coyne vvith these letters in compasse. A. S. M. C. alijs seruiens meipsum contero. vvhile I serue other mens turnes, I vvast my selfe avvay. I presume that of your good na­ture you vvill take the premises in good part, considering they proceede of good vvill and frendly remembrance for the great curtesie I haue receaued. It is the part of a friende not onely to be thankefull for the benefits bestovved vpon him, and to commend ver­tuous disposition vvhere he findeth the same, but also exhorte his friende to goe on in vvell doing and vvish the continuance thereof. If that herein I haue discharged some part of my duetie, take it vvell in vvorth & accept it vvith as louing a minde as the Translator vvas vvillinge to take penne in hand to com­mende it vnto you vvith a preface. Farevvell from London the 4. of September. 1576.

Yours in the Lorde MEREDITH HANMER.

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLA­TOR VNTO THE READER, TOVTCHING EVAGRIVS AND HIS HISTORIE.

EVagrius a noble man of Antioch a learned writer and continewer of this Ecclesiasticall historie may not lightly be ouerskipped with out commending of his prayse and vertues to immortall memo­rie, and rehearsing of them to the encouragement of all studious nobilitie, to the profite of the louing reader, and the furtherance of christian profession. his honor was nothing impaired, his blood nothing blemished at all, in that he being a tēporall man acquain­ted him selfe with ecclesiasticall affaires. Sabellicus writeth that Bartolomevve the A­postle Sabellicus. came of a noble race, forsoke the brauery of courtiers, and became the follow­er of Christ. Peter: Dorotheus, and Gorgonius being pages vnto the Emperour Diocle­tian Euseb. eccle. hist lib. 8. cap. 6. in great creditte and of noble parentage bad court farewell, weyed litle their ho­nor, made lesse accompt of the Emperour, forsoke their owne liues rather then they Euseb. ec. hist lib. 8. cap. 11. Euseb. eccle. hist. lib. 8. cap 11. woulde forsweare Christ. The treasurer together with the lieuetenant of a certaine towne in Phrygia, chose rather for the trueth in Christ, with fire to be consumed to ashes, then here to enioy all worldly treasure. Audactus a noble man of Italie, prefer­red the garland of martyrdome before all the glorie and pompe of this transitorie Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 5. Euseb. eccle. hist. lib. 7. cap 15. Socrat eccle. hist. lib. 3. cap 11. 1. Cor. 1. life. A noble man of Nicomedia rent in pieces a wicked proclamation in the face of all the foure Emperours. Astyrius a Senator of Rome, thought it no staining of his honor, to take vp on his shoulders the deade bodie of a blessed martyr, and prouide for it a funeral. Iouianus, Valentinianus and Valens, noble men and afterwards Emperours one after the other, threwe away their sword girdles, left their offices, departed the court of Iulian the Apostata, rather then they woulde deny Christ. Yet S. Paule saith that not many wise men according vnto the fleshe: not manie mightie, not manie noble men are called. true it is in respect of a greater number of the contrary, or rather we may say that these were not fleshly minded, their disposition was not carnall, their wisedome was not worldly. how great a comfort is it vnto christian profession when princes be­come fosterers, when Queenes become nurces, and noble men become fauourers of the christian faith? In some countries we see that noble men most of all spend their time in studie and learning. It is not decent in some countries for the pesants sonne, the farmour, the frankline, or howsoeuer ye terme him to forget his fathers rusticall toile, & forthwith addict him self to the gentlemans trade. The Pope most common­ly calleth noble men to his colledge of Cardinals, Dukes and Earles yongest sonnes, he vsed to make Cardinals sometimes in their cradles. Bishops and Archbishops in many countreis descende of noble houses. Osorius Bishops of Lusitania in Portingall writing against M. Haddon, sticked not to giue vs an inklinge of his parentage. Ney­ther doe I mislike with this in the churche of Rome, sicaetera essent paria, for I reade Socrat. eccle. hist. lib. 5. cap 8. that Nectarius a noble man by office praetor of Constantinople, was chosen to be by­shop of that seae, of a hundred and fiftie byshops which then assembled together at [Page 460] Constantinople, partly for that, and partly for other things. Ambrose also lieuetenant of a prouice was made byshop of Millayne. Chrisostō byshop of Constantinople descended Socrat. eccle. hist. lib. 5. cap. 8. Socrat. lib. 4 cap. 25. lib. 6. cap. 3. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 47. Euagri. lib. 6. cap. vlt. of the senators of Antioch. Thalassius Senator of Constantinople, lieuetenant of Illyrium was made byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. I see that Euagrius vvho in the time of Ti­berius Constantinus was Quaestor, and in the time of Mauricius Tiberius was maister of the rolles, together with diuers others occupied themselues about Ecclesiasticall affaires, but I highly commend such as shewe forth tokens of their nobilitie by studie of vertue, politicke gouernement of their countrey, noble prowesse, valiauntnesse of courage, maintenance of the trueth, and furtheraunce of the Gospell. some thinke it is inough for them to bayte at the vniuersitie, there steale a degree and forth with be counted gentlemen: or to be in commons in one of the Innes of court, where there are many wise, zealous, and learned gentlemen: or to get into some noble mans ser­uice, and by vertue of the cognizance to be called a maister: or to purchase for a piece of money a coate armour: or to begge a farme, and by vertue of the valuation in the queenes bookes to become a gentleman. Euery one thinkes not I am sure, that these sorts of men are to be numbred among the auncient & noble houses, though in processe of time antiquitie seeme topreuaile very muche with suche kinde of men, long possession is a great matter in lawe and an olde deede though it be forged will further the matter very much. The Arcadians called them selues [...] a proge­ny Arcadians. farre more auncient then the Moone. of them Ouid writeth thus.

Ere Moone vvas set in skies aboue (if fame doe them not faile)
Ouid.
The soile vvas calld of Arcas highe vvhose creditt must auaile.

But they contended for Antiquitie with the AEgyptians and to try out the trueth, Psammitichus King of AEgypt did as followeth. he shut vp in a certaine close lodging Suidas. Aegyptians. farre from cities and company of people, two newly borne babes, some say with nur­ces (charged not to speake a worde) some say amonge goates, and that for the space of three whole yeares, at the three years end to see what language the children would speake, he caused one of his familiars sodainely to goe in among the children whiche did so and tooke one of the children by the hand which saide vnto him, Becos, that is in the Phrygian tongue bread, the king hearing this confessed him selfe ouercome, and yelded vnto his aduersaries for antiquitie. thenceforth were they called [...] but Ioh. Goropi­us medic. An twerpiens. Suidas thinketh that the childrē being acquainted with the bleting of goats cried beck and so that it was nothing else but a iest and a deluding of the king. Yet Iohn Goropi­us a phisicion of Antvverpe, taketh the matter in earnest to thende he might currie fa­uour with the Germanes, he faith that the Grecians were herin fouly deceaued, & that beck or weck in the Germane tongue, signifieth bread: the AEgyptians being foyled turne them vnto the Scythians and of them likewise they were ouercome. here is much Scythians. Ethiopians. Brittaines. a do & all for gentry. The AEthiopians alleage reasons for themselues, and they must be heard. the Brittaines can tell you they come from Troy, and thence they can bring you the straighte way to Adam, nexte to God, and then a full point. Poggius writeth that a noble man of Fraunce espied on an Italian soldiers bucklar the oxe heade in­grauen, Poggius. stomaked him therefore, tolde him it vvas his cognizance, that his house was farre more auncient and to the ende all quarells might be ended, chalenged him to the fielde. the Italian made litle adoe, tolde him he woulde meete him. on the daye appointed the noble man came with a great troupe. the souldier likewise mette and ioyninge together he asked of him whye his noble bloode vvas so muche out of temper: VVhen that the noble man aunsvvered that his auncetors had euer geuen [Page 407] the oxes head, and that he and his vvould thenceforth giue it or else knovv a cause to the contrary. why an please you syr (saith the soldier) this is no oxe head, it is the head of a cowe. It was about gentrie betweene Phaëton and Epaphus that moued Phaëton, as Phaëton. Epaphus. the Poëts faine, to craue license for one day to sitte in the chariot of Sol. for when he minded to roote out the posteritie of his aduersarie, almost he set the whole world on fire. Maximinus the emperour borne in a pelting village of Thracia, & misliking with Maximinus. him selfe therfore, slew as many as knew his pedegree and had seene the raggs of his parents. Herode burned the Genealogies of the Iewes that he might affirme him self as Herode. wel as they to haue descēded of a noble race. Themistocles a bastard borne, for to cloke Themisto­cles. his birth & to remoue the il opinion conceaued that way, entised the yong nobility of Athens to frequent Cynosarges a schole without the city where bastards did onely fre­quent. many shifts are made, Iacke would be a gentleman if he could speake frenche. Amasis king of AEgypt being basely borne, made his image of gold, set it vp to be wor­shipped Amasis. Smerdes. that the people might reuerence him the more. Smerdes a sorcerer because he was in person like Smerdes the brother of Cambyses King of the Assyrians (whose death Cambyses procured fearinge he woulde aspire vnto the kingdome) made the worlde beleeue he was the man in deede, ouercame Cambyses and was crowned King, but his wife and bedfellow with clipping and other wonted familiarity, felt his head, found that Smerdes had no eares, reuealed it abrode, and so was he betrayd and depo­sed his kingdome. Prompalus fained himselfe to be the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes. A Prompalus. certaine AEgyptian the sonne of Protarchus the marchant called him selfe the sonne of An Aegypti­an. Alexander Zebenna, and the adopted sonne of Antiochus, wept bitterly at the funerall of Antiochus as if he had bene his owne father. Archelaus made the worlde beleeue that he was the sonne of Mithridates. when Perseus the last king of the Macedonians had ended this lyfe, Andristus a cuntrey fellow woulde needes perswade men that he Andristus. Equitius. was his sonne. Equitius affirmed that without all doubt he was the sonne of Tiberius Gracchus. Citharaedus endeuored to perswade the Romanes that Nero had not dispatch­ed Citha [...]oedus. him self but that he was Nero. many of the aforsaid cloked their gentry, fained thē selues noble mē, conquered kingdoms, deluded the world, & in the end deceaued thē selues. Iulius Caesar espied a rude & an homely mā, aspiring vnto the kingdome of Cap­padocia, he resēbled very much the fauour of Ariarathes whom al the vvorld knevv to A counter­fet Ariara­thes. haue bene dispatched by Marcus Antonius, this counterfet Ariarathes had vvon al the cuntreis, the crovvne vvas going to his head, but ere the crovvne came Iulius Caesar tooke his head frō of his shoulders. so dealt Augustus the Emperour vvith such as had A fained A­lexander. proclaimed a yong man to be king of the Iewes after the desease of Herod, because he resembled his sonne Alexander vvhome in his life time he had put to death. When Henry the fourth had taken Richard the second that vvas king of England, and impriso­ned A priest set vp for a king him, the Earle of Salisbury vncle of the mother side vnto king Richard either to re­deeme the prisoner or to reuenge him of the king or peraduenture both, sette vp a priest in princely atyre, one of king Richardes Musicians, resemblinge his person ve­rie muche, and blazed that the Kinge had broken prisone and vvas gone: the peo­ple hearinge of this ranne after the counterfeite Kinge, but Henry came vvith povv­er and made the priest he coulde signe no more. What vvill not al these shiftes auayle vs? can vve not face out the matter? vvil Abbey gentry helpe at al? no doubt antiquity Lycurgus Plutarche. must take place. vvil you he are what Lycurgus the lavvgiuer of the Lacedaemonians said somtime vpō like occasion vnto the bragging nobility of Lacedemon: ‘O noble citizens (saith he) the vaunte and glory vve make of Hercules the auncient race and progenie [Page 408] descending of his loines vvilauaile vs not a iote: vnlesse that with al care and industry vve practise in ou [...] liues such vertuous acts as made him famous and renowmed:’ and moreouer that we learne & exercise continually honest & noble behauiour. Agesilaus Agesilaus. king of the Lacedemoniās misliked very much with the behauiour of his nobility, whē he vttered these words vnto thē. ‘you see the force & strength of the host to be on the side of the Spartane soldier, & you your selues follow after as a shadow cōmonly goeth after the corporall substance. Theodorus Zuinger reporteth thus of the nobility of his Theod. Zuinger. cuntrey. They wil be coūted the best men, that take vpon thē to maintain & encrease the honor of their auncestors: they are the most sluggish sort of men, they giue them selues to hunting, to banqueting, to pouling & oppressing of the pore people, & they thinke that onely thing sufficient for their honor that they either through an other mans vertue, or through an other mans vice, attained vnto the name of nobilitie, or vnto auncient armes: that thence forth they may without controlement together with such like companions banquet day and night in their pauillions, haunt brothell houses and frequent places of beastly pleasure, & because they are scarse worthie the companie of men they consume the rest of their dayes in follovving after dogges. I except them euer and in all places, vvhiche liuely expresse in vertuous life, the noble fame, and great renowme of their auncestors.’ so farre Theodorus. But (God be praised for it) we are able to report farre better of England, that there are of the nobilitie, vali­ant men, vertuous, godly, studious, politicke, zealous, of auncient houses, and blood neuer stayned. There is hope the dayes shall neuer be seene vvhen the prophesie of Chaucer shall take place vvhere he sayth:

VVhen fayth fayleth in priestes savves,
Chaucer.
And Lordes hestes are holden for lavves,
And robberie is holden purchase,
And lecherie is holden solace.
Than shall the land of Albion
Be brought to great confusion.

And to the end our vvished desire may take effect, let vs hearken vvhat exhortati­on he geueth vnto the chiefe magistrate, his vvordes are these:

Prince desire to be honorable,
Cherishe thy folke and hate extortion,
Suffer nothing that may be reproueable,
To thine estate done in thy region.
Shevve forth the yarde of castigation.
Dreade God, doe lavve, loue trueth and vvorthinesse.
And vvedde thy folke ayen to stedfastnes.

Novve that my penne hath ouer rulde me, and runne so far vvith the race of mine autors nobilitie, I vvill returne vnto Euagrius againe, that vve may be the better ac­quainted with so singuler a man that hath ministred the occasion of so singuler a mat­ter. He studied a while at Apamea, for so he testifieth of him self in the time of the Em­perour Euagri. lib. 4. cap. 25. Iustinian about the yeare of our Lorde 565. he vvas so carefull ouer the studi­ous reader, that he recited vnto him about the latter ende of his fift booke all the hi­stories both diuine and prophane, from the beginning of the vvorlde vnto his time. He vvas a great companion of Gregorie byshop of Antioche, he bare him companie to Constantinople, vvhen he vvent to cleare him self, he reporteth of himself that he vvas maryed in Antioche, vvith great pompe and royall solemnitie, vvhen the great earth­quake [Page 409] the night follovving, shooke the vvhole citie. His state and condition I doe ga­ther vvhere he writeth of the pestilent & contagious disease which raigned through­out the vvorlde, the space of two and fiftie yeares: the vvords he vvrote are these: ‘The Euagrius. lib. 4 cap. 28. greatest mortalitie of all fell vpon mankinde the second yeare of the reuolution vvhich comprised the terme of fiftene yeares, so that I my selfe vvhich vvrite this hi­storie vvas then troubled vvith an impostume, or svvellinge about the priuie mem­bers, or secrete partes of the bodye: moreouer in processe of time, vvhen this sicknes vvaxed hot, and dispatched diuersly and sundry kinds of wayes it fell out to my great griefe and sorowe that God tooke from me many of my children, my wife also with diuers of my kinsfolkes, whereof some dwelled in the citie and some in the cuntrey. such were my aduentures, and such were the calamities which the course of those la­mentable times distributed vnto me. When I wrote this, I was eight and fiftie yeare olde, two yeares before, this sicknesse had bene foure times in Antioche, and when as at length the fourth reuolution and compasse was past, besides my aforesaide chil­dren God tooke away from me a daughter and a nephewe of mine. The iudgement Nicephor. eccl. hist. lib. 1 cap. 1. that Nicephorus geueth of his historie is in this sort: Euagrius a noble man wrote his Ecclesiasticall history the which he continwed vnto the raygne of Iustinus, handling especially prophane matters. the substance whereof he gathered out of Eustathius the Syrian, Sozimus, Priscus, Iohannes, Procopius of Coesarea, and Agathus, all which were famous orators of that time▪ and out of sundrie other good autors: but the autor re­uealeth him selfe in the plainest sort where he endeth his historie writing in this sort. Here doe I minde to cut of and make an ende of writinge, that is the twelfe yere of Euagri. lib. 6. cap. 23. Mauricius Tiberius the emperour leauing such things as followe, for them that are disposed to pennethem for the posteritie in time to come. I haue finished an other worke, comprising relations, epistles, decrees, orations, disputations with sundrie o­ther matters. The relations for the most part are in the person of Gregorie byshop of Antioche, for the which I was preferred vnto two honorable offices. Tiberius Constan­tinus made me Quaestor, Mauricius Tiberius made me maister of the Rolles, where the noble men, and magistrates were registred.’ The autor endeth his historie about the yeare of our Lord 595. wanting onely fiue yeares of sixe hundred. There are ma­ny odde thinges in this historie whereby the reader may note the chaunge and di­uersitie of times how abuses creepe in by a litle and a litle▪ who so euer he be that is so disposed to settle his minde and rest vpon the plaine trueth by perusing of these histo­ries, he may haue great furtherance. In Eusebius he may behold the estate of the primi­tiue Eusebius. church from the Apostles vnto his time three hundred & odd years. In Socrates Socrates. although it follow immediatly, he shal find great chaunge, his historie is of a hundred and forty years after, but in Euagrius being but a hundred & forty yeares after him ye Euagius. shall see farre greater alteration. Lastof all if ye weye the thinges which happened since the sixte hundred yeares after Christe, then as it is written, Qui legit intelligat, Math. 24. then came in the Pope, then came in the Turke, and then came in the deuell for alto­gether. For after the raygne of this Mauricius came in Phocas to be Emperour which first graunted vnto the byshoppe of Rome to be called vniuersall byshoppe. This Phocas murthered the Emperour Mauricius, obtayned the Empire through treason, a fitte man to be founder of so worthie an acte. Note I beseeche you howe that in his time God seemed vtterly to withdrawe his blessing: Fraunce, Spaine, Germanie, Lum­bardie, and the greatest part of the east fell from the Empire for euer, such a wrecke to the state as neuer had bene sene before. Not onely this but there ensued in the tempo­raltie [Page 410] no feare of God, no shame of the worlde, no loue towardes the brethren, no care of the Churche, no consideration of cleargie men: in the spiritualtie, pryde of prelates, pampering of their panches, fleshly pleasure, they turned deuotion into superstition, fayth into fained workes, plaine dealing into hypocrisie, careful zeale into carelesse securitie, in stead of the Bible, they brought into the Church legendes of lyes, in steade of the true and pure seruice of God, they brought in peeuishe and pelting ceremonies, where­fore the season requireth that we watche and pray and continewally wayte for the Lords com­minge. All is nowe in the ex­treme: Nullum violen­tum perpetuum.

T. V.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE ECCLE­SIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRI­VS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

The proëme of Euagrius to his historie.

EVsebius syrnamed Pamphilus, a man without all peraduenture as in other thinges profounde so in penninge excellent, is of such efficacie in his works, y although he can not make the readers perfect christians, yet can he so draw them by perswasion that with prompt and willing mindes they will embrace the Christian fayth. Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomenus, & Theodoret haue written most exquisitly of the incarnation of our most louing sauiour, of his ascention into the heauens, of the famous acts of the Apostles, of the combats and per­secutions of y holy martyrs, & what other thing so euer was thought worthy the noting, or otherwise vnto some part of Theodosius iunior his raigne: In so much therefore such thinges as ensued after seeme nothing inferior vnto the rest, and haue bene hitherto recorded in no perfect order, although also I my selfe seeme vnfitt by reason of my smale habilitie to take so great an enterprise in hand, yet I take it to be my duetie to imploy what labour and industrie lieth in me for the compyling of this worke, and to put my whole trust and confidence in him which indued the fishermen with heauenly wisedome, and filed the rough tongue for readie deliuerie and soundinge of euery syllable, to thend I may reuiue the famous actes which nowe doe slumber in the duste of forgetfulnesse, so sturre them with my penne and print them to immortall memory, that not onely euerie man may know what hath happened vntill this our age, when, where, in what sort, against whome, by what men, but also that no worthie act through rechelesse securitie, and languishinge slouthfulnesse the sister of obliuion, be cleane put out of remembrance. Wherefore by the helpe of almightie God there will I beginne to write where the aforesaide writers made an end of their histories, when the outragious crueltie of Iulian had sucked his fill of the blessed sainctes and martyres blood, when the mad furie of Arius false and counterfeit doctrine was bridled with the sounde canons of the Nicene councell, when both Eunomius and Macedonius were sore pricked at Bosphorus with the power of the holy Ghoste and vtterly foyled at the famous Cytye of Constantinople, when the holy Churche had purged her of her filthe and infection the whiche she lately receiued and now recouered her former glorie, being as it were all layde ouer with gli­stering golde, and gorgeously araid for her louer and bridegrome: Satan the sworne aduersarie to all godlinesse, because he could not away with these graces and benefites bestowed from aboue, raised against vs a straunge battaile contrarie to the course of nature. And when he sawe the ido­latrie of pagans was trode in the puddle of contempt, & that the seruile and abiect opinion of Arius was quite banished the Churche, although he staggered and staide openly from oppugninge the christian faith, specially seeing it was confirmed and fortified by so many auncient and godly fa­thers (for in besieging and assaulting of it, his power was very muche diminished) secretly and by The polli [...] of Satan [...] reuiuing Iewish opon. stelth he wrought his feates, he deuised certaine obiections and resolutions and laboured to con­ueigh the errour after his newe founde inuention vnto the Iewishe superstition, forgetting like a wretche as he is, that in partaking with them he was lately foyled and ouerthrowen. Whereas a foretime he had one aduersarie, now craftely he seemed to reuerence and in maner to embrace the same: his deuise and endeuour was not to withdrawe the Church generally from the whole faith, but to see whether he might possibly corrupt one worde or syllable comprised therein. Wherefore being wrapped in his owne malice he craftely went about to alter, yea one letter which seemed to appertaine vnto the sense and vnderstanding of the sentence▪ but how in pronunciation he seuered the tongue from the trueth of the worde, so that the sounde and sense of the phrase might not ioint­ly laude God and extoll him with diuine prayses, moreouer into what issue neither of them did [Page 412] growe and what ende they enioyed I will declare when I come to entreate of them, I will also adde there vnto what other thing so euer may be thought worthie of memorie, though therein I may seeme to digresse, and there will I ceasse to write where God of his goodnesse will haue the historie ended.

CAP. II.

Howe Nestorius through the procurement of Anastasius his disciple called the blessed mother of God, not the mother of God but the mother of Christ, and therefore was counted an hereticke.

In so much that Nestorius (who called together against Christ a seconde councell with Caiphas, who builded a slaughterhouse of blasphemies where Christ a newe is both slaine and solde, who seuered and deuided a sunder his natures that hong on the crosse and had not as it is written no Iohn. 19. Mat. 27. [...] not one bone broken throughout all the members of his bodie, neither his vnseamed coate parted of such as put the Lorde to death) reiected the clause of the mother, or bearing of God, framed of the holy Ghost, by the meanes of many learned and godly fathers, set against it this saying the mother or bearing of Christ, leudly forged of his owne braine and filled the Churche of God with sedition, ciuill warres and cruell bloodshed: I thinke verily my penne can not wante mat­ter to paint and orderly to continue the historie, and so to proceede vnto the ende, if that first of all through the helpe of Christ the ayder of all men, I beginne with the blasphemie of Nestorius. the schisme which thē rose in the church had such a beginning as followeth. Anastasius a certain priest of a corrupt and peruerse opinion, an earnest maintainer of the Jewishe doctrine of Nestorius, and his companion in the voyage he tooke from Antioch to be byshop of Constantinople, whē he heard the leude reasons and conference which Nestorius had with Theodolus at Mopsouestia in Cicilia, he fell from the right fayth, and as Theodorus writeth of that matter in a certaine epistle, he pre­sumed in the open audience of the Church of Constantinople in the hearing of such people as serued God deuoutly to say these wordes: let no man call Marie, the mother of God, for Marie (saith The fonde eason of A­nastasius. he) was a woman, and it is vnpossible that God shoulde be borne of a woman. when the religious people misliked with his reasons and counted not without cause of his doctrine as of blasphemie: Nestorius the ringleader of his impietie not onely not forbad him, neither maintained the right o­pinion, but first of all confirmed his sayings to be true, and was very earnest in the defence of them. Wherefore after he had annexed and lincked thereunto his owne opinion, and the deuise of his owne braine, when he had powred into the Church of God the venome of his poysoned doctrine, The blasphe­rie of Ne­orius. he endeuoured to establish a farre more blasphemous sentence to his owne destruction. he said as followeth: I verily will not call him God who grewe to mans state by two monethes, three mo­neths and so forth, euen as Socrates Scholasticus and the former councell helde at Ephesus haue in­formed of him.

CAP. III.

VVhat Cyrill the great wrote vnto Nestorius the hereticke and of the third [...] councell of Ephesus, whereunto Iohn byshop of Antioch and Theodoritus came shorte.

CYrill byshop of Alexandria, a man of great fame and renowne confuted the leude opinion of Nestorius in seuerall letters, yet for al that, Nestorius stiffely withstood his confutation, yel­ded not one iote, neither vnto Cyrill, neither vnto Celestinus byshop of olde Rome, but vo­mited out the venome of his cankered stomacke vpon the Churche and made sute vnto Theodosius the younger who was Emperour of the East, that by his authoritie the first councell of Ephesus might be called together. Wherfore the Emperour wrote vnto Cyrill and to all y other ouerseers, and byshops of the Churches throughout euerie citie geuinge them to vnderstand that the day of The councel Ephesus [...]no Dom. [...]. Pentecost was prescribed for their assemblie, on which day the liuing and ghostly spirit descending from heauen shined among vs. but Nestorius by reason that Ephesus is not farre from Constantino­ple was there before them. Cyrill together with his company came thither also before the day ap­pointed. Iohn byshop of Antioch was absent with his prouince not of set purpose according vn­to [Page 413] their report which defend his doings, but because he coulde not in so short a space call together the byshops of his prouince, for many of their cities were distant from Antioch (of olde so called, but now Theopolis) vnto a swift and stoute goer twelue dayes iourney, vnto some others more, and Ephesus is from Antioch about thirtie dayes iourney. And when as Iohn aunswered plainely he was not able to meete them on the Sundaye appointed (for so was the day called) all his diocesse sturred not a foote from home.

CAP. IIII.

Howe Nestorius the hereticke was deposed by the councell of Ephesus in the absence of Iohn byshoppe of Antioch,

When the day appointed for their meeting and fifteene dayes ouer were expired, the by­shops which assembled at Ephesus thinking verily that the easterne byshops would not come, or if peraduenture they came it woulde be long ere they mette together, when as Cyrill also moderated the councell in steade of Celestinus who (as I said before) gouerned the seae of Rome, called Nestorius before them and willed him to aunswere vnto the crimes that were laid to his charge. And when as the first day he promised to come if the case so required, and being af­terwardes thrise cited to appeare, made light accompt of his promise, the byshops that were pre­sent called the matter into controuersie, and began to reason thereof. Wherefore after that Mem­non byshop of Ephesus had numbred the dayes that were past since the prescribed time, to wit, se­uenteene: after they had reade the epistles of the reuerende Cyrill vnto Nestorius, and suche as he wrote vnto Cyrill againe, together with the holy epistle of the renowmed Celestiniu sent in like sort vnto Nestorius: after that Theodotus byshop of Ancyra, and Acacius byshop of Melitina, had made relation of the blasphemous sentences whiche Nestorius bolted out at Ephesus: and after that many notable sayinges to the iustifying of the sincere fayth were vttered in that assembly of The sentence of the coun­cell of Ephe­sus pronoun­ced against Nestorius the heretick. holy and learned fathers interlacing sometimes the vnaduised and blasphemous phrases of Nesto­rius, the holy councell pronounced this sentence against Nestorius in maner as followeth: Omit­ting other hainous crimes of the reuerend Nestorius, in so much he was cited and would not ap­peare, neither entertaine the most holy and religious byshops which we had sent vnto him, vve were driuen of necessitie to sifte and examine his leude and wicked doctrine: And seeinge vve founde him to haue belieued impiously and to haue taught heretically, partly by perusing of his bookes and epistles, and partly also by the blasphemous sentences he vttered of late in this no­ble citie, we were moued both by the canons of the Church and the graue censure of the most holy father & our College Celestinus byshop of Rome (yet not without sheding of many teares) to pronounce against him this seuere and sharpe sentence. VVherefore our Lord Iesus Christ in derogation of whose maiesty Nestorius sticked not to pronounce such horrible blasphemie hath decreed and ordained by this sacred assembly that he shoulde both be deposed of his byshop­pricke and banished the companie of clergie men.

CAP. V.

Howe Iohn byshop of Antioch came fifteene dayes after and deposed Cyrill byshop of Alexandria of his byshopricke together with Memnon byshop of Ephesus: whome of the contrarie side the councell absolued remouing Iohn with his company and in the ende howe that Cyrill and Iohn by the meanes of the Em­perour Theodosius letters became friends and ratified the depriuation of Nestorius.

When they had pronounced the aforesaid most iust sentence, Iohn byshop of Antioch fiue dayes after the depriuation of Nestorius came to Ephesus together with the priests and Variance be­tweene Cy­rill b. of Ale­xandria, and Iohn b. of Antioch. byshops of his diocesse, called together his clergie and deposed both Cyrill and Memnon. Afterwardes when Cyrill and Memnon had exhibited supplications vnto the councell assembled with them (though Socrates peraduenture vnacquainted with the circumstance report it other­wise) Iohn was called of them to render an accompt why he deposed the byshops, and being cited thrise came not at all. Then Cyrill and Memnon were absolued, and Iohn with his clergie excom­municated [Page 414] and depriued of al priestly autoritie. but when Theodosius (who at the first misliked with the deposing of Nestorius, yet afterwardes vnderstanding fully of his blasphemous opinion con­sented thereunto) had sent his gracious and godly letters vnto Cyrill of Alexandria, and to Iohn of Antioch, they became friends and ratified the sentence pronounced against Nestorius.

CAP. VI.

The comming of Paulus byshop of Emisa into Alexandria and the commendation which Cyrill gaue vnto the epistle of Iohn.

ABout the same time when Paulus byshop of Emisa came to Alexandria, and pronounced in the Churche the sermon which at this day is extant in the worlde and beareth his name, Cyrill byshop of Alexandria, extolled the epistle which Iohn had sent vnto him and wrote The epistle of Cyrill b. of Alexan­dria vnto Iohn. b. of Antioch. back againe as followeth. Let the heauens reioyce, and let the earth be glad: the midwal of ran­kor is battered downe: the boylinge choler which bereaued the mindes of quietnes is purged from among vs, & al the occasiō of discord & discention is banished away: for our sauiour Iesus Christ graunted peace vnto the Churches vnder heauen, and the most vertuous and holy empe­rours haue perswaded yea and compelled vs thereunto: who by imitating with great zeale the godly steppes of their auncesters doe firmely retaine in their mindes the true and syncere fayth, prouiding with singuler care for the profite and furtherance of the holy Churche, so that thereby they purchase vnto them selues an immortall fame, and set forth the glorie of their im­periall scepter, whome the Lorde of hostes doth so liberally rewarde and so bountifully recom­pence with diuine graces and benefites, that they are wont not onely to foyle the enemies but all wayes to winne of them the renowmed garland of victorie. Neither is it possible that God shoulde lye, which saith: As truely as I liue, I doe glorifie them which glorifie me▪ but when the Lorde our brother, and most godly fellovve byshop Paulus came to Alexandria, I was vvon­derfull glad, for I coulde not otherwise chuse: because that he being a notable man became a meane, laboured in preaching beyond the reache of his strength, to thende he might ouercome the enuie of Satan, couple together in loue the loose and seuered members of the Churche, and reduce our Church in like sort with yours vnto peace and vnitie. Immediately after he wrote as followeth: Now I am fully perswaded that the quarrell which rose in the Church was fond, and beganne vpon light occasion, in so much my most vertuous Lord Paulus the byshopp brought letters vnto me, comprising a sound and syncere protestation of the faith, the which he auout­ched to haue bene written of your holinesse and of the most godly byshops whiche are of your prouince. The forme and phrases of Cyrills epistle were as is aforesayde, but toutching the clause which signified the mother of God, there was written as followeth. VVhen we had perused the godly sentences and clauses within contained, and perceaued plainely that you were of one minde and opinion with vs (for there is but one Lorde, one fayth, one baptisme) we rendered vnto God diuine prayses who is the conseruer of the whole worlde: and presently we conceaue exceeding ioye, seeing that as well your Churches as ours being driuen thereunto partly by the force and power of the holy scriptures, and partly also by tradition deliuered vnto vs of our most holy fathers doe embrace one faith and opinion. Who so euer will diligently sift out the true hi­stories of those times will easily attaine vnto the knowledge of the aforesaide.

CAP. VII.

Of many thinges whiche Nestorius reported in writing of him selfe: and howe in the ende his tongue whiche vttered blasphemie was eaten vp of wormes in the Isle Oasis, where he departed this life.

HOwe Nestorius was exiled, what afterwardes became of him, the manner of his ende and the punishments he endured for his blasphemous opiniō, are not laid downe in writing of such as deliuered his life vnto the worlde: all whiche in processe and continuance of time would quite haue bene forgotten and not once remembred had not I by meere chaunce lighted on a certen Pamphlet written by Nestorius him selfe, where the aforesaid are rehearsed at large. Wher­fore [Page 415] Nestorius the father of blasphemy builded not vpon the sure and setled fundation, but vpon the sand, which according vnto the parable of our sauiour is subiect to speedy ruine & ouerthrowe: be­sides Math. 7. sundry other his shifts wherby he laboured to defend his blasphemous sentēces, he wrote vn­to such as charged him with y e raising of rash & vnaduised nouelties, with his fonde request, for the summoning of y e coūcel at Ephesus, that he was driuen of necessity to do as he did, seing the church Nestorius the heretick excuseth his blasphemoꝰ opinion in these words. was deuided and y t the one side affirmed Mary was to be called the mother of man, y e other the mo­ther of God. I (said he) of my part do speake vnfainedly to thend I might not erre in either side, by affirming either that he was not mortall & subiect to death, or of the other side by saying he was not immortal, haue deuised that Mary should be called the mother of christ. furthermore in y e aforesaid pamphlet of his, first of all he declareth how Theodosius ratified not his depriuation be­cause of y e entire loue & affection he bare towards him: againe after y e certain byshops of either side were sent in Embassie frō Ephesus vnto Theodosius y e emperour (for so y e emperour had willed) y t he had licence giuen him to returne vnto his monastery being before y e gates of Antioch which now is called Theopolis, y e name whereof Nestorius hath not laid downe, yet as I learne it was called Eu­prepius monastery, & sure I am it stood before y e gates of Antioch not two furlongs of. Nestorius re­porteth y t he made there his abode y e terme of foure yeres, y t he was highly reuerēced, y t he recea­ued many presēts & afterwards y t by the cōmaundemēt of Theodosius he was banished thence into O­asis. but y e chiefest thing of all he quite ouerskipped. neither forsoke he his blasphemy for all he liued there so y t Iohn byshop of Antioch gaue of him this sentence in y e open face of the world: to wit, that Nestorius was to be banished for euer. moreouer Nestorius wrote subtely an other pamphlet vnto a certain Aegyptian where at large by occasion of his banishment into Oasis he discourseth of the a­foresaid matters. but y e plagues & punishments which lighted vpō him for y e blasphemy he had con­ceaued (seing there is nothing so secret but y e maiesty of god seeth it) we may easily gather out of y e letters which he wrote vnto y e gouernour of Thebais, for there we may see though he escaped y e hād of man yet y e vengeance of God ouertoke him, led him like a bondslaue & cast him into a lamentable plight▪ whē as he deserued far greater punishmēt being set at liberty of the people Blemmyes in Li­bya & Theodosius hauing ordained by his edicts he should returne, as he wādred frō on place into an other about y e furthest parts of Thebais, broising & beating him self to y e ground, he enioyed such an God from a­boue plagu­ed the here­tick Nesto­rius. end as was corespondēt to the life y t went before, & shewed him self at his end a secōd Arius, wher­by it is euident & knowen for certen vnto y e whole world what recōpence is set forth for such as bolt out horrible blasphemies to y e derogatiō of y e diuinity of Christ. for both Arius & Nestorius blasphe­med him alike, y e one affirming he was a creature, the other taking him for man. wheras Nestorius cōplaineth y t the acts of y e Ephesine councel were established not as right & reason required but after y e subtle & iniurious fetches of Cyrill who went about to work him mischief, I would gladly learne of him wherefore it came to passe seeing Theodosius loued him so intirely (as he said) y t he was con­strained to go frō one cuntrey to an other, without any cōpassion enioyned to endure such grieuous banishment & happened vpō so vnfortunate an end? Or what other thing was it thē y e diuine censure laid down by Cyrill together w t the priests of his assēbly, seing both of thē now are departed this lif, (& as it pleased an heathē philosopher to say: he is euer honored of al men w t hart & good wil where there is no iust cause to y e contrary) Nestorius is adiudged y e autor of blasphemy, & the sworne ene­my of god: but Cyrill is highly cōmended for one y t preached the word of god faithfully & for an ear­nest maintainer of y e true & sincere doctrine. but lest we be charged with forgery & faining of crimes let vs heare Nestorius him selfe who can instruct vs further herein. Goe to Nestorius let me heare Nestorius the heretick in his first e­pistle vnto the gouer­nour of Thebais. thee repeat some part of y e epistle which thou wrotest of late vnto y e gouernour of Thebais touching y e sacred canons of y e Ephesine coūcell. I was cōstrained (saith he ( by the emperours edict to depart into Oasis otherwise called Ibis. againe after a few lines he saith: whē the aforesaid Oasis was takē of the Barbarians & al destroied with fire, sword, & slaughter, of a sodain, the Barbarians pitied my case, why & wherefore I knowe not, & set me at libertie, charging me with dreadfull threats that with al spede I should get me out of that cuntrey. for they said the people Mazici after my departure were like imediatly to take the city. I came therfore into Thebais together with certen captiues whō the Barbariās brought in my cōpany, what their meaning was I could not learne▪ last of al such as came in my cōpany, got thē to their owne home, & I with spede wēt me to Pa­nopolis. I feared greatly lest any quarelled with me or pickt occasion to molest me, for that I was a captiue, or charged me that I was a fugitiue or otherwise howsoeuer (malicioꝰ mouths are ne­uer to seeke for sclaūders) to thend through fraud & deceit they might bring me into trouble & [Page 416] vexation wherefore I humbly request your honor that as the laws haue prouided, you haue care ouer my captiuity & that you suffer no prisoner & banished man to fal into the hands of wicked varlets: lest the posterity in time to come wil cry vengeaunce & soūd out this lamentable saying: better it is to be led captiue of Barbariās thē to flie for succour vnto the empire of Rome. Againe with solempne protestations he requested as followeth: my sute is that by your permission it may be lawful for me heare to make mine abode where I came frō Oasis, when the Barbarians set me at liberty that now at length I may enioy what God hath appointed for me. In the second epistle which Nestorius wrote vnto y aforesaid gouernour there was written as followeth. These letters Nestorius the hereticke epist. 2. vnto the gouer­nour of The­bais. which I write vnto your noble minde, if ye accept of them as a token of my loue & harty good will towards you, or as an admonition of a father sent vnto his sonne, I beseche you wey the cō ­tents therof, matter there is great store cōprised in as fewe words as possibly I could. Oasis other­wise called Ibis was lately ouerrūne & destroied by a great multitude of Nomades. & a litle after. which things being thus brought to passe your honor gaue cōmaundement, I wotnot what mo­ued you thereunto, that certen Barbarian soldiers should bring me frō Panopolis to Elephantina an Isle situated in the furthest part of Thebais, & thither was I violently haled of them after a la­mentable sort▪ but as I was ouercome with the long iourney, & now altogether weried, againe I heard frō you by word of mouth that I should returne to Panopolis. vvherefore being feeble and faint by reason of the great vexations vvhich befel vnto me in that vverisome & tedious voyage, my body being vvasted vvith sicknes & vveakned vvith age & gray heare, the flesh of my hands being shronke & the ribs broken in my sides I came the second time to Panopolis & there partly vvith misfortune & partly vvith the pains of the bruised vvoūds I vvas redy to yeld vp the ghost. After al this your lordship gaue forth a commaundement in vvriting, by vertue vvhereof I vvas faine to remoue from Panopolis vnto a certen cuntrey that bordered thereupon▪ but vvhilest that novv at length I hoped the edicts published against me vvould haue an end & vvaited the plea­sure of the most vertuous & puisant emperours touching my exile & misery, vnlooked for there ensued (I speake vnfainedly) a cruel cōmaundement that novv I should be banished the fourth time. Againe after a few lines. Be cōtent I beseche you vvith these circumstances: let it suffice for one body to haue endured such chaūge of banishment: cease novv I humbly request your honor frō iniurying me any longer, refer the sentence vvhich is to be giuen of me vnto the most puisant emperours, let me haue iustice, it appertaineth vnto thē to deale vvith me according vnto their pleasure, take these mine aduises as proceeding from a fatherly affection vnto you as my louing sonne. If you presently take the matter in dugin as you haue heretofore, go on a gods name, if reason can not bridle your rage. Thus doubted not Nestorius w t letters as with fist & foote to kick Nestoriꝰ the [...]rayling here­ticke had his tongue eaten [...]p [...] worms and so dyed. aswel against y emperours as their magistrates, & to reuile them all to nought: neither could he be brought to modest behauiour for all his woe & misery. his ende & departure out of this life, I lear­ned of a certē writer to haue bene as followeth, to wit: his tongue to haue bene eaten vp of worms, and so by the iust iudgement of God to haue passed from these bodely to ghostly, from these tempo­rall to eternall punishments.

CAP. VIII.

How Maximianus succeeded Nestorius in the seae of Constantinople, after him Proclus, and after Proclus, Flauianus.

WHen wicked Nestorius had departed this life, Maximianus succeeded him in the bysho­prick Nestorius, Maximianus. Proclus. Flauianus. of the famous citie of Constantinople, in whose dayes the Church of God enioyed peace and tranquility. After his deceasse Proclus gouerned the seae, who when he had runne the race of his mortall lyfe, left the rowme vnto Flanianus.

CAP. IX.

Of Eutyches the infortunate hereticke how he was deposed of Flauianus byshop of Constantinople and of the councell which assembled there and deposed him.

IN the dayes of Flauianus the poysoned heresie of Eutyches sprang vp whiche caused a prouinci­all prouincial [...]uncell hol [...] at Con­stantinople. councell to be summoned at Constantinople where Eusebius byshop of Dorylaeum being an elo­quent Rhetorician called for the records, and first of all conuinced the blasphemie of Nestorius. [Page 417] When Eutyches was sent for and come, he was founde in reasoninge to maintaine the aforesaide Eutyches the hereticke and his opinion condemned. error. for I confesse (saith he) that our Lorde consisted of two natures before the diuinitie was coopled with the humanitie, but after the vnitinge of them I affirme that he had but one nature. he sayd moreouer that the bodie of the Lord was not of the same substance with ours. Wherefore he was vnministred, yet at his humble sute vnto Theodosus (he reported that Flauianus had forged records against him) the first councell of Constantinople was called together of the borderinge by­shopps to sitte vpon that matter, where not onely the councell, but also diuers other byshopps sifted out the doinges of Flauianus. there the records beinge founde true were confirmed, and a se­conde councell summoned to meete at Ephesus.

CAP. X.

How by the meanes of Dioscorus byshop of Alexandria and Chrysaphius, it came to passe that a wicked councell was called together at Ephesus, where Eutyches the hereticke was restored to his former degree.

DIoscorus who succeded Cyrill in the byshopricke of Alexandria, was appointed moderator An hereticall councell held at Ephesus, ergo a coun­cell can and doth erre. of this councell, Chrysaphius gouernour of the pallace, had craftely brought this about to thende the hatred owed vnto Flauianus might be set on fire: thither also came Iuuenalis by­shop of Ierusalem, who some time gouerned the seae of Ephesus together with many priests of his traine. Domnus who succeeded Iohn in the Churche of Antioch met them, Iulius also the substitute of Leo byshop of olde Rome. besides these Flauianus was present together with his prouince. Theo­dosius commaunded Elpidius as followeth: such as in times past gaue sentence of Eutyches the most vertuous Abbot, good leaue haue they to be present at the councell, but let them be quiet, and their voyces suspended: my will is that they waite for the generall and common sentence of the most holy fathers, seeing that such things as were afore time decided by them are now called into con­trouersie. to be short, Dioscorus together with such byshops as were of his opinion in this councell restored Eutyches into his former dignitie as it appeareth more at large in the actes of the sayde councell. As for Flauianus & Eusebius byshop of Dorylaeum, they were deposed of their byshopricks: the same councell excommunitated also, and depriued Ibas byshop of Edessa, Daniel byshop of Car­ra, Irenaeus byshop of Tyrus and Aquilinus byshop of Biblus. They layde downe moreouer certaine decrees against Sophronius byshop of Constantinople: they remoued Theodoritus byshop of Cyre­stes and Domnus byshop of Antioch, of whom what became afterwards I doe not learne, and thus was the second councell of Ephesus broken vp.

CAP. XI.

The Apologie of Euagrius touching the varietie of opinions among the Christians, and of the ridiculous vanitie of the heathen godds.

I Would haue none of al the ethniks which dote ouer their idolatricall seruice to deride vs chri­stians because the latter byshops haue abrogated the sentence of their predecessors and seme al­wayes to add some thing vnto the forme of our faith. for we of our part though we sifte out with great care the long sufferance of God which may neither in worde be expressed, neither in deede be found out: yet are we so affectionated though we leane either to this side or to y side, y t we always honor it & extol it aboue al other things. Neither was there any one of al the heretickes among the christians that of set purpose at any time would vtter blasphemy & fal of his owne accord to reuile the maiesty of God, but rather perswaded him self in auoutching this or that opinion, that therein he was of a sounder doctrine then the fathers that went before him. As touching the ground & prin­ciples of Christian religion whiche alwayes ought vnuiolably be retained we are all of one opi­nion. for the godhead which we adore is the trinitie & the persons whom we so highly praise are in vnity: the word of God also was begotten before y fundations of the world were laid, & we beleeue that in these latter dayes he tooke flesh because of the fauour and compassion he had on the worke of his owne hand. If in case that any nouelty be founde out as touchinge other matters they come to passe freely of mans owne accorde seeing it pleaseth God so to dispose of thē and to graunt them li­berty to thinke as it pleaseth them best to the ende the holy, Catholicke, and Apostolicke Churche may reforme what is found amisse, determine of both sides, guyd vnto the true godlines, and direct her selfe according vnto the plaine character of sound and sincere doctrine. And therfore it was said of the Apostle: It must nedes be that heresies doe raigne among you, that they vvhich are perfect amonge you may be knovven. Herein verily we haue to wonder at the secret wisedome of God 1. Corin. II 2. Corin. 12 which sayth thus vnto S. Paule: My strength is made perfect in vveakenesse. For looke what the [Page 418] things be which deuide the members of the Churche of God, euen out of the same, sound doctrine is culled out, void of al reprehension, polished more curiously, & laid vp more safely: the Catholicke church encreaseth therby more & more euery day & is extolled in manner vnto y skies. But the eth­niks fauourers & fosterers of error which imploy no labour & industerie for y sifting out of y trueth in God, neyther to vnderstande of his care and prouidence ouer mankinde: these men I saye doe abolishe both their olde decrees and their newefounde constitutions, sometimes by inuentinge newe Gods one after the other, some other times by consecratinge for Gods their vayne im­maginations, and the fonde affections of their mindes attributinge vnto them the names of Gods, and to be short by fatheringe vpon the Gods the practisinge of suche thinges to thende their intemperate desires may escape vnpunished. And therefore truely it commeth to passe that he which is honored of them for their chiefe God the father, to witte, of God and man, beinge The wanton nesse of Iup­piter. This Phry­gian boye was G [...]ny­medes who Iuppiter made his cup bearer, in the bāquet which he made the gods. Nectar the drinke of the gods. transformed into the shape of an Egle snatched away through wantonnesse a Phrygian boye, de­liuered him a cuppe in rewarde of the filthie and haynous offence, lycensed him for loue sake to beginne vnto him, to thende eyther of them ioyntly with the Nectar might sucke shame and re­proche. The same God folded himselfe in other infinitt blemishes verye odious to the seeminge of the vulgar sort of people. for by takinge vpon him the forme of euerye vnreasonable creature, he became both male and female, and though his wombe bare no burthen, yet they saye he cau­sed by the acte of venerie that suche a thinge seemed to haue bene done by him contrarye to na­ture. Bacchus the sonne of Iuppiter was an Herma­phrodite. They saye that Bacchus was his sonne, and that he was also Androgynus both man and woman, a great sclaunder to both sexe, the ringleader of dronkennesse, quaffinge, surfettinge, vomitinge and all the mischiefe that ensueth thereof. Iuppiter thrust Satur­nus his fa­ther out of heauen. They report of this Aegiochus and thun­deringe Ioue an other haynous acte, that he murthered his father, whiche crime ought seuerely to be punished of all the nations vnder heauen. Saturnꝰ the sonne of Caellus (as the Poēts do fayne) fearinge lest his father shoulde get more children to inherite, cutte of his fathers pryuie members and cast them into the Sea, thereof rose a froth and of the froth Venus was borne. For Saturne whiche begate him to his owne destruction is saide, by him to haue bene thrust out of his kingdome. What shall I speake of the whoredome and leacherie that raigneth amonge the Gods where they appoint Ʋenus Cypria be­gotten in the shell of a fishe to be the chiefe autor thereof, whiche detesteth chastitie as an haynous and horrible offence, delighteth in all leacherous and beastly actes, and will be pacified with suche sacrifices. with whome when Mars had committed adulterie, and Vulcan her husband ta­kinge him in his snares, Mars and Ʋenus were brought forth doinge the deede to pastime and re­create the gods. Phalli and Ithyphalli vvere the pryuie members of men offered vp in honor of the god Bacchus. Who is it that wil not contemne with laughter their Phalli, Ithyphalli, Phallago­gia, the mishapen and deformed Priapus the sonne of Venus gotten in adulterie by Iuppiter, and honored vvith beastly sacrifice. Priapus, the god Pan was the sonne of Penelope the vvise of vlysses. for vvhen as after the battell of Troie she looked still for her husband to returne, many vvere suters vnto her and because she delayed them from daye to daye they all abused her and got vpon her Pan. other doe saye that Mercurie tooke the forme of an he goat, made Penelope in loue with him and got the god Pan Pan honored for his filthie member & the my­steries celebrated in In Eleusis there vvere sacrifices done in the honor of the goddesse Ceres so filthie that they may not be written. Eleusis, yet to be commended for this one thinge that the sunne beholdeth not their shamefull actes, for they are done in the night season. but leauinge these foule sacrifices and sacrificers, let vs returne where we lefte and painte forth vnto the posteritie that whiche re­maineth of Theodosus raigne.

CAP. XII.

Howe Theodosius the Emperour condemned the heresie of Nestorius.

THeodosius laide downe a godly decree which is founde in the Code of Iustinian the thirde law of the first title where he condemned Nestorius for euer, and pronounced him to be held for accursed, beinge moued thereunto no doubt by the instinct of the holy ghoste, for all that Cod. de sum. rinit. et sid. [...]ath. tit. 1. l. 3. [...]ncimus. Nestorius him selfe bragged that the Emperour bare him entire and singuler good will. For thus he writeth: VVe decree moreouer, that vvhosoeuer doe embrace the vvicked opinion of Nestorius and geue eare vnto his leude doctrine, if they be byshops that they be banished the ho­ly Churches: if lay persons that they be accursed. There are other lawes of his made in the be­halfe of our religion to be sene extant whiche plainely set forth his seruent minde and earnest zeale to the furtherance of the Christian faith.

CAP. XIII.

Of Symeon a religious man whiche lyued in a pillour.

[Page 419]IN those dayes there was of greate fame and renowne one Symeon, a godly man and muche Symeon an anchor. Domnus b. of Antioch. spoken of: he was the firste that taught to dwell in a pillour, and made therein his lodginge scarse two cubitts wyde. At that tyme Domnus was byshoppe of Antioch, who comminge vnto Symeon wondered at his mansion and trade of life, desired of him verye earnestly to vnder­stande the secrecie and mysteries thereof. They went both in together, consecrated the imma­culate bodye of Christ, and became partakers of the liuely communion. This Symeon being in the fleshe imitated in lyfe the trade of the Angellicall powers, withdrewe him selfe from worldly affayres, forced nature whiche of her selfe leaneth downewardes and followed after loftie thinges: beinge placed as it were in the middest betweene heauen and earth, he sought conference with God, he praysed him together with the Angels, he lifted the prayers of men vp from the earth vnto heauen, and offered them to God, he brought the goodnesse of God from heauen to earth, and made the worlde partaker thereof. his life is written by one whiche sawe him with his eyes, also by Theodoritus byshoppe of Cyres, who amonge other thinges omitted this one historie which I haue founde recorded amonge the inhabitaunts of the holye desert, and learned of them for cer­tayntie, when this Symeon who liued on earth as an Angell and in the fleshe muche lyke a citizen of the heauenly Ierusalem had begonne this trade of life both straunge and suche as the worlde was not before acquainted withall, the religious men of the desert sent a messenger vnto him for to demaunde of him what he meant by that newefounde and vnknowen kinde of lyfe, and where­fore he forsooke the wonted trade, the steppes and traces of the sainctes whiche went before and deuised to him selfe a forraine and vnknowen waye: they exhorte him moreouer by their messen­ger to come downe from his lodging and to followe the holy fathers which were his predecessors. They had moreouer commaunded their Legate that if he sawe him yelde and come downe, he The spirit of Symeon was tried by obe­dience. shoulde licence him to goe on still in his owne way (they perswaded them selues that his obedi­ence woulde declare whether God had guyded him to leade suche a life, and to take vpon him in this worlde so weightie a combatt for to chastise his carcasse) but if he stubburnely resisted, if he were frowarde and wilfull, not yeldinge with all speede vnto their counsell and aduise he shoulde pull him downe with a vengeance. When the messenger came to him, exhorted him as the fa­thers had willed, and sawe that immediatly he beganne to rise, yeldinge vnto their exhortation, he permitted him to proceede on and continewe as he beganne, sayinge vnto him as followeth: be of good cheare and behaue thy selfe manfully, thy mansion no doubt is ordayned of God. These thinges though other writers haue omitted them, yet haue I thought them worthie the penninge vnto the knowledge of the posteritie. The grace of God beinge resiant in the closset of his breste, was so feruent that he wrote freely vnto the Emperour Theodosius, who had made a lawe that the Iewes inhabitinge Antioch shoulde enioye againe suche synagogs as the Christians had taken from them, rebuking him sharply (for he feared only God who was his emperour) that The­odosius for to please the Christians called in his proclamations, deposed the magistrate which put in his head the restoringe of the synagogs, entreated this holy man and namely Erius the martyr to pray for him vnto God, & to make him partaker of his blessing. This Symeon leading so austere a life, continued his mortal race six and fiftie years. for he liued nine years in the monasterie where he was trained vp in the diuine precepts of vertuous life: in Mandria, (so was the place called) seuen and forty yeares: tenne of these he spent in a very narrowe rowme: seuen in straicter pil­lours, and thirtie yeares in a pillour of forty cubits. After his deceasse his holy corps was brought to Antioch in the raigne of Leo the Emperour and Martyrius byshop of Antioch, vnto that time Ardaburius captaine of the Easterne garison remained in Mandria, together with his power, keepinge the corps of holye Symeon leste the borderinge cities shoulde by force carie it away. Wherefore the holye corps of Symeon is brought to Antioch after the workinge of manye mi­racles by the way: the whiche Leo the Emperour afterwardes requested of the people of An­tioch, but the Antiochians of the other side made humble sute vnto the Emperour in suche sort as followeth: In so muche our citie is not inuironed vvith vvalles (the Emperours furious It is not a dead corps but the li­uing God that is protector of town and cuntrei [...] rage had ouerwhelmed them to the grounde) VVe haue transported hither (O Emperour) the holy corps of Symeon that it may be both vnto vs and to our citie in stede of a fortified wall Leo being thus intreated of thē yelded vnto their request, & graūted thē their sute▪ many parts of his car­casse were reserued vnto these our days, I my self saw his skul, at what time Gregorie a man of great renowne bishop of y church, and Philippicus required that the reliques of the saincts for the speedier [Page 420] expedition of his martial affaires in the East shoulde be sent vnto him. And that which was great­ly to be marueiled at, the heare of his heade was not worne away but remained whole as if he had bene a liue, and conuersaunt amonge men. the skinne of his foreheade beinge onely shronke into wrinkles and withered yet was not consumed: many also of his teeth being not pulled out by the handes of the faythfull declared vnto the worlde, the shape and stature of holy Symeon. moreouer there was laid vp the iron chaine which hong about his neck and with it the corps so much spoken of, of all men for enduringe suche great hardnesse and miserie was honored with diuine prayses. All which circumstances both for mine owne profitt and the commonditie of the reader, I woulde rehearse at large were it not that Theodoritus (as I sayde before) had sufficiently discoursed of them.

CAP. XIIII.

Of the starre that was sene in the porche of Symeons pillour the which Euagrius together with many others sawe.

NOwe I am about to write a certaine thing whiche I sawe with mine owne eyes. I was wonderfull desirous to see the Churche of holy Symeon, it standes at the furthest from The­opolis that is Antioch, three hundred furlongs, set vpon the top of a hill. the cuntreymen call that place Mandria borowinge the name as I suppose of the seuere discipline and austere trade of life exercised by Symeon therein, the hill riseth in height to a twentie furlongs. the buildinge of the Church is after the manner of a crosse notably set forth with porches of fouresquare. The porches haue pillours annexed vnto them finely wrought of freestone which lift vp the roufe on high and that very artificially. The entire that is to the middes of the temple is wide open very cunningly wrought where the aforesaide pillour of forty cubites standes, in the which the earthly and corpo­real angel ledde an heauenly life. The porches haue as it were lattises on high the which they cal windowes, fallinge both towardes the entrie and porches them selues. At the left hand of the pil­lour in one of the lattises, I my self together with many cuntrey men assembled together, and com­passing the pillour, sawe a starre of a wonderfull bignesse running and wandringe hither and thi­ther throughout the chinkes and clefte lattises twinkelinge in the eyes of the beholders: neither that once, twise or thrise, but oftener, and the same oftentimes fading and vanishinge away, after­wardes immediatly appearinge againe, the whiche is commonly scene on this sainctes holiday. There are which report (and verily we haue to belieue the myracle partly for their creditt which testifie the same, and partly also for that which we sawe our selues) that they sawe the very shape of his person, houering here and there, in a long berde with a The greeke worde is T [...] ­ara the attyre of Persian womē. lerom ad fab [...]ol calleth it Gale­ [...]um a hatt. the worde is also taken for a M [...]e or crowne. hatt on his heade after his wonted manner. suche men as trauell that way may easily goe in and see all, and some times they ride a­bout the pillour. There is a porter which continually watcheth the porches of the Church that no woman enter in (the cause I doe not learne) but if any drawe nigh they stand without and beholde the miracle. for one of the porches standeth ouer against the bright starre.

CAP. XV.

Of Isidorus the pelusian and Synesius byshop of Cyrene.

VNder the raigne of the same Emperour there florished one Isidorus, the fame of whose say­ings Isidorus. and doinges is spred farre and nigh, and rife in euery mans mouth, he so tamed the flesh with continuall toyle and labour and so fedd the minde with misticall and heauenly doctrine, that he led on earth the life of an Angell and commended vnto the worlde the liuely and expresse forme of the monasticall and contemplatiue trade of liuinge. he wrote beside many other notable workes of his great labour and studie, one vnto Cyrill whereby we gather that he liued at one time with the renowmed Cyrill. Nowe that I haue runne ouer these thinges aftermy sclender hability, Synesius. let vs not forget Synesius byshop of Cyrene, that the excellencie of his vertues may set forth the sim­plicitie of our stile. This Synesius was so eloquent a man and so profounde a philosopher that he was had in great admiration of suche christians as iudged of him without parcialitie, respectinge neither the venome of malice, neither the vaine flatterie of friendship. Wherefore they perswade him to be baptized and to take vpon him the priestly function though he admitted not the article of the resu [...]ection, neither woulde be brought to belieue the same, hopinge of him very charitably [Page 421] that these things woulde followe after his other vertues, and that the grace of God woulde suffer nothing to want in him that appertained vnto his soules health & saluation. which hope of theirs was not frustrate. for how excellently he proued, both the learned epistles he wrote after the recea­uing of priesthood, also the booke whiche he dedicated vnto Theodosius with other notable monu­ments of his industrie doe declare.

CAP. XVI.

Howe Ignatius was translated by Theodosius from Rome and buried at Antioch.

THe bigger sort of bones which the beasts left vndeuoured vnto holy Ignatius, (after the bles­sed martyr as Iohn the Rhetorician with others doe recorde had according vnto his desire enioyed the bowells of beastes in stede of his resting graue at Rome in the theatre and stage striuing of rauenous beasts) were translated into the Churchyard of Antioch in the raigne of The­odosius which was a long time after his martyrdome. for it was almightie God no doubt that in­spired Theodosius with that good motion, highly for to reuerence that godly martyr, and to conse­crate the temple whereof old deuells were honored, called y temple of the goddesse of fortune vn­to Ignatius the holy martyr. That which of olde was dedicated vnto fortune is nowe become a san­ctuarie and a famous temple to celebrate the memore of Ignatius, whose holy bones were caried in a chariott with great solemnitie and buried within the temple. for whiche cause there is an holy day kept with great ioye euen at this day, the which Gregorie the byshop hath set forth with grea­ter royaltie. These thinges came there to passe in such sort as you heare, because God would haue there the memoriall of his saincts celebrated with honor and reuerence. for the impious and wicked tyrante Iulian the Apostata being emperour and requiringe an aunswere of the oracle of Apollo (who prophecied in Daphnis and spake by vertue of the fountaine Castalia) whiche had not the power to open his mouth (holy Babylas the martyr whose corps was hard by interred, had tyed his iawes together) Iulian I say against his will and as it were forced thereunto, translated verie ho­norably the corps of Babylas and builded a goodly Churche which stands at this day without the the gates of Antioch: this he did to thende the dettells afterwarde might accomplishe their won­ted treacheries euen as reporte goeth they promised before vnto Iulian. but this came to passe through the prouidence of God partly that the force and vertue of martyrs may be sene of all men, and partly also that the holy bones of this blessed martyr should be buried in hallowed ground and beautified with so gorgeous a building.

CAP. XVII.

Of Attilas king of Scythia howe he destroyed both the Easterne and westerne parts of the worlde: of the great earthquake and straunge wonders that were seene in the worlde.

IN those dayes there was a battell raised by Attilas king of Scythia, which at this day is much Anno Dom. 451. some o­ther say 455. spoken of: but Priscus Rhetor declareth at large with flowing stile howe he inuaded both east and west, howe many and what great cities he wonne, and howe nobly he behaued him selfe vn­to the finall end of his frayle life. Furthermore in the time of the aforesaid Theodosius raigne there was a marueilous great earthquake, the straungenesse whereof exceeded all the wonderfull earth­quakes that euer were before, which stretched it selfe in manner throughout the whole worlde: so that many turretts within the pallace were turned downe to the grounde: the longe wall of Cher­ronesus came to ruine: the earth opened and swallowed vp in her gulphes many villages: many woefull mischaunces befell vnto mankinde both by sea and by lande, many welspringes were dri­ed vp, againe where fountaines were neuer seene before it flowed out: manie trees were pluc­ked vp by the rootes: the valleis became high mountaines: the sea threwe out fishes for dead: many Islands were drowned, the sea ouerrunning the bankes and ouerflowing the cuntreys: ma­ny shipps sulcating in the maine seas were seene on ground, the sea falling backe not yelding his wonted streames: many cuntreys throughont Bithynia, Hellespontus, and both Phrygia endured such calamities that they were vtterly vndone. This misery endured toe toe long yet did it not pro­ceede with such vehement anoyance as it beganne, for it fell and slaked by a litle and a litle vntill at length all was ended.

CAP. XVIII.

The buildinges of Antioch and the founders thereof.

ABout the same time Memnonius, Zoilus and Calixtus, great patrons of the true pietie and Christian profession were sent from Theodosius the Emperour to gouerne the noble citie of Antioch. of which number Memnonius buylded from the grounde with gorgeous and good­ly Memnonius. workemanship, the place which we cal Psephium, leauing in the middest an hal open in height to the tempered aer vnder heauen. Zoilus erected the princely porche so called vnto this day, and cu­riously Zoilus. wrought which is towarde the South side of the pallace called Ruffine. moreouer Calixtus Calixtus. founded a goodly monument whiche both of olde and of late vayes is called Calixtus porche, afore the shire hall and the iudgement seates ouer against the market and the princely house where the captaines of the garrisons are wont to lye. After all these Anatolius president of the Emperours Anatolius. power in the east beinge sent thither buylte the tower whiche beareth his name, and set it out with sundrie kindes of buylding. Though these things seeme from the purpose yet in mine opinion the knowledge of them is profitable for the studious reader.

CAP. XIX.

Of sundrie battailes that were fought both in Italie and in Persia in the time of Theodosius the Emperour.

WHile Theodosius was Emperour there was great sedition throughout Europe, yea whē Valentinianus gouerned the Romane dominions: all which Theodosius with great pow­er of horsemen and footemen by sea and by land suppressed. And so quelled the hauti­nes and furious race of the Persian blood, whose king was Isdigerdes the father of Bararanes or (as Socrates writeth) Bararanes him selfe, for when they had sent Legates vnto him to entreate for peace he graunted it, the whiche continewed vnto the twelfe yeare of Anastasius raigne. the whiche things are also remembred of other writers, partly compendiously gathered by Eustathius Syrus of Epiphania otherwise called Antioch who layeth downe in like sort howe Amida was taken. It Claudian the Poet. Cyrus the Poet and pre sident. is reported moreouer that then Claudian and Cyrus the famous Poets did florishe: and that Cy­rus was made chiefe president (which our auncetors doe tearme the heade officer of the hall) and then appointed general captaine of the Romane power in the west dominions when Carthage was wonne of the Vandalls and Genzerichus captaine of the Barbarian host.

CAP. XX.

Of Eudocia the Empresse and her daughter Eudoxia, of her voyage to Ierusalem and the picture where with the people of Antioch did honor her.

THeodosius through the procurement of Pulcheria the Empresse being his sister, maried Eu­docia, borne in Athens and of goodly beawtie, after she had bene baptised in the Christian fatth, on whom he got a daughter by name Eudoxia. when she came to ripenesse of yeares and mariageable Valentinianus the Emperour tooke her to wife: brought her from Constantino­plc to olde Rome. Eudoxia went afterwardes to the holy citie of Christ who is God, where, in the Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 43. Oration she made vnto the people about the latter ende she rehearsed this verse,

My birth I boast of you beganne, your blood in me doth bragge.

Where she signified that the inhabitants of that citie came from Greece. but if any man be dest­rous to know more erquisitly the trueth of these thinges let him repaire vnto Strabo the Geogra­pher, Plegon, Diodorus Siculus, Arrianus, Pisander the Poet, Vlpianus, Libanius and lulian the re­nowmed Rhetoricians where they are discoursed of at large. Afterwardes when she came to An­tioch the people of that citie erected her picture of brasse very artificially handled in honor of her which is as yet to be seene. It was through her procurement that Theodosius became a benefactor of Antioch, that he enlarged their citie, and lengthened their wall vnto the gate whiche bringeth to Daphnis in the suburbes as it is of euerie man to be seene. for the fundations of the olde walles are at this day to be seene whereupon the newe buyldinge was laide and leade vs as it were by the hand vnto the gate. There be some which write that the walles were enlarged by the elder Theo­dosius, [Page 423] and that he gaue two hundred pounde to repayre the bath of Ʋalens whiche was burned of the one side.

CAP. XXI.

Howe Eudocia did many worthie actes at Ierusalem and of the diuers trade in lyfe, and dyet of the religious men in Palaestina.

EVdocia went twise from Constantinople to Ierusalem, and though I purpose to leaue for suche as haue written her life (who in mine opinion haue not reported the trueth) wherefore, vpon what occasion, and to what ende she did it: yet it is knowen well inough that during her a­bode in that holy citie of Christ she wrought many worthie actes to the settinge forth of the glory of God. for she founded religious houses and made the streete commonly called the great causey, in whiche religious houses though the manner of liuinge be diuerse, yet their trade and discipline tendes to one ende, and the same very godly. for some of them liue in a societie, enioyinge not one iote of the thinges whiche commonly allure and weye downe the mindes of mortall men after worldly affayres, as much to say, they haue no golde, but what haue I saide, golde? nay they haue not a ragge of their owne to couer the bare, neyther foode to satisfie nature. for the cloke or coate It behoued then that these monks should be of one sise. which the one nowe weareth, an other in a while after putts on the same, so that the garments of all seemed to be one mans, and ones clothing in common to all. moreouer they all had but one ta­ble, not furnished with daynties or other kinde of foode what soeuer, but onely with hearbs, roots, and pulse, and so muche onely as sufficed nature, and preserued life. furthermore in prayers onely which they poured ioyntly vnto God they spent day and night: they so wasted their bodyes and mortified them selues that they seemed as deade men lyinge vnburied vpon the face of the earth. some of them doe more then their decrees and statutes enioyne them, for they fast the space of two dayes, yea and three dayes also. there are of them which abstaine fiue dayes and ouer, and scarse then doe they take as muche foode as sufficeth nature. Other some followe an other trade and order of liuing farre otherwise then the former men, for they shutte vp them selues seuerally in litle cabanes which are of such heighth and breadth that they can not stand bolt vpright, neyther bowe Hebr. 11. themselues downewardes at their pleasure. Of which number some as the Apostle saith liue all the dayes of their liues in caues and dennes together with bruite beastes and praye vnto God in certaine secret and vnknowen buries of the earth. but some of them hane founde out an other kinde of life which exceedeth all patient sufferance. for men and women hyde them selues in the drye de­sert which scaldeth with scorchinge heate coueringe onely suche members as of necessitie are con­strained to serue nature, the other parts of the bodye they yeelde all bare both vnto the parchinge The monkes of Pala [...]stina became as beastes. heat of sommer, and pinching colde of winter contemning either of them alike. These men more­ouer layinge aside such nourishement as other men vsed, fedd vpon greene grasse and were called foragers or pasturers and liue onely vpon that, so that in processe of time they became like beasts and differed from men both in bodely shape and behauiour of minde. If peraduenture they see men immediatly they runne away, and if any pursue after them, eyther their feete with swiftnesse caries them away, or they poppe them selues into suche hollowe places of the earth where others can not come vnto them. An other thing yet I will rehearse which for all it seemeth to passe all the rest I had almost forgotten. Although there be not many in number of this sort, yet some there are who being voyde through vertuous disposition and free from all perturbations of the minde, come a­brode into mens companies, mingle them selues with the thronging multitudes and faine they are madde and so they treade vayne glorie vnder foote, which the soule (according vnto the saying of wise Plato) vseth to shake of as the last couer of shame and reproche. They take so litle delight in feeding of them selues and therein vse suche Austere discipline that if necessitie constraine them to host at a tippling house or in the stewes they neither reiect the place, neither couer their faces, nei­ther thereat blushe at all. moreouer they bayne them selues very oft, and most commonly they are conuersant with women and bath together and so they seeme voyde of all carnall affections as if they had brought nature captiue vnto them: in so much they can not be led neyther with the wan­ton lookes, neyther with the toying and daliance, neither with the amorous clipping and embra­cing of a woman to the naturall motion of venerie. but with men they are as men and with women [Page 424] they liue like women, and for all they refuse not the company of both sex, yet know they onely the vse of one. To be short in this most holy and diuine kinde of life, vertue hath prescribed lawes for nature, and made peculiar decrees for her selfe, to witt: that not one of them all haue their full of necessaries, for by their lawe they must hungre and thirst, & thereafter to attyre them selues as ne­cessitie constraineth. their trade is so measured with such singuler commendation, and their diet so moderate that if they fall into the contrary part and farre different from the other, they feele in them selues no chaunge at all. contrarieties are so tempered in them, the grace of God maketh such a commixtion of repugnancie, and againe dissolueth the same, that life and death, two thinges in nature and effect farre set one against the other, seeme to ioyne hands together, & dwell in them: and looke wherein perturbations doe raigue in others, in them they are pluckt vp by the rootes and lye for dead: and where continual prayer is to be made, there they seeme of ripe yeares, strong bodyes, and strength inuincible. These men liue both wayes, partly as it were by shaking of the flesh they seeme to liue for euer, partly againe by companying with men, and applying medicines vnto their bodies, they call to God for mercie, & runne ouer such deuout seruice as may fitly agree with y former life. yet want they no necessaries, neither are they boūd to one place, for almay heare alike, & company alike, they vse oftē, nay they kneele cōtinually, againe y wearisome standing they make, refresheth age, & the voluntary weakenes they brought them selues vnto. They are cham­pions without flesh on their backes, they are wrastlers, yet haue they no blood in their faces, who though in steede of daynties and set dinners they vse solemne fasting, yet had they leuer take no­thing, if in so doing they could possibly liue, then cromme them selues with delicacies. And againe if it so fall out, that a straunger come among them though it be very early in the morning, they en­tertaine him very curteously offring him both meat and drinke, so that they deuise an other kinde of fasting, that is to eate by compulsion, and in so doing men haue them in great admiration, who though they want many thinges to the sustentation of nature, yet are they contented with litle, be­ing enemies to their owne will, and to nature. they resemble in their doings the will and pleasure of their elders, in bridlinge the baytes of fleshly lust, the soule hath the mastery, committeth suche thinges as are pleasinge and acceptable vnto God with great discretion and diligence, but in the meane while, happie are they, and happier when they depart hence, for they bende thither all their might and hasten to enioy their wished desires.

CAP. XXII.

VVhat things Eudocia the Empresse repaired in Palaestina, and the founding of S. Stephans Churche.

THe wife of Theodosius had conference with many of those kindes of men we spake of before, and founded (as I haue likewise made mention) many suche religious houses: she repay­red the walles of Ierusalem and made them farre more beautifull then they were before. she founded also a goodly Churche in remembrance of Stephan the firste Deacon and Martyr, not a Theodosius iunior dyed Anno Dom. 450. furlonge of from the Citye of Ierusalem, where she was buryed after her departure vnto immortal blisse. Theodosius also as some thinke before the deceasse of Eudocia de­parted to rest, when he had raigned here on earth thirtie eight yeares, in his rowme succeeded Martianus, a man renowmed in al things. whose famous actes while he gouerned in the Easte we will laye downe, by the helpe of God in the seconde booke followinge.

The ende of the firste booke of Euagrius.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Of Martianus the Emperour, and the signes which foreshewed his raigne.

IN the first booke goinge before we haue discoursed the Actes done in the raigne of Theodosius the Emperour of famous memorie: nowe it remaineth we take penne in hand and paint forth vnto the posteritie, the vertues of the renowmed Martianus the noble and puysant Emperour of Rome, his cuntrey, his linage, and howe he at­tayned vnto the Romane empire. In obseruing this methode we shalbe able the soo­ner to contriue euery his famous acts in their fit and conuenient place. Patriscus Rhetor, with ma­ny others hath written at large of the life of Martianus. By birth he was of Thracia, the sonne of a valiant captaine: who being wedded to his fathers trade of life, got him straight to Philippopolis & there was entertained in the number of such as exercised them selues in the feats of armes▪ It fell out in his voyage as he tooke his iourneye thitherwardes that he sawe on the way a deade corps whom death had newely bereaued of his life. he stood still and was amazed thereat (for as he was vertuously enclined euery way, so was he prone to compassion) he continewed there so long vntill he had finished all thinges what so euer belonged vnto the hearse and funerall. but when suche as dwelled in compasse, had seene his doinges they made relation thereof vnto the magistrates of Philippopolis. They layd hands vpon Martianus, and charged him with y inurther. but when signes and contectures preuayled more with the magistrates then the trueth or the protestation of Mar­tianus, denyinge that euer he had murthered the man: and when Martianus was nowe readie to endure the penaltie of an homicide, vpon a suddaine vnlooked for (God no doubt of his goodnes prouidinge for him the best) the autor of that haynous acte was found, confessed the fact, was ime­diately executed and Martianus proued innocent. beinge thus wonderfully deliuered out of trou­ble he got him vnto a certen garrison not farre of, & requested they woulde entertaine him among them, and register his name in their catalogue. They had the man in admiration, and prognostica­ted of him by certen gesses that he would proue a worthy man: recea [...]ed him with willing mindes, matriculated his▪ name in their booke: neyther placed they him in the lowest rowme as a late commer after their law and custome, but preferred him to an honorable office, the which one whose name was Augustus, enioyed before him, but then was lately deceassed, and entitled him Martia­nus Augustus, so that together with his preferment he receaued the Emperiall title (for the empe­rours are called Augusti) before be was proclaimed Emperour. Neither truely coulde the name rest in him without the dignity, neither againe did the Emperiall title require any other name to expresse the worthinesse thereof, so that the selfe same name was both proper and appellatiue, and beinge once sounded it gaue forth the signification, both of the dignitie and the borowed name, An other thinge moreouer happened which foreshewed vnto Martianus the emperiall scepter. When together with Aspar he warred against y Vandalls, Aspar being ouercome of thē, Martianus with many others was takē & brought w t other captiues into a plaine greene where Genzerichus would needs see thē aliue. being brought together Gēzerichus as he sate in an vpper rowme tooke great delight in beholding the nūber of captiues. The captiues as long as it pleased euery one continu­ed in the greene, for Gēzerichus had cōmaunded their keepers to knock of their shackles. wherefore as they all spēt the time diuersly, Martianus laid him downe on the ground & toke a nap on a sunny bank, which burned more vehemētly then y seasō & time of y yere did require. As he slept an Egle flew ouer him, set her selfe betwene him & y sunne, spred abrode her wings, shadowed him as it had bene a cloud, & in so doing eased him greatly, so y Genzerichus wondering at y circumstance coniec­tured a right of the things that were to befal him, he called Martianus vnto him, restored him his liberty & bound him with an othe, if euer he came to be emperour y t he would ioyne in league with the Ʋandalls, and neuer take armour against them, the whiche (as Procopius writeth) Martianus [Page 426] performed in deede▪ but omitting such things as may seeme impertinēt, let vs returne vnto the hi­storie. This Martianus as he excelled in pietie towardes God, so he passed in iustice towardes his subiects. he deemed that to be richesse, not which consisted of treasure and raising of tribute: but onely that whiche supplyed the want of the needy, and yeelded a safe and a secure life vnto suche as enioyed great possessions. he was a terror vnto his people, not in punishing offēdors, but in threa­tening, least at any time they should offend: and therefore the empire was vnto him no inheritance but the hire of vertue, the which he obtained with the generall consent of all, both Senatours, sub­iectes, and all sorts of people, when as Pulcheria the Empresse perswaded them to doe no lesse, whom he entertained in his pallace as an Empresse, yet knewe her not as man knoweth his wife, for she continewed a virgine vnto her last houre. These things were done before that Valentinianus the Romaine Emperour ratified the election of Martianus, who afterwardes vnderstanding of his vertuous disposition condescended thereunto. Martianus laboured with al might possible that all men ioyntly should laude God, and the lipps whose languages impietie had confounded, shoulde deuoutly nowe at length close together, and sounde out with harmonie and concent, the prayse of the liuing God.

CAP. II.

Of the councell of Chalcedon and the occasion why it was summoned.

WHen Martianus was of the disposition mentioned before, there came vnto him Legats frō Leo byshop of old Rome, signifyinge y Dioscorus had made light of the decree which Leo had laid down in the councel of Ephesus agreeable with the true & rightfayth: there came others also reporting what iniuries & contumelies Dioscorus had done vnto thē, requesting y a councell might be called together for the hearing of their causes. The which sute as chiefe of all others, Eusebuis byshop of Dorilaeum made vnto the emperour & followed hard, opening vnto him how that both he and Flauianus were deposed of their byshoprickes through the fraude and wyles of Chrysaphius one sometime of Theodosius garde: y Flauianus (at what time Chrysaphius sent vnto him requiring golde for his admission into the byshopricke) sent vnto him the holy vessell of the Church for to make him throughly ashamed of his demaunde: and that Chrisaphius wallowed a­like in the hereticall puddle and blasphemous impietie of Eutyches. he certified him moreouer that Flauianus was piteously put to death by the procurement of Dioscorus, thrust by him violently out of the Church, and disdainfully pounced with his feete. The councel of Chalcedon was summoned for the hearinge of the aforesaide accusations. Legats and posts were sent into euery prouince, the holy clergie were called together by letters, containing graue and godly matter, first of all to meet at Nice, so that Leo byshop of Rome wrote vnto them by Pascasianus, Lucentius and others whome he sent thither to supply his rowme in such sort as followeth: Vnto the byshopps assembled at Nice, Leo sendeth greeting: afterwardes at Chalcedon a citie in Bithynia, where Nestorius was ci­ted to appeare, as Zacharie Rhetor doth fauourably report of him. But it is plaine it could not be so, for Nestorius was commaunded vnder paine of an accurse not to shewe his face in the councell. The which thing also Eustathius byshop of Berytum writeth plainely in the letters which he sent to Iohn the byshop & to another Iohn the priest, of the canons laid downe by that councel. his words are these. There came to this councell such as diligently searched out for the reliques of Nestori­us Eustathius epist. ad Ioh. and with open mouthes they exclaimed vpon the councell: what reason and conscience is there that holy men shoulde be accursed? So that the Emperour was greatly incensed against them and commaunded his gard they should send them packing with a vengeance. Wherefore I can not see how Nestorius after his deceasse should be called to the councell.

CAP. III.

The description of the Temple of the holy martyr Euphemia within the citie of Chalcedon and the miracles wrought therein.

THe byshops from euerie where mette in the holy Temple of Euphemia the martyr, whiche standes in Chalcedon a citie of Bithynia. this Temple lyeth from Bosphorus litle more then two furlonges, situated in a very pleasaunt soyle, rising vpwarde steepe wise, so that such as [Page 427] frequent this Martyrs temple may easily mount vp by a litle and a litle without wery [...]esse, and in they come vnwares, yea into the body of the Church. being there & looking downewardes, as out of a kenninge towre they see all the fields vnderneath them as euen grounde and plaine valleyes, florishing with greene grasse, loden with corne and couered with goodly woodes of all sortes ve­ry delectable to behold: moreouer they see high hills and craggie rocks rising gayely by degrees vp into the skies: diuerse sortes of seaes, some yeldinge a blewish and skie colour by reason of the cleere wether playing as it were calmely and gently with the shores while the adioyning regions are voyd of tempest, some other tossed with blustering blastes of winde and raginge stormes, hur­ling vp pimple stones, foming out filth and paultry weedes, casting shelfish vpon the bankes with whyrling waues. Furthermore this temple stands right ouer against Constantinople so that the beholdinge of so worthie and so noble a citie bringes vnto it great maiestie, this temple is of three fortes of goodly and large buylding: the first lieng wide open with a long porch receauing the tem­pered a [...]r of the skie sett vp with goodly pillours on euery side. The second in length and breadth like vnto y former adornedlikewise with litle pillours differing only in height, & y lifted ridge. Of the North side of which second building there is a rownd Ile & the great windowe vnto the East, the pillours within are cunningly wrought bowewise, of the same stuff and one biggenes after the forme of a circle. Underneath these there is a loft ouercast with the like rouffe where it is lawefull for euery one to pray vnto the Martyr & to be present at the holy mysteries. Within the Ile East­wards there is a vestry artificiallie builded where the reliques of the holie martyr are chested in a longe coffer cunninglie made of siluer, the which some men for the length thereof doe call Longe as if the proper name were so. The miracles wrought at certen times by this blessed Martyr are knowen I am sure of euerye Christian. For oftentimes either she appeareth vnto the Bishops in their sleepe which orderlye succeede in the gouernemente of that Church, or sheweth her selfe vnto some other that are of great fame for their vertuous life and godlines charging them to celebratea feast in that Church of daynty & delicate foode. The which thing being signified vnto the Empe­rours, vnto the chiefe Prieste and wholl citie, all ranne thither both Prince, Priest, and people to become partakers of the mysteries. After all this in the sight of the wholl assembly, the Bishop of Constātinople accompanied with his clergie gott him into the vestry where the corps of this ho­ly Martyr (aboue named) was interred. There is on the left hande of this coffin and chested corps What iniury was this vn­to the deade corps? It is better for the faith­full Christian to become partaker of the blood of Christ which redeemed him from death and damnation. as it were a litle wickett very strongly made of litle latises through the which they vse to let down a longe iron with a sponge tyed about the end, they dipp and soke it round about in the dead corps after wardes pull vp the sponge all embrued with cogeled drops of blood. The people seeing this, worship God immediatly and magnifie his holy name. There are so many drops of cōgeled blood drawen vp that they suffice the religious Emperours, the wholl assembly of priests gathered ther together, & all the flocking multitude not onely to participate thereof them selues, but also to send vnto the other faithfull throughout the world, that full fayne would be partakers with them. But the congeled drops continew still the same, neither doth the holy blood chaunge the hewe or colour thereof at all. All which things are not to be seene at any certaine, speciall, or appointed time but thereafter as the Bishop of that place is in life and as it agreeth with his vertues. For they report when any singular man of godly disposition is chosen Bishop of that Church, that then most com­monly this miracle is to be seene: but when a leude person is crept to enioy the rowme that these things very seldome come to passe. An other thing yet I will rehearse which is stayed and hindred neither by time neither by occasion, neither maketh any difference betwene faithfull and infidell but sheweth it selfe alike vnto all men. When any cometh into the vestry where the coprs of this holy martyr is chested he is so rauished with such fragrant odours that all other perfumes in com­parison of that seeme worth nothinge. For it is like neither the sweete smelling flowres culled in the greene medowes, neither any other redolēt sauor whatsoeuer neither such as is made of plea­sant oyles: but it is a straunge and passing all the rest breathing out of the Martyrs dead body.

CAP. IIII.

Of the things handeled & decided by the councell of Chalcedon, howe after they had deposed Dioscorus b. of Alexandria they restored Theodoritus and Ibas to theyr Bishopricks.

IN the aforesayde place described of vs at large the Councell of Byshoppes mette toge­ther where Pascasianus and Lucentius Byshopps, and Boniface a Priest, legats (as I sayd before) of Leo Byshoppe of olde Rome: Anatolius Byshopp of Constantinople, Dioscorus [Page 428] byshopp of Alexandria, Maximus byshopp of Antioch, and Iuuenalis byshopp of Ierusalem, with the priestes of their seuerall prouinces were present. There sate with them the chiefe sena­tors vnto whome the substitutes of Leo sayde that Dioscorus ought not to sitt with them in the coun­cell, that Leo their byshopp had charged them no lesse, and if they woulde not yeelde vnto it, that they woulde leaue the Churche and bidd them farewell. When the Senators demaunded what crimes Dioscorus was to be charged withall, their aunswere was, that he who contrarye to all right and honestie playde the part of a Iudge, was to▪ abide the sentence of iudgement him selse for the censure he had pronounced of others. These thinges beinge spoken, and Dioscorus also be­inge appointed to stande in the middest, Eusebius byshopp of Dorylaeum requested that the suppli­cation he had sent vnto the Emperour might be openly reade in their hearing, and withall he ad­ded these wordes. I protest vnto you that Dioscorus hath iniuried me not a litle, he hath also brought our religion into great infamye, he procured the death of Flautanus the byshopp, and wrongfully deposed him together with me. cause I beseeche you my supplication to be reade. When he had made an ende of speakinge his supplication was reade, contayninge suche a forme as followeth.

The humble supplication of Eusebius byshop of Dorylaeum exhibited vnto the most vertuous Emperours, requestinge he may be hearde pleadinge both for him selfe and in the behalfe of the catholicke faith.

IT behoueth your maiesties (most noble and puisant emperours) to prouide carefully for the The suppli­cation o [...] Eusebius by­shop of Do­rylaeum ex­hibited vnto valentinianꝰ and Martia­nus the em­perours. quietnesse of all your louing subiects, yet when all others sustaine iniuries euer to vphold and assist the sacred senate of priesthood. and herein verily the diuine godheade which graunted vnto you the rule & domination of the whole world is truely honored. wherefore seing the chri­stian faith, & we our selues also haue bene oppressed & diuersty molested with extreme wrōg by Dioscorus the most reuerēd byshop of the most noble city of Alexandria, we are come vnto your wonted clemēcy most humbly to craue iustice at your hands. The occasion of our cōplaint is as followeth. In the councel lately held at the famous city of Ephesus (I would to God it had neuer bene called together, then had it not brought into the whole world such horrible mischiefe and hurliburly) the aforesaid Dioscorus who trode right & reasō vnder foot, who set the fear of God farre out of his sight, who maintained one absurd opinion with Eutyches that vaine & hereticall varlett, who of a longe whyle reuealed not vnto many the venome of his cankred stomacke, yet bewrayed him selfe in processe of time partly by occasion of the crimes we laide to Eutyches his charge, & partly also by occasion of the sentence which Flauianus the byshop of worthy memo­rie pronounced against him: gathered together a great multitude of seditious persons, raised with his money no small power, laboured as muche as laye in him to ouerthrowe the catho­licke religion and godly fayth of the auncient fathers, and to establishe the blasphemous opini­on of Eutyches the monk whose opinion was euer condēned of the holy fathers from the Apo­stles time vnto this day. wherfore seing the haynous offences he committed both impudently to the derogation of the Christian faith & vncharitably against vs, be of no smal importāce, we are most humbly to craue vpon our bare knees of your graces, and to request that by vertue of your autority the most reuerēd byshop Dioscours may be inioyned to aunswere vnto suche crimes as we haue laid to his charge, to wit, vnto such practises of his, & records as he broughtforth against vs in the holy councell, wherby we shalbe able plainly to proue that he is estraunged from the catholicke faith: that he maintaineth an opinion which is nothing else but blasphemy it selfe: that he both deposed vs vniustly & iniuried vs diuersly besides▪ we beseeche you moreouer to vouchsafe the sending of your gracious letters vnto the holy & general councel of the most god­ly byshops, to thend both our doings & his may indifferently be heard, & that your highnes may be certified againe of al that is handled by the councel, hoping that therein we shall please our immortal head Christ Iesus. If we may obtaine (most holy emperours) this our humble sute at your maiesties hāds, we will not ceasse day & night to pray for the prosperous state of your em­pire, & the cōtinuāce of your raigne.

After these things y acts of y secōd coūcel of Ephesus were o­penly read at y request both of Dioscorus & Eusebius: y subtle disputation & exquisit discourse ther­of both written of many others & also laid down among y acts of y councel of Chalcedō, if I should here pen for y reader (who peraduēture wilbe desirous to vnderstād y finall end of al their doings) [Page 429] without doubt I should seeme to post him ouer with delayes, I will therefore referre it to the ende of this booke, where as many as will haue all things (after their common saying) at their fingers endes, may both reade all, and carefully committ the whole to memorie. But nowe let vs pro­ceede on in the things which we haue chiefely purposed to handle, that is to saye, howe Dioscorus bewrayed him selfe, partly by reiecting the Epistle of Leo byshopp of old Rome, and partly also by deposing Flauianus byshop of newe Rome, all which he did in one day, and craftely deuised that the byshops whiche assembled together should subscribe vnto a blancke, where afterwards he caused the depriuation of Flauianus to be written. when these thinges were done, the senators decreed as followeth. The next day after when the councell aduised them selues somewhat better, we The censure of the sena­tors in the councell of Chalcedon. doe perceiue that they reasoned more exquisitly of the true and catholicke fayth. VVherefore seeinge that Flauianus the byshopp of worthie memory and Eusebius the most reuerende by­shopp of Dorilaeum were founde not to haue erred in the fayth after we had searched the actes and decrees of the councell, and also by the report of suche as were chiefe in the councell, and therefore vniustly to haue beene deposed (for they confessed them selues sowly deceaued and wrongfully to haue depriued Flauianus and Eusebius) It seemeth good vnto vs, and no doubt God approueth the same, that Dioscorus the most reuerend byshop of Alexandria (if it so please our Lorde the Emperour) Iuuenalis the most reuerend byshop of Ierusalem, Thalassius the most reuerend byshop of Caesarea in Cappodocia, Eusebius the most reuerende byshop of Armenia, Eu­stathius the most reuerend byshop of Berytus, & Basilius the most reuerende byshop of Seleucia in Isauria (who were then of autority and chief of the councell) should be punished alike, depo­sed of their byshopricks, by the censure & iudgemēt of the councell, as the canons of the church doe require, & be at the emperours pleasure. Immediatly there were other bils exhibited against Dioscorus both of the crimes he committed, and the money he had receaued: but when Dioscorus being called y second & the third time of y councel, sent fained excuses for him self & came not, y Le­gats The sentēce which Pasca sianus, Lu­centius and Boniface (substitutes of Leo b. of Rome) gaue of Diosco­rus. of Leo byshop of old Rome, stood vp in y councel, & said as followeth, The hainoꝰ offēces which Dioscorus late byshop of the noble city of Alexandria, cōmitted against the canons of the coun­cells, & the ecclesiastical discipline are throughly knowē of vs al, partly by sifting out such things as were heard in the former session, and partly also by examining such things as we decided this day. And that we may omit many other things, this man of his owne autority cōtrary to the ca­non of the church receaued Eutyches into the cōmunion, an heretick of the same opinion with him, & one that was iustly deposed by his owne proper byshop, to wit, the most holy father, and our byshop Flauianus: & this he did before he shewed his face in the councel which he held with the most holy byshops at Ephesus. but the Apostolicke seae pardoned the byshops because they were constrained against their wills to doe that whiche they did: who yeelded them selues vnto this present houre both to Leo the most holy byshop, & to the whole sacred & general assembly of byshops, & therefore as men of one opinion with him, he receaued thē into the cōmunion. As for this Dioscorus he cesseth not as yet to glory of the things for the which he ought to mourne, lament & lie groueling vpon the ground in sackcloth & ashes, not onely this but also he f [...]rbad the reading of holy Pope Leo his epistle written vnto Flauianus of godly memory, yea being oft intreated of the Legats, naye when he him selfe had promised with an othe he woulde procure it to be read. the default in not reading of which epistle, hath bene both an offence & hindrance vnto the holy churches vnder heauen. Although he was priuey to such lewde practises, yet haue we assēbled together, to thend we might deale somewhat fauourably both vvith him for all his former leudnes, and also in like sort with the other godly byshops which were not of equall au­tority with him in iudgment. but seing that his later misdemenure exceeded his former impiety, for he sticked not to excōmunicate Leo the most holy and most religious archebyshop of Rome, moreouer whē shameful bills were exhibited against him, & he him self being cited once, twise, & the thirde time as the canon of the church hath cōmaunded by the godly byshops to appeare before the councel, yet would be not come, for his owne cōscience accused him, but entertained cōtrary vnto law such as were iustly deposed by diuers councells & set at naught sundry cōstitu­tions of the church condemning as it were him selfe with his owne doings: once againe seeinge these are found to be his later practises, Leo the most holy archebyshop of great & olde Rome, by vs and this sacred assembly together with the most blessed Apostle S. Peter, who is the rocke, the grounde of the Catholicke Churche, and the fundation of the true fayth bereaued him of all dignitie that belongeth to a byshop, and depriued him of the priestly function▪ wherefore let [Page 430] this holy councell geue the sentence of Dioscorus (of whom we haue hitherto spoken) according vnto the canons of the Church. When these things were ratified by the councell, and certen other things decided, y byshops that were deposed with Dioscorus at y request of the councell, & the con­sent of y emperour were restored to their byshopricks: againe when they had annexed certē things vnto their former constitutious y conncell pronounced such a sentence as followeth. Our Lord and sauiour Iesus Christe going about to confirme his disciples in the knowledge of the fayth, saide vnto them: my peace I geue you, my peace I bequeath vnto you, to thende none should vary frō The actes & decrees of the councell held at Chalcedon. his neighbour in sacred religion, but that all with one mouth & minde should acknowledg the word of trueth. ( Imediately after when they had read y creed established by the councell of Nice, with y forme of faith agreed vpon by a hundred & fiftye godly fathers assembled at Constantinople, they procede on in these words) that diuine & holy creed containing the abundance of the grace & spirit of god is sufficient both to bring men vnto a perfect knowledg of the faith, & also vnto a sure cōfirmation of the same▪ for it instructeth vs most exquisitly in such things as we must ne­cessarily know of the father, of the sonne, & of the holy ghost, and setteth forth after the plainest maner the incarnation of our Lord Iesus for them that with faith wil embrace it. but seeing that certen leud & godles persons endeuoring with their erronious opinions, to root out true religiō haue brought into the world many vaine fantasies of their idle braines, of which number some were not affraid to corrupt the true vnderstanding & the mistery of the manhood, our Lord Ie­sus toke for our sakes & to deny the mother or bearing of God which is attributed vnto the virgine Against Ne­storius. Mary, other some fained very fondly that the diuinity & the humanity consisted of one nature, confoūding both with a certē imaginatiue cōmixitō of natures, & affirming with horrible blas­phemy Against Eu­tyches. that in the said confusion the diuine nature of the onely begotten was patible. therefore this great & general coūcel presētly assēbled together being desirous with al might to stop eue­ry gapp, & to cutt of all occasion of deuelishe deuices wrought to the ouerthrowe of the trueth, decreeth that the faith which we receiued of the fathers is inuiolably to be retained: and there­fore The Nicene creed is confirmed. Against Ma­cedonius o­pinion the creede of the councel held at Constanti nople is ra­tified. commaundeth aboue all other formes of fayth, that the creede deliuered vnto vs of three hundred and eighteene godly fathers is firmely to be beleeued. moreouer to thende the ene­mies of the holy Ghoste may vtterly be foyled, it ratifieth the doctrine aftervvardes establi­shed touching the substance of the holy Ghost by a hundred and fifty godly byshopps whiche mett at the princely citye of Constantinople: the which essence those fathers made manifeste vnto the whole world, not by adding anything of their owne, as if the canons of the Nicene coū ­cell were vnperfect, but that they might declare by manifest testimonies of holy scripture what their owne opinion was of the holy ghost against such as denied the godhead thereof. further­more to the confutation of suche as doubted not to peruert the mysterie of our Lords incarna­tion, assirming both impiously and blasphemously that he which was borne of the holy virgine was but onely man, this holy councell approueth the synodicall Epistles of holy Cyrill by­shopp The synodi­call epistles of Cyrill approued. of Alexandria, written vnto Nestorius and to the byshops of the East churches, partly to refell the mad and franticke opinion of Nestorius, and partly also for to instruct such as are god­ly disposed, and labour to attaine vnto the true vnderstandinge of the holye creede. Againe this councell annexeth thereunto not without good consideration the Epistle of Leo the most holy archebyshop of old Rome, which he wrote vnto Flauianus the most holy archebyshopp for the remouinge and rooting out of the Churche of God the fanaticall opinion of Eutyches, as a The epistle of Leo vnto Flauianus allowed. worthie tract agreeing with the consession of Peter that great Apostle, and as it were a stronge pillour and fortresse to vpholde the true and sincere doctrine against all erronious opinions. for he valiantly encountreth with such as endeuored to deuide the mystery of the incarnation into two sonnes: he excommunicateth suche as dare presume to saye that the diuinitie of the onely begotten is patible: he manfully withstandeth suche as confounde or make a commixtion of both the natures in Christe: he ratleth sickebraines and frentike fooles, who affirme that the shape of a seruant which he tooke of vs, was of a celestiall or some other kinde of substance: last of all he accurseth suche as vaynely haue fayned that before the couplinge of the natures The creede of the councel helde at Chalcedon. there vvere tvvo, but after the vnitynge of them that there vvas but one onely nature in the Lorde. VVherefore treadinge one trace, and immitatinge the fayth of the holy Fathers vvhiche vvent before vs, vve consesse one, and the same sonne our Lorde Iesus Christe, and vvith one generall consent vve saye that he is perfecte God and perfecte man, true God and true man of a reasonable soule and humane fleshe subsistinge: of one substance vvyth the [Page 431] father according vnto his diuinitye, but of one substance with vs according vnto his humanitye: like vnto vs in all things, sinne onely excepted: begotten of the father before all worlds, accor­ding vnto his godhead, but borne in these later dayes for our sakes, and for our saluation of the virgine mary, & the mother of God according vnto his manhood: one & the same Iesus Christ, the sonne, the Lord, the onely begotten: of two natures, knowen without confounding of thē, without mutation, without diuision without separation: the distinctiō of natures not remoued for all the vniting of them, but the proprietie of both natures vvholly retayned and coupled to­gether in one person, or as the Grecians say, in one [...] not seuered & parted into tvvo per­sons, but one and the selfe same onely begotten sonne, God the vvorde, and the Lorde Iesus Christe, euen as the Prophetts of olde, and Christe him selfe aftervvardes haue instructed vs of him and the same hath the faith of the fathers deliuered vnto vs. Seeinge we haue sifted out the trueth of these thinges with great care and diligence, the sacred and generall councell hath de­creed that it shall be lavvfull for no man, eyther to alleage or to vvrite, or to frame, or to be­leeue, or to teache any other fayth. Moreouer this councell commaundeth suche as presume to deuise any other fayth, or to bringe forth, or to teache, or to publishe any other creede vn­to suche as turne eyther from paganisme, or from Iudaisme, or from any other secte whatsoe­uer, vnto the knowledge of the trueth, if they be byshops, that they be deposed of their byshop­like dignities: if priests, that they be vnministred: if monks and lay people, that they shoulde be accursed. After the reading of these decrees, Martianus the Emperour, who was present at the councell of Chalcedon, who made there also an Oration, returned to Constantinople. Iuue­nalis and Maximus, Theodoritus and Ibas, who had bene deposed, were restored to their bysho­pricks. other thinges there were handled by the councell, the whiche shall be layde downe (as I Constantinople the secōd patriarchship saide before) in the ende of this hooke. They decreed besides all the aforesaide that the byshopps seae of New Rome, that is of Constantinople, because she enioyed the second honor after Olde Rome, shoulde be chiefe and in honor aboue all other cities.

CAP. V.

Of the sedition raysed at Alexandria about the election of Proterius and in like sort at Ierusalem.

AFter that Dioscorus was exiled into Gangrena, a citie of Paphlagonia, Proterius by the ge­nerall Proterius b. of Alexan­dria. consent of the councell was chosen byshopp of Alexandria. Beinge stalled in the seae, there rose amonge the people through heate of contention a wonderfull great tumult & vprore. for as it falleth out in such hurliburlies, some would needs cal home Dioscorus, some others very earnestly cleaued vnto Proterius, so that there ensued thereof great slaughter and bloodshed. for Priscus the Rhetorician writeth howe the lieuetenant of Thebais came then to Alexandria, A lamenta­ble sedition at Alexan­dria about the election of a byshop▪ saw al the people on an vprore, & set vpon the magistrates, how they threwe stones at the garrison which endeuoured to keepe y peace, how of force they made y soldiers flie vnto y temple, of old cal­led Serapis, how the people ranne thither, ransacked y temple & burned y soldiers quick. the empe­rour vnderstanding hereof to haue sent thither imediatly two thousand chosē soldiers: who hauing winde & wether at will, arriued at Alexandria y sixt day after. Againe when y soldiers rauished the wiues, & defloured the daughters of y citizens inhabiting Alexandria, y the latter skirmish & com­bat exceded the former in cruelty. After al this how the people assembled together at Circus where their spectacles were solemnized, & there to haue requested Florus who was captaine of the garrisō & gouernour of their city in ciuill affaires, y he would restore vnto them y priueledged corne which he had depriued them of, their bathes, their spectacles, & other things whatsoeuer were takē from The Mon [...] inhabitinge the deserts bordering vpon Ierusa­lem were [...] ­reticks &c [...] ­demned t [...] councell [...] Chalcedo [...] them because of their insurrection & tumults. The aforesaide autor reporteth that Florus appeased their wrath with his presence & gentle exhortation, & restored peace for a while. but in the meane space the monks which inhabited y deserts adioyning vnto Ierusalem could not setle quietnes with­in their brests. for some of them which had bene at the councell & dissented from the decrees, came to Palaestina, cōplayned of the forme of fayth deliuered by y councell, & laboured to set other monks on firy sedition. but whē Iuuenalis returned frō y councell to his byshoprick & was cōpelled by such aduersaries as laboured to bring him into y contrary opinion to cōfute & detest his owne religion & had fled vnto the city where y emperour made his abode: they y impugned & reuiled the councell of Chalcedon (as I said before) gathered thē selues together, made an election vpon Easter day, chose [Page 432] Theodosius to their byshopp, who was the ringleader of the whole mischiefe raised in the councell, and the first that certified them of the canons and decrees thereof: concerning whome not long af­ter The behaui­our of The­odosius a [...]o­ging monke. the Monks of Palaestina wrote vnto Alcison, how that he was conuicted of haynous crimes by hiw owne byshopp, and expulsed the monastery, and how that continewing a while at Alexandria he cleaued to Dioscorus, was whipped for sedition, set vpon a Camell as malefactors are vsed, and carted throughout the citie. vnto this Theodosius there came many out of the cities of Palaestina, re­questing him to appoint them byshops, of which number Petrus the Iberian was made byshop of Maiuma hard by Gaza▪ when the trueth of these treacheries came to light Martianus the Empe­rour commaunded first of all that Theodosius should be brought vnto him with power of armed sol­diers, secondly he sent thither Iuuenalis, to thende he shoulde reforme the disordered state of the Church, and reduce all to peace and quietnes, moreouer he commaunded him to depose as many as Theodosius had preferred to y priestly functiō. After the returne of Iuuenalis into Ierusalē, many grieuous calamities & mischieuous deuices, such as most cōmonly (through the instigation of the enuious deuell, and satan the sworne enemy to God and man) are wont to raigne in the mindes of mortall men, ensued by the meanes of y e contrary factions. for the deuell by chaunging of one letter and lewde interpreting thereof, brought to passe that it should be pronounced either way for to e­stablish a contrary opinion, the which sentence as diuers doe thinke is so repugnant, and inferreth such contradictorie sense and meaning, that the one seemeth vtterly to subuert and ouerthrowe the other. for he that confesseth Christ to be IN two natures, saith no lesse but that he consisteth O [...] two The Aequi­uocall [...]allacy of the deuell lay in those two sylables [...] & [...]. natures, for by graunting that Christ is both IN diuinitie and humanitie, is to confesse that he con­sisteth OF diuinitie and humanitie. he againe that saith that Christ consisteth OF two natures affir­meth plainly that he is IN two natures, for by auouching that he consisteth of diuinitie and huma­nitie, he testifieth him to be in diuinitie and humanitie: yet not by conuersion of the fleshe into the godhead (whose vniting is inexplicable) neither of y godhead into flesh: so that whē we say OF TVVO, we vnderstand withall IN TVVO, & by saying IN TVVO, we meane OF TVVO, not parting y one frō the other. for it is toe plaine that the whole, not onely consisteth of the parts, but y t the whole is vnder­stood in the parts, yet for al y some men be of the vpinion y t they are farre seuered a sunder, because their mindes and heads are so occupied before, or else because they maintaine some sulline opinion of God or selfe will. that they had leuer endure any kinde of death, then yeelde vnto the plaine and manifest trueth. by occasion of this subtlety of satan the aforesaid mischieues ensued. but so much of these things in this sort.

CAP. VI.

Of the great necessitie of rayne, famine and pestilence, and howe that in certaine places (hardly to be belieued) the earth brought forth of her owne accorde.

ABout that time there was suche scarsitie of rayne in both Phrygia, Galatia, Cappadocia and scarsitie of [...]ine. [...]amine. estilence. welling. [...]s [...]ammatiō coughe. Cilicia, that men wanting necessaries receiued poysoned nurishment, and deadly food: vpon this there rose a great pestilence, and men after chaunge and alteration of diet beganne to sickenne, their bodies swelled, the inflammation was so great that it made them starke blinde, they had withall such a cough that they died thereof the third day. Although there could no medicine be had, neither remedy be found for this pestilence, yet by the prouidence of almighty God the famine relented for suche as were left aliue: for it is reported that in that deare and barren yeare there came downe foode from the aer no otherwise then Manna of olde vnto the [...], and the yeare following the earth of her owne accorde brought forth fruite. Neither w [...] this miserie rise throughout Palaestina, but also sundry calamities raigned in many and in [...] regions.

CAP. VII.

How Ʋalentinianus the Emperour was slaine, Rome taken and ransacked.

WHile the aforesaide calamities raigned in the East, Aëtius was lamentably put to death [...]ntinia­Emperour Rome was [...]ne. at olde Rome. Ʋalentinianus also Emperour of the West parts of the worlde was slaine together with Heraclius by certen soldiers of Aëtius, through the treason of Maximus, [Page 433] who aspired vnto the Empire, and therefore wrought their destruction because the wife of Max­imus had bene deflowred by Ʋalentinianus and forced to commit adulterie. This Maximus mari­ed Eudoxia the wife of Ʋalentinianus against her will. she (neyther without good cause) tooke this as a great contumelie and reproche, deuised euerie way howe to reuenge her husbandes death (for she is a woman, exceedinge outragious for stayninge the puritie of her vessell, of an intractable Rome was taken by Genzerichus king of the Vandall [...]. minde, when her honesty is oppressed, specially by suche a one whose crueltie bereaued her hus­band of his life) she sendes to Libya vnto Genzerichus, makes him faire promises, puttes him in good hope of prosperous successes, requests him that vnlooked for he would inuade the Empire of Rome, and promised to yeelde all into his handes. This being compassed Rome is taken. Genzeri­chus being a Barbarian, of behauiour vnconstant, and of litle trust▪ gaue no credit vnto her words, set the citye on fire, caryed away the spoyle, tooke Eudoxia with her two daughters, returned, got him to Libya and maried Eudoxia the elder daughter to his sonne Honorichus. but he sent Placidia the yonger daughter together with Eudoxia her mother, accompanied with a princely traine vn­to Martianus, hopinge thereby to mitigate his wrath and displeasure. for he was offended not a litle at the burning of Rome, and the abusing of Ʋalentinianus the Emperours daughters. Marti­anus afterwards gaue Placidia to wife vnto Olybrius a noble man and a senator of Rome, who when Maximus. Auitus. Maiorinus. Seuerus. Anno. 458. the citie was taken fledd to Constantinople. After the death of Maximus, Auitus was Emperour of Rome the space of eight moneths: when the plague had dispatched him, Maiorinus the yeare following tooke the gouernement of the Empire: againe when Rhecimerus a Romaine captaine had procured through treason the death of Maiorinus, Seuerus became Emperour of Rome the space of three yeares.

CAP. VIII.

The death of Martianus the Emperour, and the raigne of Leo: and how the hereticall fa­ction within Alexandria, slew Proterius their byshopp, and chose in his rowme Timotheus Aelurus.

WHile Seuerus continued his raigne in the Empire of Rome, Martianus hauing gouer­ned Martianus the Empe­rour dyed Anno Dom. 458. onely seuen yeares chaunged his kingdome, got him to a farre more excellent ha­bitation, and left vnto his successors a princely example of rule. The people of Alexan­dria vnderstanding of his death, renued their spite with a farre greater rage and furie against Pro­terius. The people are wont vpon light and triflinge occasions to raise tumults and sedition, but specially at Alexandria: who boldening them selues with often brawlinge, beinge in very deede but raskalls and abiectes, take vpon them like blinde bayardes great enterprises. And therefore they say that euery Iack straw if it so please him may geue the onsett, set the citie all on an vprore, drawe the people here and there at his pleasure, in [...]o much they are not ashamed (as Herodotus writeth of Amasis) to fight diuers times with their shadowes and for matters of no importance at all. In such things this is their disposition, but in other matters not so. The people of Alexan­dria watchinge the absence of Dionysius captaine of the garrison, and his abode in the vpper parts Timotheus Aelurus b. of Alexandria. of Aegypt consented together, and chose Timotheus syrnamed Aelurus to be their byshopp, who lately had bene a monk, yet then one of the priests of Alexandria: and after they had brought him into the great Church called Caesar, they proclaime him their byshop, for all Proterius as yet liued and executed the priestly function. Eusebius byshop of Pelusium, and Peter the Iberian, byshopp of The lamen­table death of Proterius the godly archbyshop of Alexan­dria. Maiuma were present at the election of Timothee, the which thinges are remembred of the histori­ographer, who wrote the life of Peter, where also he reporteth that Proterius was slaine, not of the people, but by a soldier▪ for when Dionysius being driuen with the rumor of the horrible practises committed there, [...] in post haste to Alexandria, for to quenche the firie flame of sedition: certen citizens (as it was credibly enformed vnto Leo the Emperour) through the perswasion of Timo­thee, ranne Proterius through with a naked sworde as he passed by, & fled towardes the holy font, tyed him with a rope, and trailed him to the fouresquare porche, for all men to gaze at him, & there with shouting and laughter they reueale the murthering of Proterius. Afterwardes they drew his carkasse throughout the citie, and burned it to ashes, neither abstained they like sauadge and bruite beastes (as they were) from tastinge of his bowells euen as it is manifest vnto the whole worlde by the complaint which the byshopps throughout Aegypt, with all the clergie of Alexandria be­holding the circumstances with their eyes made (as I said before) vnto Leo the successor of Mar­tianus [Page 434] in the Empire of Rome, written in maner as followeth.

Ʋnto Leo, the vertuous, religious, victorius by the testimony of God him selfe, and triumphant Emperour: the complaint made by all the byshops through­out your prouince of Aegypt, and by the clergie of your chiefest and most holy Church of Alexandria.

SEinge the diuine and celestiall grace of God (most holy emperour) hath ordained your highnesse as a levvell and treasure for mortall men: you ceasse not (we speake vnfainedly) imediately and next after God continually to prouide for the safety and profit of the com­mon vveale. In a while after they say. when the peace which raigned among the godly people, both here with vs and with in the citie of Alexandria, was remoued, out of the Churche of God, Timotheus then beinge a priest, gott him imediately after the councell of Chalcedon vvas dissolued onely with foure or fiue byshopps, together with a fevve monks, fell from the fayth, and deuided him selfe from the Catholicke Churche. These his companions were infected with the pernicious doctrine of Apollinarius, & the pestilent error of Timothee him selfe: al they were then deposed of their priestly dignities according vnto the canon of the Churche both by Pro­terius of worthie memorie, and the councell of byshops helde in Aegypt, and also exiled by the Emperours, whose displeasure they had procured. Againe after a fewelines. The same Timothee, at what time Martianus the Emperour of famous memorie chaunged this fraile life for blisfull rest in the celestiall paradise, sticked not most impudently to reuile him with raylinge and op­probrious languages, as if he had bene subiect to no lawe: he staggered not like a shamelesse caytiffe at accursing the sacred and generall assembly of byshopps which mett at Chalcedon: he ledde after him a multitude of chaungelings and seditious people: he set vp him selfe against the holy canons, the decrees of the Churche, the common weale and lawes: he intruded him selfe into the holy Churche of God, which had both a pastor and a teacher, to witt, our most ho­ly father and archbyshopp Proterius, as he celebrated the wonted mysteries, and offered vp the sacrifice of prayer vnto Christ Iesus the sauiour of vs all for your holy Empire, and for your chri­stian and religious pallace. Againe they say. The next day after, as Proterius the most holy father executed (as the manner is) the function of a byshop, Timotheus tooke vnto him two byshopps deposed of their dignities with some banished priests, as we saide before, and was consecrated byshopp by two of them, when as none of all the Catholicke byshops throughout the prouince of▪ Aegypt (as the vse is in consecrating the byshopp of Alexandria) was present: and so tooke possession as he perswaded him selfe of the archebyshopps chaire, but verily it was nothing els saue plaine whoredome against the spouse of Christ, and the Churche of God whiche had an husband of her owne, that celebrated therein the holy mysteries, and gouerned the same accor­ding vnto the canons of the Churche. When they had enterlaced a fewe lines, they went on as followeth. Blessed Proterius could doe no other then (as it is written) geeue place vnto wrath: & Rom. 12. to thende he might escape the furie of such as ranne headlong to dispatche him out of the way, he made his refuge vnto the reuerend fonte: the whiche place of all others, yea the Barbarians and bruitish people being altogether ignorant of the vertue and grace which ishueth thence are loth to prophane. yet these men purposing to performe in deede that which from the beginning they had deuised for Timothee, saued not the life of Proterius, no not in those priueledged places of the temple: reuerenced not the religious place: honored not the time (for it was on the high feaste of Easter) stoode in no awe of holy pristhood, which is a mediation betweene God and man: slew him being innocent and dispatched with him six others for company, They brought with them the wounded carcasse, they lugged it throughout the citie, they set it out piteously to be skorned at, they cruelly rent with the lash of the whipp the senselesse corps, they vnioynted the members throughout the body, neither refrayned they after the manner of bruite beastes to tast of his bowells whome they lately tooke for a mediator betweene God and man. last of all that which remained they burned to ashes scattering and hurlinge into the aer the ashes thereof exceeding therein the sauadgnesse and crueltie of bruite beastes▪ the autor and ringleader of all these mischiefes was Timotheus.

Zachariewho discoursed in like sort of these thinges, being per­swaded as it is like with the letters of Timothee which he wrote vnto Leo, reporteth many other thinges to haue happened, and that through the mi [...]demenure of Proterius, who made much adoe [Page 435] (as he saith) and great sturre in Alexandria: that the people wrought not all those mischiefs, but certaine desperate soldiers, and that the Emperour Leo sent thither Stelas to chastice them for their lewdnesse.

CAP. IX.

How Leo the Emperour wrote letters throughout the worlde for to vnderstand what was best for him to doe toutching the election of Timotheus Aelurus & the councell of Chalcedon.

LEo the Emperour when he demaunded the aduise of the byshopps throughout the Romaine common weale, & other godly men likewise that were renowmed for monasticall discipline, concerning the councell of Chalcedon, and the consecration of Timotheus syrnamed Aelurus, he wrote generally vnto all men, and sent with all coppies of the supplications exhibited vnto him both by the fauorers of Proterius and the faction of Timothee. the letters he sent euery where con­tayned such a forme as followeth.

The coppie of the godly letters of Leo the most vertuous Emperour, vnto Anatolius byshopp of Constantinople with all other archebyshopps and byshopps wheresoeuer.

LEo Emperour, and Caesar, vertuous, victorious, triumphant, chiefe Lord, all noble Augustus vnto Anatolius the byshop sendeth greetinge. It was euer our desire, that both all the most holy & Catholicke churches, and moreouer the cities subiecte vnto the Romaine dominions should enioy peace and tranquillitie, and that nothing should befall them, whiche might mo­lest their quiet estate. what sturre there was of late risen at Alexandria, we are sure thy holines knoweth full well, but to thende thou mayst vnderstand the whole, and the occasion of so great a tumult and hurliburly, we haue sent vnto thy fatherhood the coppies of the complaints and supplications exhibited vnto our highnesse, against Timothee, both by the most holy byshopps and priests of the aforesaide citie and prouince of Aegypt, after their comming vnto the prince­ly citie of Constantinople, as also suche supplications as certaine citizens sent from Timothee out of Alexandria vnto our campe, haue deliuered vnto vs: to this ende and purpose, that thou maist perfectly knowe what Timotheus hath practised, whome the people of Alexandria, the worthi­est personages, the citizens & shipmasters requested to be their byshop, and what other things were contained in the supplications, and moreouer touching the councel of Chalcedon a corize vnto diuers mens consciences, as the complaints here within inclosed doe declare. VVherefore our will is that thy holinesse doe assemble all the religious and catholicke byshopps which pre­sently remaine in this princely citie, and with them, all the sacred senate of clergie men (for our principall care is to deliuer Alexandria from tumults and sedition to peace and quietnes) that after the sifting and exquisite handling of all controuersies, we may learne what your opinion is of the aforesaide Timothee and the councell helde at Chalcedon, laying aside all feare of man, all spite and fauour, hauinge onely the feare of almightie God fixed before your eyes (you re­member I am sure that for these thinges you shall render an accompt before the maiestie of God) that we beinge certified by your letters of all the premises, may publishe suche an edict as shalbe agreeable vnto the same.

These were his letters vnto Anatolius. The Emperour wrote other letters differing very litle in style from the aforesaide, both vnto other byshopps, and vnto other famous men, who then (as I said before) led a poore lyfe, and had not wherewith all to main­taine Symeon. Baradatus. Iames. them selues, of which number was Symeon (aboue mentioned) the first that euer made his nest in a pillour, and founde out that kinde of mansion, the rest were Baradatus and Iames, learned men of Syria.

CAP. X.

The censures and answers of diuers byshopps, and of holy Symeon vnto the aforesaide letters of the Emperour.

FIrst of all Leo byshopp of olde Rome, wrote in defence of the councell of Chalcedon, and dissa­lowed Leo b. of Rome. the election of Timothee, as an act contrarie to the canon of the Churche: the whiche epistle of Leo, the Emperour sent by one of his trustie messengers vnto Timothee byshop of [Page 436] Alexandria, to whome Timothee wrote backe againe, reprehending both the councell of Chalce­don, Timotheus [...]lu [...]us the be [...]et [...]ll byshopp of Alexandria. and the epistle of Leo. The coppie of these epistles is to be seene in the letters which Leo the Emperour wrote generally vnto all men, but I omitted them, lest I shoulde wery the reader with interlacing toe many of suche kinde of workes. Moreouer other byshopps in like sort maintained very earnestly the canons of the councell of Chalcedon, and condemned with one voyce the conse­cration of Timothee. but Amphilochius byshopp of Sida alone of all the other byshopps wrote an e­pistle Amphilo­chius b. of Sida. vnto the Emperour, where he inueyed bitterly at the election of Timothee, yet approued not the councell of Chalcedon, the which things are layde downe in writinge by Zacharie Rhetor, to­gether with the Epistle of Amphilochius. Symeon also a man of worthie memorie, wrote touching the aforesayde controuersies two Epistles, one vnto Leo the Emperour, an other vnto Basilius by­shopp of Antioch, of both whiche the Epistle vnto Basilius beinge but very briefe, I thinke best to lay downe for the louinge reader, it was as followeth. Vnto the most religious, most holy and dearly beloued of God, my lord Basil, the archebyshop, Symeon an humble sinner sendeth gree­ting The epistle of Symeon that dwell [...] in a p [...]l [...] vnto Basilius Archbishop of An [...]o [...]h. in the Lorde. Now we may very well say, blessed be God, which hath not turned away our petition, neyther withdrawen his mercie from vs miserable sinners. VVhen I had perused the letters which your holinesse sent vnto me, I fell into an admiration of the singuler care and pie­tie of our most holy Emperour reuealed and made manifest vnto the worlde by the affection he b [...]re not onely vnto the holy fathers, but also by the zeale he shewed vnto the fayth confirmed by them. but this commeth not of our selues, it is, as the holy Apostle writeth, the gifte of God, who by the meanes of your prayers graunted vnto him so prompt and willing a minde. Againe after a fewe lines he saith. VVherefore I beinge an abiecte and vile creature, as it were the vn­timely birth of the monkes signified vnto the Emperour what I my selfe thought of the creede layde downe by the sixe hundred and thirtie holy fathers, whiche assembled at Chalcedon, affir­ming that I helde with that fayth published no doubt by the instinct & motiō of the holy ghost. for if our sauiour be in the middest of two or three gathered together in his name, howe can he chuse but be present at the assembly of so many holy fathers, seing the holy ghost hath bene with them from the beginning? After this againe. VVherefore be of good cheere and defende stout­ly the true fayth, in such sort as Iesus the sonne of Naue seruant of the Lorde of hostes, gouerned and desended the people of Israell. I beseeche you salute from me all the clergie of your pro­uince, with the holy and faythfull people.

CAP. XI.

The banishment of Timotheus Aelurus byshopp of Alexandria, and the election of Timotheus Salofaciolus: of Gennadius and Acacius byshopps of Constantinople.

AFter the aforesaide sturre Timotheus syrnamed Aelurus was banished Alexandria, and en­ioyned Timotheus Aelurus. Timotheus Salofaciolus. Anatolius. Gennadius. Acacius. to make his abode at Gangrena: wherefore the people of Alexandria those Timo­theus (whome some called Basilicus, some other Salofaciolus) to succeede Proterius in the by­shopricke. When Anatolius had departed this life Gennadius gouerned the byshopricke of the princelie citye of Constantinople, after him succeeded Acacius maister of the hospitall or College of Orphans.

CAP. XII.

Of the earthquake whiche happened at Antioch three hundred forty seuen yeares after that whiche was in the time of Traian.

IN the seconde yeare of Leo the Emperours raigne, there was suche a marueylous great earth­quake Anno Dom. 159. & shaking of the fundations at Antioch, that it can not sufficiently be described. before it beganne certaine people that were borne within the citie waxed mad, raued aboue measure, and seemed vnto vs farre to exceede all furious rage of brutishe flercenesse and crueltie, as a preamble forerunninge so great a calamitie. This grieuous earthquake happened the fiue hundred and sixth yeare after the citie was called Antioch, the fourteenth day of the moneth Gorpiaeus, after the Ro­maines, September, about the fourth houre of the night, the Sunday goinge before, the eleuenth [Page 437] course of the reuolution, three hundred forty seuen yeares after the earthquake vnder Traian. That earthquake was a hundred fifty and nine yeares after the grauntinge of the charter and incorpo­ration of the citie: but this fell in the raigne of Leo, the fiue hundred and sixth yeare, as the histo­riographers who diligently described the circumstances thereof haue left vs in writinge: It tur­ned vpside downe, in manner all the buyldinge of this newe citie, beinge well peopled, without a wast corner, or ruinous peece of buyldinge, but all adorned and gorgeously sett forth by the boun­tifulnesse of the Emperours, contendinge amonge themselues successiuely who shoulde passe o­ther. Moreouer as ye goe in, the first and seconde lodginge of the pallace were ouerthrowen, the rest standinge vp with the bath adioyninge thereunto, which bath aforetime serued to no vse, yet then of necessitie by reason the other bathes wente to ruyne, supplyed their wante, and stoode the citie in good steede. the portly gates of the pallace, the place called the fouresquare porche, the vt­ter turretts and galleries nighe the gates where their stage playes were kept, and some porches that came out thence, some part of the bathes of Traian, Seuerus, & Adrian, the adioyning Ostra­cina, together with the porches & Nymphaeum were turned downe to the grounde, all whiche Iohn Rhetor hath largely discoursed of. he sayth further that in consideratiō of the premises, the Empe­rour forgaue the citie a thousand talents of gold of the tribute which they payd him & released such citizens as sustained losse, of theyr rente, last of all, that he tooke vpon him to repayre the publique edifices.

CAP. XIII.

Of the fire that raged at Constantinople.

THere fell moreouer at Constātinople a calamity not much vnlike the former nay farr more grieuous, it beganne in that part of the city which lay to the sea & is called the Oxe Causei The reporte goeth that a despitefull and wicked deuell in the forme of a woman or a poore woman through the instigation of the deuell (both is reported) went about candel light with a can­dell in her hand vnto the market for to buy some saltfish, left her candell vpon the stall and went a­way. When the candell had wasted to the ende of the wike, it rose into a great flame and stroke im­mediatly in the buylding ouer heade which burned at the first, it tooke hold also of the houles that were next not onely such as easily might be set on fire, but also the stony buylding and burned them to ashes. They say this fire lasted the space of foure dayes, no man was able to quenche it, it fla­shed throughout the middes of the citie, consumed from the north part to the south end all houses, fiue furlungs in length and fourteene in bredth, left no buylding either publique or priuate, no pil­lours, no stony arches or vaultes in all that tyme and in all that compasse vnburned to the funda­tion, but to haue perced the flinte stone and harde mettall as if it had bene stuble or strawe. Of the north part of the citie where the hauen lieth this lamentable destruction reached frō the Oxe-Causei (so is the place called) vnto the old temple of Apollo: in the south side frō the hauen of Iulian vnto the temple of Concorde: in the middest of the citie frō Constantines market vnto the market of Taurus, a pitiefull shewe and dredfull to behold. The goodly places & gorgeous high buyldings that had bene within the citie, the costly carued tymber yelding heretofore great maiesty vnto the eye of man, both publique and priuate were then become like craggy hills and rocks that no man could passe through, confused heapes of filth and all kind of stuff full of deformity, that the owners of them them felues could not discerne the bounds of theyr possessiō neither say this or that place stoode thus before the fire consumed them.

CAP. XIIII.

Of sundry calamities that raignedin diuerse contreyes.

ABout the same time whē the Scythian battaill waged w t the Romaines which inhabited the Easterne partes of the Empire waxed hotte, Thracia, Hellespontus, and Ionia were won­derfully shaken with earthquakes: no lesse were the fiftie Iles called Cyclâdes in the seae Aegaeū, Cnidos in Caria & Coo, so that many of theyr buildings were turned downe to the ground. Priscus moreouer writeth, there fell at Constantinople and in Bithynia such stormes of raine and water that for the space of three or foure dayes it poured downe like wholl streames and floodes, beate downe the hills and mountaynes with the violence thereof and made them playne valleyes: that the villages were all on flote and in daunger of drowning: that in the lake Boan not farre frō [Page 438] Nicomedia by reason of the filth and all kinde of baggage which the water brought thither, there were seene Ilands. but these things came to passe in a while after.

CAP. XV.

The mariage of Zeno and Ariadne.

LEo the Emperour gaue Ariadne his daughter to Zeno, made him his sonne in lawe, who of a chylde was called Aricmesus, yet being maried, he gott that name of a noble man of I­sauria, that had beene of greate honor and renowme. Howe this Zeno attayned vnto greate estimation, & vpon what occasion Leo preferred him before all other, Eustathius Syrus hath left vs in writinge.

CAP. XVI.

Of Anthemius that became Emperour of Rome, and also of such as succeeded him.

ANthemius at the request of the Romane embassadors inhabiting the west, which were sent in Anthemius. embassie vnto Leo y emperour, abiding at Constantinople, was sent to be emperour of Rome, to whome Martianus the emperour had geuen his daughter in mariage, Basiliscus also the brother of Berina the wife of Leo was made captaine ouer a great armye of chosen soldiers, & sent against Genzerichus, al which circumstances Priscus Rhetor hath exquisitly handled, neither onely these things, but also how Leo conspired the death of Aspar, whom he him selfe had made Empe­rour, as the reward of honor he aduaunced him vnto, and slew with him also his sonnes, Ardaburius whom he had made Caesar & Patricius, to thend he might skorne at the insolency & ignorance of A­spar Olymbrius. Glycerius. Nepos. Orestes. Romulus Augustulus, Odoacer. their father. when Anthemius who gouerned the empire of Rome fiue yeare, was slai [...]e, Olym­brius was by Rhecimerus proclaimed emperour: after the dispatching of him Glycerius was created emperour, he raigned fiue yeares & was deposed by Nepos, who stept in his rowme, & made Glyce­rius a Romane byshop of Salone a city in Dalmatia, Orestes put Nepos beside the empire: after Ore­stes his sonne Romulus syrnamed Augustulus was the last emperour of Rome, of the thousand three hundred yeares after the raigne of Romulus. when he departed this lyfe Odoacer gouerned the Ro­mane common weale, who refused the name of an emperour, & would haue him selfe called a king.

CAP. XVII.

The death of Leo the Emperour, of yong Leo that came after him, likewise of Zeno his father and successor.

ABout that time Leo the emperonr hauing raigned seuentene yeares deposed him self of the Anno Dom. 475. imperial scepter at Constantinople & placed Leo that was of tender yeares, the sonne of A­riadne his danghter, & of Zeno, in the empire. After him came Zeno y father of Leo the yon­ger to be emperour, the sonne in law of Leo the elder, & this he obtained through the procurement of Berina the wife of Leo y elder: in a while after when yong Leo had departed this life Zeno raig­ned alone. but al what so euer he did during his raigne, or what othermen did against him & what thinges happened in his dayes we purpose by the help of God to discourse in the next booke fol­lowing.

CAP. XVIII.

Asummarie recit all of all the acts of the councell held at Chalcedon briefely handled before by E­uagrius The transla­tor vnto the reader. in the 4. chapter of this 2. booke where he promised to refer the reader for further know­ledge vnto the end of this 2. booke, & now he performeth it with a large & ample discourse. maruell not at all gentle reader though he repeat here certen things which he laid downe before. As I finde them in the greeke, so thou hast them in Englishe, be beginneth thus:

PAscasianus and Lucentius the byshopps, and Boniface the priest supplyed in this councell the absence of Leo byshopp of olde Rome: Anatolius als byshopp of Constantinople, Di­oscorus byshopp of Alexandria, Maximus byshopp of Antioch, Iuuenalis byshopp of Ie­rusalem with their seuerall clergie, were present at the councell. There sate with them the chief se­nators [Page 439] vnto whome the substitutes of Leo sayde that Dioscorus ought not to sitt in the councell with them, that Leo their byshop had charged them no lesse, and if they woulde not yeelde vnto it, that they woulde leaue the Churche and bidd them farewell. When the Senators demaunded what crimes Dioscorus was to be charged withall, their aunswere was, that he who contrarye to all right and honestie playde the part of a Iudge, was to abide the sentence of iudgement him selfe for the censure he had pronounced of others. These thinges beinge spoken, and Dioscorus also be­inge appointed to stande in the middest, Eusebius byshop of Dorilaeum requested that the suppli­cation he had sent vnto the Emperour might be openly reade in their hearing, and withall he ad­ded these wordes. I protest vnto you that Dioscorus hath iniuried me not a litle, he hath also brought our religion into great infamye, he procured the death of Flauianus the byshop, and wrongfully deposed him together with me. cause, I beseeche you, my supplication to be reade. When he had made an ende of speakinge his supplication was reade, contayninge suche a forme as followeth.

The humble supplication of Eusebius byshop of Dorilaeum exhibited vnto the most vertuous Emperours, requestinge he may be hearde pleadinge both for himselfe, for the ca­tholikefaith, and for Flauianus byshop of Constantinople.

IT behoueth your maiesties (most noble and puisant emperours) to prouide carefully for the The suppli­cation of Eusebius by­shop of Do­rilaeum ex­hibited vnto valentinianꝰ and Martia­nus the em­perours. quietnesse of all your louing subiects, yet when all others sustaine iniuries euer to vphold and assist the sacred senate of priesthood. and herein verily the diuine godheade which graunted vnto you the rule & domination of the whole world is truely honored. wherfore seing the chri­stian faith, & we our selues also haue bene oppressed & diuersly molested with extreme wrōg by Dioscorus the most reuerēd byshop of the most noble city of Alexandria, we are come vnto your wonted clemēcy most humbly to craue iustice at your hands. The occasion of our cōplaint is as followeth. In the councel lately held at the famous city of Ephesus (I would to God it had neuer bene called together, then had it not brought into the whole world such horrible mischiefe and hurliburly) the aforesaid Dioscorus who trode right & reasō vnder foot, who set the fear of God farre out of his sight, who maintained one absurd opinion with Eutyches that vaine & hereticall varlett, who of a longe whyle reuealed not vnto many the venome of his cankred stomacke, yet bewrayed him selfe in processe of time partly by occasion of the crimes we laide to Eutyches his charge, & partly also by occasion of the sentence which Flauianus the byshop of worthy memo­rie pronounced against him: gathered together a great multitude of seditious persons, raised with his money no small power, laboured as muche as laye in him to ouerthrowe the catho­licke religion and godly fayth of the auncient fathers, and to establishe the blasphemous opini­on of Eutyches the monk whose opinion was euer condēned of the holy fathers from the Apo­stles time vnto this day. wherfore seing the haynous offences he committed both impudently to the derogation of the Christian faith & vncharitably against vs, be of no smal importāce, we are most humbly to craue vpon our bare knees of your graces, and to request that by vertue of your autority the most reuerēd byshop Dioscorus may be inioyned to aunswere vnto suche crimes as we haue laid to his charge, to wit, vnto such practises of his, & records as he broughtforth against vs in the holy councell, wherby we shalbe able plainly to proue that he is estraunged from the catholicke faith: that he maintaineth an opinion which is nothing else but blasphemy it selfe: that he both deposed vs vniustly & iniuried vs diuersly besides. we beseeche you moreouer to vouchsafe the sending of your gracious letters vnto the holy & general councel of the most god­ly byshops, to thend both our doings & his may indifferently be heard, & that your highnes may be certified againe of al that is handled by the councel, hoping that therein we shall please our immortal head Christ Iesus. If we may obtaine (most holy emperours) this our humble sute at your maiesties hāds, we will not ceasse day & night to pray for the prosperous state of your em­pire, and the continuaunce of your raigne.

The canons concluded vpon by the byshops in the se­cond councell of Ephesus were openly read at the request as wel of Dioscorus as of Eusebius, where it appeared that the epistle of Leo was not read at all, yea though some had spoken of it againe, & againe. Dioscorus being demaunded why it was not read, aunswered for him selfe, that he had mo­ued the byshops and that oftentimes to doe it: Iuuenalis byshop of Ierusalem, and Thalassius byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who together with Dioscorus challenged vnto them selues autority in [Page 440] the councell of Chalcedon, required that all should be read & reuealed. Iuuenalis auoutched and said plainely that the emperour admonished Dioscorus by his letters to read the epistle of Leo, yet after­wards that there was not a word spoken of it. Thalassius pleaded in like sort for him selfe, y t he hin­dred not the reading of it, & that he had not so much autority of him self as to cōmaund the reading of it. wherfore the acts of the councell being read, some of the byshops espied therein certaine fay­ned and counterfeit handes, and among the rest Stephan byshop of Ephesus was demaunded of the councell who they were that subscribed with exceptions, he made aunswere that Iulian (who after­wards was made byshop of Lebidum) and Crispinus had done so: for all that such as subscribed at the request of Dioscorus, not to haue suffred it so to stande, but to haue wrung the fingers of such as wrote & directed their pens to their great shame & infamy. In the end Stephan cōfessed that the de­priuation of Flauianus was ratified with subscriptions the same day. for Acacius byshop of Ariara­thia compelled all the byshops by force, & made them of necessity to subscribe vnto a blanke, mole­sting thē infinitly with soldiers, who stood by with naked swords redy to dispatch them if they yel­ded not. Againe they reade an other accusation whereunto Theodorus byshop of Claud [...]opolis made aunswere y there was no such thing spokē. As they proceded on stil in reading the acts of the councel where any thing was motioned which concerned Eutyches & such as affirmed y the flesh of God our lord & sauiour Iesus christ came downe from heauen, they brought forth the records of the councell, where Eusebius had aunswered, y Eutyches had said in deed from heauen, but not to haue added whence he toke it: y Diogenes byshop of Cyzicum vrged him at y time, in this sort, tel vs thē whēce toke he flesh? and y they were not suffred to reasō further therof. After al this they brought forth the records, then Basilius byshop of Seleucia in Isauria said: I adore our one lord Iesus Christ the sonne of God, y t only God y word, who after his incarnation & the vniting together of y diuinity & humanity is thought to consist in two natures. y byshops of Aegypt cried out against this in such sort as followeth: Let no man deuide him into parts that can not be parted. we must say there is one sonne, not two sonnes. they y byshops of y east cried: cursed be he that parteth christ, cursed be he that deuideth him. the same records did testifie y Eutyches being asked whether he thought y The heresie of Eutyches. christ had two natures, made aunswere y according vnto his knowledge before y cōiunction of his diuinity & humanity together, christ consisted of two natures, but after y vniting of thē to haue had in him but one nature. And y Basil said then: if he confesse not y there were two natures after y con­iunction of y t natures which can neither be separated, neither confounded, then bringeth he in both a confusion & a cōmixtion: but if he say that the diuinity being incarnate put on humanity, & so vn­derstand y incarnation in such sort as Cyrill doth: then saith he no other then we doe. for the diuinity which was with the father is one thing, & the humanity which he tooke of his mother is an other thing. when y councell demaunded of them why they had subscribed to depose Flauianus, y records doe declare y the byshops of the East cried out: we haue all done amisse, & therefore we all craue pardon. Againe going forwardes in perusing of y records, it appeared y byshops were asked why they admitted not Eusebius into their company & conference, when he requested it of them, where­unto Dioscorus aunswered that Elpidius brought letters to warne them, & that he proued vnto them how Theodosius the emperour charged them they should not permit him to come into the councell, the acts doe witnesse y t Iuuenalis made the same aunswere. Thalassius said y such things as the em­perours had cōdemned, were of no force & autority after the condemnation, yet y he said not so as in defence of the faith. whereupon the records doe declare y t Dioscorus reprehended their doings with these & such other like words: I pray you what maner of canons are now obserued? when Theodo­ritus came in amonge them, it is reported the Senate shoulde say that he came in for an accuser: and that Dioscorus aunswered, he was to take the rowme of a byshop. The Senate then replyed that both Eusebius and Theodoritus were to stande in the rowme of accusers, no otherwise then Dioscorus was to stande at the barre and to be arrayned. All the actes of the seconde councell helde at Ephesus were reade and the sentence whiche they had pronounced against Flauianus and Euse­bius. vntill they came to a certayne clause, at the hearinge whereof, Hilarius the byshop beganne to speake. The byshops of the East and suche as were of their side, cryed: Let Dioscorus be ac­cursed. The byshops of the East cryed thus a­gainst Dios­corus. In the verye same houre Christe depriued Dioscorus, when Dioscorus deposed Flauia­nus. O holye Lorde we beseeche the chastise thou him, and thou O Catholicke Emperour, be reuenged on him, God graunt Leo may liue manye yeares, God sende the Patriarche a longe lyfe. Laste of all when the actes were reade, whiche declared that all the byshops assembled at Ephesus had subscribed vnto the depriuation of Flauianus and Eusebius, the most sage and worthie [Page 441] Senators sayde as followeth. The nexte daye after when the councell aduised them selues The senators gaue their sentence in these words. where it ap­peareth that laye men were of great autoritie in the councels. somewhat better, we doe perceaue that they reasoned more exquisitly of the true and Ca­tholicke fayth. VVherefore seeinge that Flauianus the byshop of worthye memorye, and Eu­sebius the most reuerende byshop of Dorilaeum, were founde not to haue erred in the fayth af­ter we had searched the actes and decrees of the councell, and also by the report of suche as were chiefe in the councell, and therefore vniustly to haue beene deposed (for they confes­sed them selues fowlye deceaued, and wrongfully to haue depriued Flauianus and Eusebius) It seemeth good vnto vs, and no doubt God approueth the same, that Dioscorus the most reue­rend byshop of Alexandria (if it so please our Lorde the Emperour) Iuuenalis the most reuerend byshop of Ierusalem, Thalassius the most reuerend byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Eusebius the most reuerend byshop of Armenia, Eustathius the most reuerend byshop of Berytus, & Ba­silius the most reuerende byshop of Seleucia in Isauria (who were then of autoritye and chiefe of the councell) shoulde be punished alyke, deposed of their byshoprickes, by the censure and iudgement of the councell as the canons of the Church doe require & be at the Emperours pleasure. When their sentence was reade the byshops of the East cryed: That iudgement is iust. Then the byshopes of Illyrium sayde wyth lowde voyces: VVe haue all done amisse, and there­fore we all craue pardon. When the byshops of the Easte cryed agayne: That sentence is iust, Christ deposed the murtherer, Christ reuenged the martyrs, The Senators commaunded that euerye one of the byshopes then present shoulde wryte his fayth seuerallye: perswadinge them selues of a suretye that the moste holye Emperour beleeued accordinge vnto the forme of fayth publyshed at Nice by three hundred and eyghteene fathers, and agreeable vnto the creede framed at Constantinople, by a hundred and fiftye byshops, and no otherwise then the Epistles of the ho­lye fathers: Gregorie, Basil, Hillarie, Athanasius, Ambrosius, and the two Epistles of Cyrill reade in the first councell of Ephesus haue directed him: and that Leo the most reuerende byshop of olde Rome, deposed Eutyches for the contrarye. After the breakinge vp of this session in suche sort as you heare, when the holy byshops had mette agayne and sate together, Eusebius byshop of Dorilae­um exhibited vnto them bils of complaynt, both in his owne name and in the person of Flauianus, where he charged Dioscorus that he maintayned one heresie and opinion wyth Eutyches, and that he had deposed them of their priesthood. He added moreouer that Dioscorus had falsified the recordes by layinge downe certaine wordes which were not at all vttered in the councell then as­sembled together: that through wiles and craft he had procured blanks for them to subscribe vn­to. he made sute vnto them againe that all the actes and canons of the seconde councell helde at E­phesus by their sentence and autority might be abrogated: that they would restore them vnto their priestly function: that they would accurse the detestable doctrine of Eutyches, and last of all he re­quested that after the reading of the records, his aduersary might be brought before the councell. when this was graunted, Aetius the head notary stood vp and said that he had bene with Dioscorus as with the rest, and that Dioscorus had aunswered him, that his keepers would not licence him to come vnto the councell. It was saide moreouer that Dioscorus was sought for before the councell sate and could not be found, & that Anatolius byshop of Constantinople should aunswere he should both be warned, and come vnto the councell. This being done such as were sent vnto him returned saying from Dioscorus: My keepers wil not let me come, if they will licence me, let them speak. but when y messengers replied y they were sent not vnto the maisters of y ward, but vnto him, y report goeth he aunswered thus: I am redy to come vnto the holy & generall councel, but I am staid. Hi­merius added vnto these sayings, howe at their returne frō Dioscorus, Bo [...]tius met by y way the ma [...] ­ster of y holy offices, & that byshops accōpanied him againe as he went vnto Dioscorus, and y they had brought with thē in paper some part of their conference, y which notes being read declared y Dioscorus made thē this aunswere: when that I ponder this matter with my selfe and perceaue how auaileable it is for me, take this aunswere: seeinge the most reuerende byshops which sit The sleeu [...] lesse aunsw [...] of Dioscor [...] in the coūcell haue decreed many things after the often cōferences they had with seueral mē & that I now am called to the secōd sitting for to reuoke such things as were spokē of before, my request is, that the most reuerend byshops & holy Senate which were present at the first session be now also at the second, that the same things may now the secōd time be exquisitly handled. The records doe declare y Acacius replied vnto him againe in this sort. The holy & worthy coun­cell Acacius. hath not therefore commaunded your holines to come vnto them, to thend such thinges as were decided in the presence of the most reuerend byshops and holy senate, should be called in [Page 442] agayne, but sent vs purposely vnto you that you shoulde come vnto the councell, and that your holynesse shoulde not be absent from them. Dioscorus sayde vnto him agayne as it is re­corded: Dioscorus. You tolde me alreadye that Eusebius gaue vp vnto the councell bills of complaynte, well I requeste you once agayne, that my cause may throughly be knowen and examined in presence of the presidents and senate. After the recitall of other thinges toe and froe, wyth o­ther circumstances they sent againe vnto Dioscorus, requestinge him to be present at the councell, who wrote his aunswere in paper, afterwardes they returned and reade it thus before the coun­cell. I signified of late vnto your holinesse that I was sicke, therefore I craue that the most worthye presidents and holy senate will be present at the handlinge and decidinge of causes, and because my sickenesse increaseth, therefore I differre my comminge. The recordes doe de­clare that Cecropius hearinge that aunswere, sayde thus vnto Dioscorus: Why syr hitherto ye made no mention of sickenesse, and will ye nowe be sicke, ye shoulde haue satisfied the canons of the Churche. Dioscorus turned vnto him, I tolde you (sayth he) once alreadye that the presi­dents shall be there for me. With this Russi [...]s byshop of Samosata sayde vnto Dioscorus: looke what so euer is called into controuersie, it is decided accordinge vnto the canons of the Churche, and therefore he that commeth vnto the councell may speake freely what pleaseth him. Diosco­rus beinge therein perswaded, Iuuenalis, and Thalassius came thither. Eustathius bolted out suche thinges as were to no purpose, whereunto as it is recorded, Dioscorus made aunswere, and requested of the most religious Emperour that the presidents and suche as had geuen iudgement with him in the councell, shoulde be sent for thither. The messengers that were sent vnto him aun­swered him againe, that Eusebius complayned vpon him alone, and that it needed not accordinge vnto his motion, to cite all to appeare. Dioscorus replyed that by right as many as were Iudges with him in the councell shoulde be present, that Eusebius had no priuate action against him, but onely an accusation agaynst suche thinges as they all had decided and iudged. When the Le­gats vrged him with the same, Dioscorus aunswered: I tolde ye once what ye may trust toe, I knowe not what I shoulde tell you agayne. After the relation of the aforesayde, Eusebius by­shop of Dorylaeum protested that he charged no man with ought saue Dioscorus alone, and reque­sted that Dioscorus might be called the thirde time. Aetius interrupted him and sayde: that there came of late vnto the councell certaine men of Alexandria (as they named them selues) of the clergie, together with some of the laytie, and preferred bills of complaynt agaynst Dioscorus, and as they stoode at the Churche doores where the councell sate, there to haue made an excla­mation: that first of all Theodorus Deacon of Alexandria, gaue vp vnto the councell a bill of in­vitement, after him [...]chyrianus Deacon of the same churche, there followed him Athanasius the priest, Cyrills brothers sonne, and that last of all Sophronius charged him with blasphemy, bribery, The conditi­ons of Dios­corus. and extortion. Dioscorus was called the thirde time, and came not, the Legats brought the councell his aunswere in these wordes. I haue aunswered your holmes so sufficiently already that I haue now no more to say vnto you. When the Legats dealt earnestly with him for to come, he would geue them no other aunswere. Then Pascasianns said: Dioscorus is now the thirde time cited to ap­peare & comes not, no doubt his owne conscience doth accuse him, what deserueth he I praye you? all the byshops made aunswere that he incurred the daunger of the canons of the church. Proterius byshop of Smyrna saide: when holy Flauianus was slaine through his procurement, he was not punyshed accordinge to his deserts. Last of all the Legats of Leo Archebyshop of Rome, spake The subs [...] ­ [...] of Leo of Rome [...]aue this [...]ence a­ [...]st Dios­ [...]rus in the [...]unc [...]ll of [...]halcedon. in the councell as followeth. The haynous offences whiche Dioscorus late byshop of the no­ble citye of Alexandria, committed agaynst the canons of councells, and the Ecclesiasticall Discipline are throughly knowen of vs all, partly by siftinge out suche thinges as were hearde in the former session, and partly also by examininge suche thynges as we decyded this daye. And that we may omitt manye other thinges, this man of his owne autoritye con­trarye to the canon of the Churche receaued Eutyches into the communion, an hereticke of the same opinion wyth him, and one that was iustly deposed by his owne proper byshop, to witt, the most holy father and our byshop Flauianus: and this he did before he shewed his face in the councell, whiche he helde with the most holy byshops at Ephesus. but the Aposto­licke seae pardoned the byshops, because they were constrained against their wills to doe that whiche they did: who yeelded them selues vnto this present houre both to Leo the most holy byshop, and to the whole sacred and generall assembly of byshops, and therefore as men of one opinion wyth him he receaued them into the communion. As for this Dioscorus he [Page 443] ceasseth not as yet to glorye of the thinges for the vvhiche he ought to mourne, lament and lye grouelinge vpon the grounde in sackcloth and ashes. Not onely this but also he forbadd the readinge of holy Pope Leo his Epistle written vnto Flauianus of godly memorye, yea beinge oft intreated of the Legats, nay when he him selfe had promised with an othe that he woulde procure it to be reade. The defaulte in not readinge of whiche Epistle hath beene both an offence and hindrance vnto the holye Churches vnder heauen. Although he was priueye to suche levvde practises, yet haue vve assembled together to thende vve might deale somewhat fauourably both with him for all his former levvdenesse, and also in lyke sort with the other godly byshopps whiche were not of equall autoritye with him in iudgement. But seeinge that his later misdemenure exceeded his former impierie, for he sticked not to excommuni­cate Leo the most holye, and most religious Archebyshop of Rome, Moreouer when shame­full bills were exhibited againste him, and he him selfe beinge cyted once, twise, and the thirde tyme as the canon of the Churche hath commaunded by the godly byshops to appeare be­fore the councel, yet would he not come, for his owne conscience accused him, but entertayned contrarye vnto lawe suche as were iustly deposed by diuers councells, and sett at naught sun­drye constitutions of the Churche, condemninge as it were him selfe with his owne doinges: Once againe seeinge these are founde to be his later practises, Leo the moste holye Arche­byshop S. Paul sayth that Christ is the rocke & fundation to buylde vpon. 1. Cor. 3. & 10. of greate and olde Rome, by vs, and this sacred assemblye together with the moste blessed Apostle Sainct Peter, who is the rocke, the grounde of the Catholicke Churche and the fundation of the true fayth, bereaued him of all dignitye that belongeth to a byshop, and depriued him of the priestly function. VVherefore let this holye councell geue the sen­tence of Dioscorus (of whome we haue hytherto spoken) accordinge vnto the canons of the Churche. When Anatolius, Maximus, with the rest of the byshops (those onely excepted whome the Senators had deposed wyth Dioscorus) had confirmed the aforesayde sentence, the councell certified Martianus the Emperour of their decrees, and sent a depriuation vnto Dios­corus The depriuation of Dios­corus arche­byshopp of Alexandria. in suche sort as followeth. Because thou hast despised the holye canons of the Churche: Because thou haste not obeyed this holye and generall councell: Because thou art moreo­uer conuinced of manye other haynous crimes: Because thou beinge thrise called of this fa­mous assemblye to aunswere vnto suche thinges as were layde vnto thy charge, camest not, knowe that for all the aforesayde, thou art deposed by this holye and generall coun­cell the thirteenth daye of this present October, of thy byshopricke, and bereaued of all Ec­clesiasticall right and title. These thynges beinge registred and sent also vnto the godlye by­shops of the moste holye Churche of Alexandria, and the decree agaynste Dioscorus openly proclaimed, that session brake vp and so ended. But afterwards they sate againe, and first they aun­swered the senators who had desired to be satisfied as touchinge the true and right faith: next they affirmed that there was nothinge to be done concerninge Eutyches, for the byshop of Rome had made a [...]nall end and conclusion thereof, and therein they were all agreed. moreouer when all the byshops seemed very willing, and the senators exhorted euery patriarch, that one or other of eue­ry their seuerall prouinces shoulde stande vp to thende the opinions of them all might throughly be knowen, Florentius byshop of Sardis craued their fauour that with aduise, and after deliberation taken, they might attaine vnto the trueth, and Cecropius byshop of Sebastopolis saide. The faith is Cecropius. both notablye sett forth by three hundred and eyghteene holye fathers, confirmed afterwardes by the godlye fathers, Athanasius, Cyrill, Celestinus, Hilarius, Basil and Gregory, and nowe againe approued by moste holye Leo. VVherefore our requeste is, that the creede of the three hundred holye fathers and of the moste holye Leo may be reade. Beinge reade all the councell cryed: This is the fayth of the true professors, we are all of this fayth. This is the fayth of Pope Leo, this is the fayth of Cyrill, thus hath the Pope interpreted. Againe when they had reasoned amonge them selues for the readinge of the fayth which the hundred and fifty holye fathers publyshed in the councell helde at Constantinople, it was also reade. Then the whole councell cryed agayne. This is the fayth of the true professors, thus we doe all beleeue. After the finishinge of all the premises Aetius the Archedeacon sayde, I haue here at hande the Epistle of holye Cyrill, written vnto Nestorius, the whiche all the byshopes in the coun­cell helde at Ephesus confyrmed wyth their seuerall subscriptions: I haue here also an o­ther Epistle of the same Cyrill, written vnto Iohn byshope of Antioche, and confirmed lyke­wyse, will it please you to geeue them the hearinge. When euerye one had spoken his pleasure [Page 444] of them, they were both reade. we haue thought good presently to laye downe here some portion of the former, it was reade as followeth.

Ʋnto Nestorius the most reuerend and his most holy collegue Cyrill sendeth greetinge.

THere are as I am geuen to vnderstande certaine men whiche labour and that verye often Cyrill arche­byshop of Alexandria vnto Nesto­rius archebyshop of Constantinople and an hereticke. altogether to discreditt me with your holinesse, this they doe specially when they see worthye men and magistrates oftentimes meetinge together, supposinge peraduenture that you will be pleased with the hearing of such thinges. Againe after a fewe lines he saith. The holy and famous councel affirmeth that he which is naturally begotten of God the father, is the onely begotten sonne, true God of true God, light of light, by whom the father made all things: that he came downe from heauen, that he was incarnate and made man: that he suffred, rose a­gaine the third day & ascended into the heauens. It behoueth vs to yeelde and condescend vnto these articles, vnto this doctrine, and to search out with al the gifts we haue, what is ment by be­ing incarnate, & what is vnderstood by saying that the worde of God became flesh. for we doe not say that the worde of God by chaunginge the nature thereof became flesh, neither by con­uersion into wholl man which consisteth of body & soule: but this rather, that the worde accor­ding vnto the subsistēcy or being therof, coupling vnto it selfe liuing flesh endued with a reaso­nable soule, became man: in such sort as may neither be expressed in worde, neither conceaued by thought: & that he was called the sōne of man, not according vnto will onely, or in that it so pleased his goodnes, neither onely by taking vpon him the person, or because contrarie natures were coupled together in true vnitye: but that one Christ and one sonne consisted of two na­tures: not that the difference of the natures was taken away by reason of the vnity, but that the diuinitye and humanitye after an vnspeakeable and secret couplinge and meetinge together made one Lorde, Christe, and the sonne. After the enterlacinge of certayne other thinges he annexed thereunto as followeth. Because he came of a woman and coupled mans nature vnto him selfe according vnto his subsistencie, and that for our sake, and for our saluation, therefore is he said to haue bene borne after the fleshe. for he was not first of all (after the common gene­ration) borne of the virgine Mary, & then the worde of God entred into him. but was coupled with the flesh in the matrix, and is said to haue bene borne after the flesh, as one that made the birth of his flesh proper to him selfe. In like sort we say that he suffred, rose againe, not that God the word suffred in his owne nature either stripes, or the print of nayles, or other vexations, (for the godhead being without body is impatible) but that the body being made proper vnto him suffred, and so is he saide to haue suffred these thinges for our sakes. for there was in the bodye which suffred, that which coulde not suffer.

But so muche out of the first epistle. touchinge the second we layde downe a good part thereof in the first booke of our Ecclesiasticall historie which went before in the epistle of Iohn byshopp of Antioch. there is suche a protestation layde downe as followeth, and confirmed with the testimonie of Cyrill. VVe confesse that the holy virgine is The wordes of Iohn b. of Antioch. the mother of God, because God the worde tooke fleshe and manhood of her, and coupled vn­to him selfe by the conception, the temple which he tooke of her. Neyther are we ignorant that godly men inspired from aboue haue partly affirmed that the phrases which cōcerned the Lord and were laid downe by the Euangelists and Apostles were vttered of one person. and partly de­uided them into seuerall portions, as written of two natures: and partly also confessed that they were diuine, and spoken onely of the diuinitye of Christe. Vnto this of Iohn, Cyrill addeth of his Cyrill vnto Iohn b. of Antioch. owne. VVhen we had perused these your godly sentences and clauses within contained and per­ceaued plainely that you were of one minde and opinion with vs (for there is but one Lord, one fayth, one baptisme) we rēdred vnto god diuine praises, who is the cōseruer of the whol world: and presently we conceaue exceedinge ioy, seeinge that as well your Churches as ours beinge driuen thereunto, partly by the force and power of the holy scriptures, and partly also by tra­dition deliuered vnto vs of our most holy fathers doe embrace one fayth and opinion. After the readinge of these Epistles, they that were in the councell cried in this sorte:: we are all of that fayth: Leo the Pope beleeueth so: cursed be he that deuydeth Christe, that confoundeth his natures: this is the fayth of Archebyshoppe Leo: thus beleeueth Leo, Leo and Anato­lius are of this fayth. VVe are all of this fayth: Cyrill is of this fayth. Let Cyrill neuer be forgotten. [Page 445] Let the epistles of Cyrill be euer had in memory. This is our opinion, thus we both haue beleued and doe beleue. Thus doth Archbishop Leo beleue, thus hath he wryttē. They reasoned a while whether the epistle of Leo should be read, in the ende they read it with the interpretation annexed thereunto, which is extant among the actes of the councell. When the reading was ended and the Byshops had cried, this is the faith of the fathers, this is the faith of the Apostles, we are all of this faith, the true professors are of this faith, cursed be he which beleueth not thus, Peter in the per­son of Leo sayde thus: thus haue the Apostles taught, Leo hath godly and truely taughte these things, Cyrill hath taught thus, Leo and Cyrill haue taught alike, cursed be he which holdeth not this faith, this is the true faith, this is the opinion of the true professors, this is the faith of the fa­thers. why vvere not these things read in the councell of Ephesus, what meant Dioscorus to con­ceale these things. Whē the bishops had made an end of crieng in this sorte, y records of y councel do declare y when this parcel of Leo his epistle was read: It was to pay the ransome of our nature The wordes of Leo b. of Rome. that the godheade was ioyned with the patible nature, to the end, one and the same mediator of God & man, the mā Christ Iesus (the which thing was fitly applied vnto our sores & maladies) might dye of the one nature & not of the other, whē this I say was read & the bishops of Illyriū & Palaestina had doubted of the sense and meaning of the words, Aetius Archdeacon of the most holy church of Cōstantinople alleadged openly y opinion of Cyrill out of his owne words as followeth. Because his proper b [...]dy through the goodnes of God as Saynct Paul wryteth tasted of death The wordes of Cyrill. Heb. 2. Leo. for vs all, therefore is he sayd to haue dyed for vs: not that he suffered death as toutching his na­ture (for to say or thinke so is meere madnes) but that in such sorte as I sayd before his flesh ta­sted of death. Againe out of the Epistle of Leo they read thus. Both natures accompanied toge­ther doth that which is proper to either of them: the word bringeth to passe such things as be­longe vnto the vvorde, the body vvorketh such thinges as appertaineth vnto the body, the one vvorketh miracles the other sustayneth reproches. Againe when the Byshops of Illyrium & Pa­laestina doubted also of this sentence the same Aetius reade the words of Cyrill as followeth. Some Cyrill. phrases of holye Scripture whiche concerne the Lorde doe beste agree vvith his diuine nature, some other vvith his humane nature, and some other the middle betvvene both, affirming that the sonne of God is together both God and man. After all this when they doubted againe of an other parte of the aforesayd epistle of Leo the Byshop, which was read in this sorte, Although in Leo. very deede there is one person of God and man in the Lord Iesus Christ: yet there is one thinge vvherein either of them doth participate in contumely and an other thinge vvherein they both communicate in glory, It is of vs that his humanity, is inferiour to the father, & of the father it is that his diuinity is equall vvith the father, Theodoritus remēbred him selfe that Cyrill had wrytten Cyrill. the same thing almost in y same wordes. when he was made man, he laid not a side his propriety but continevved as he vvas: and the one nature dvvelled in the other that is the diuine nature in the humane. These things being expounded, when the worthy Senators had demaunded if any a­mong them doubted any further, all made answere that they were fully resolued. After this Atti­cus Byshop of Nicopolis requested they might all haue a day geuen them to deliberate, to the end they might with firme and settled mindes establishe such things as were pleasing vnto God and a­greable with the doctrine of the fathers: he craued moreouer the epistle whiche Cyrill wrote vnto Nestorius wherein he had exhorted hym to yelde vnto the twelue poincts of the fayth that were cō ­firmed of all the Bishops. The Presidents conferred of this matter among thē selues & graunted them fiue dayes to deliberate, that then they should come togither with Anatolius bishop of Con­stantinople, this being done they all agreed and sayd with one voice: vve beleue thus, vve all be­leue thus, as Leo beleueth so beleue vve, there is not one of vs that doubteth, we haue all sub­scribed. Vnto these things they replied againe in this sorte. It is not needefull that all should come togither, but in somuch it seemeth very expedient that such as wauer & are not as yet resolued may be confirmed, let the most reuerende Byshop Anatolius appoint whome he shall thinke good of thē that haue already subscribed to satisfie and confirme the rest. After this the councell sayd: we craue of the Fathers that the Presidents and chiefe of this councell doe entreate the Emperour and the Empresse for vs, we haue all done amisse, let vs be pardoned. The clergie of the Church of Con­stantinople cried: fewe doe crie we heare not the wholl councell speake. Then the Byshops of the East lifted theyr voyces saying: let the Aegyptian be deposed. And when the Bishops of Illyrium requested the same, the clergy of Constantinople cried: let Dioscorus be banished, let the Aegyp­tian be exiled, let the hereticke be sent avvay, Christ hath depriued Dioscorus. Againe the By­shops [Page 446] of Illyrium and such as were of theyr side, cried: vve haue all offended, we besech you pardō vs. Rid the councell of Dioscorus, avvay vvith Dioscorus out of the Churches. After they had tos­sed these and other such like things to and fro, they rose vp. The next session followinge when the Senate had reasoned among them selues about the publishing of theyr actes and decrees, Constā ­tinus the secretary read out of a schrole as followeth. The next day after when the councell adui­sed The sentēce of the Sena­tors is layde downe by E­ua [...]rius nowe the thirde time. them selues somwhat better, we doe perceaue that they reasoned more exquisitly of the true and Catholicke faith. VVherefore seeing that Flauianus the Byshop of worthy memory & Eu­sebius the most reuerend Bishop of Dorilaeum were founde not to haue erred in the fayth after we had searched the acts and decrees of the councel, & also by the reporte of such as were chief in the councell, and therefore vniustly to haue bene deposed (for they confessed them selues fouly deceaued, & wrongfully to haue depriued Flauianus and Eusebius) It seemeth good vnto vs & no doubt God approueth the same, that Dioscorus the most reuerend Bishop of Alexādria (if it so please our Lord the Emperour) Iuuenalis the most reuerend Bishop of Ierusalē, Thalas­sius the most reuerend Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Eusebius the most reuerend Bishop of Armenia, Eustathius the most reuerēd Bishop of Berytus and Basilius the most reuerend Bishop of Seleucia in Isauria (who were then of autority and chiefe of the councel) should be punished alike, deposed of their Bishopricks by the censure & iudgement of the councel, as the canons of the church do require & be at the Emperours pleasure. After other things were read the byshops then present beinge demaunded whether the Epistles of Leo were agreable with the fayth of the three hundred & eighteene holy Fathers assembled of old at Nice in Bithynia, and with the Creed of the hundred and fifty fathers in the councell held at Constantinople? Anatolius Byshop of Cō ­stantinople The Epistle of Leo is cō ­ [...]irmed. with all the assembly made answere that the Epistle of Leo was no other thē the faith of the aforesayd Fathers and subscribed vnto it. Immediatly the councell cried: we are all con­tent, we doe all allowe the same, we are all of one faith, we are all of one opinion, we doe all be leue so. Thus haue the Fathers which are present in the councell beleued, thus haue they subscri­bed. God graunt the Emperour a long life, God graunt the Empresse a long life, God graūt the Fathers of the councell many yeres, God preserue the liues of such as are of one faith & opinion with the councell. VVe wish the Emperour many yeares, we wish them that hold with the coū ­cell many yeres, God send the Emperour to see many yeares. we haue subscribed vnto the faith, this is the opiniō of Leo, this is our opinion. Last of all they sayd. Cōcerning those things we haue sent vnto y most holy, & our most religious Lord the Emperour & nowe we wayt for his highnes answere. Againe when some told them in this sorte: your reuerence and wisedomes haue to render an accompt vnto God for Dioscorus, whome you haue deposed vnknowen vnto y Emperours most excellent maiesty, vnknowen vnto vs in like sorte, and for all the things you haue complayned of, & for the actes of this councell, they cried: God hath depriued Dioscorus, Dioscorus is iustly depo­sed, Christ hath depriued Dioscorus. After all this when the Presidēts had brought forth Martia­nus the Emperours answere where he had signified vnto them his pleasure toutching the bishops that were deposed, the Bishops requested and sayde: we pray you as many as be of one opinion, as many as hold with the councell, as many as subscribed in the councell vnto the Epistle of Leo, come into the councell, immediatly in they came, and downe they sate. The supplicatiōs which the Bishops of Aegypt had exhibited vnto Martianus the Emperour were read which besides sundry other things contayned in them as followeth. VVe beleue as the three hundred & eighteene Bi­shops [...] Bishops Aegypt. which met at the coūcel of Nice haue deliuered vnto vs, & we hold with the faith of holy Athanasius and holy Cyrill accursing euery heresie both of Arius, Eunomius, Manes, Nestorius, & of them which say that the flesh of our Lord came downe from heauen, & was not taken of the virgine Marie & mother of God which cōtinewed alwayes a virgine, & that the same is like vn­to our flesh in all things, sinne only excepted. Then all y t were in the councell cried: why haue not these men accursed the opinion of Eutyches? let them subscribe vnto the Epistle of Leo, and let thē accurse Eutyches with his heresie, let them condescend vnto the Epistle of Leo: peraduenture they goe about to deceaue & beguile vs. The Bishops of Aegypt made answere that theyr prouince had many Bishops, and that they would not take vpon them to answere for such as were absent: they requested of the councell to stay for theyr Archbishop, that according vnto theyr maner & custome they may vphold his censure and opinion. They sayd moreouer that if they would decide ought a­fore theyr Metropolitane were elected, the bishops of Aegypt would make an insurrection against them. When they had oft intreated and the councell withstoode them, motion was made that the [Page 447] Bishops of Aegypt should haue time vntill theyr Archbishop were chosen. Next the supplications of certaine Monks were brought forth, the summe whereof was y t not one of thē would take penne in hand to subscribe before the generall assembly met which the Emperour had determined to call together, and before they vnderstoode theyr decrees. With the reading thereof Diogenes bishop of Cyzicum remebred that Barsumas was one of them which made an insurrection and murthered Flauianus & that he had cried, kill him. And nowe not hauing his name in the supplicatiō contrary to order, to haue presumed to come vnto the councell. All the Bishops cried at this, Barsumas hath peruered all Syria & raised against vs a thousand Monkes. When it was moued that as many as were there should waite the councells pleasure and decree, the Monkes required that theyr suppli­cations might be read. The effect of them was that Dioscorus & the Bishops of his opinion might be present at the councell. All the councel was moued with this and cried: Let Dioscorus be accur­sed, A company of cocke­braine and hereticall Monks would be ruled neither by Bishops nor by councell. Christ hath deposed Dioscorus, out with these Monkes, remoue shame frō the councel, take away force and iniurie, let not these impious and levvde sayings come to the Emperours eares, let not the councell be discredited, away vvith infamy. The Monkes hearinge this cried of the contrary: take away contumely from the Monasteries. When the councel had the second time re­peated the former exclamation, they consulted that the rest of the supplications were to be reade, where it was sayde that Dioscorus was iniuriously deposed and that it behoued them of necessitie seeing the controuersie toutching the fayth was to be decided, to haue his presence in the councel: & vnlesse they would doe this that they would shake of the dust from their feete and forsweare the cō ­muniō of the Bishops that were present. After they had made an end of speaking, Aetius the Arch­deacon read them the canon that concerned such as deuided them selues from the Churche. Againe when the Monkes would not geue eare, neither be ruled by the most holy bishops, neither by y t en­treaty of Aetius the Archdeacon, when the one halfe of the councell woulde needes pronounce Ne­storius and Eutyches accursed, and the other halfe withstoode them, the Presidents thought good y the supplication of F [...]ustus and the other Monkes should be read, where they craued of the Empe­rour that the Mōkes which impugned the true faith and sincere doctrine should not be receaued a­gaine, for why, Dorotheus the Monke, called Eutyches the true professor. Agaynste whome there were sundry poincts of Eutyches doctrine tossed to & fro and discussed in presence of the Princes. In the fift session the Senators commaunded them to set forth the decrees and canons of religion after the playnest sorte. Asclepiades Deacon of Constantinople read a certen canon the which they thought best not to be recorded, whereunto some gaue their consents & some other would not. when they had suppressed y contrary voices, the Senators affirmed vpon Dioscorus owne reporte, that he had deposed Flauianus for saying there were two natures in Christ, & that the decree bore witt­nes that he cōsisted of two natures. Then replied Anatolius: Dioscorus was not deposed for heresie, but because he excommunicated Leo, and being thrise called vnto the councell would not come. Af­ter this y Senators would haue the Epistle of Leo layd downe among the decrees, but the bishops sayd no, it should not be, they would not drawe any other forme, for that was perfect inough, in the end they referred that vnto the Emperour, who commaunded that three bishops of the East chur­ches, three out of Pōtus, three out of Asia, three out of Thracia and three out of Illyrium together with Anatolius and the substitutes of the Bishop of Rome should meete at the Church and order­ly reason of the fayth, that either they should lay downe theyr seuerall Creedes, or els knowe of a surety y he would call a councell to decide that controuersie in the West. Beinge demaunded whe­ther they would hold with Dioscorus who affirmed y Christ consisted of two natures, or subscribe with Leo, who sayd that there were two natures in Christ? they cried that they beleued with Leo & held such as sayd y contrary for Eutychians. The Senators replied y Leo him selfe affirmed there were two natures so coupled in Christ, that they could be neither chaunged, diuided, nor confoun­ded, with this saying they went into the temple of Euphemia accōpanied with Anatolius, the sub­stituts of Leo, Maximus bishop of Antioch, Iuuenalis bishop of Ierusalem, Thalassius bishop of Caesarea, in Cappadocia and many others. Being set, the canon of the councell was read: Our Lorde & Sauiour Iesus Christ &c. as we haue wrytten before. After it was read they cried: This is the faith of all the Fathers, we are all followers of this, we are all of this opinion, Then sayd the Se­nators: the decrees and canons of the Fathers are to be referred vnto the Emperours most excel­lent maiesty▪ Martianus the Emperour was present at the sixt session, made an oration of peace & vnity vnto the Bishopps, and commaunded Aetius Archdeacon of Constātinople to read in his hearing that which was decided, whereunto they subscribed euery one. Thē the Emperour asked [Page 448] them whether the decree was established by their generall consent, they all the second time answe­red, yea. Againe the Emperour made vnto them two orations which were highely commended of them all. In the end the canons by the meanes of the Emperour were confirmed, and the seae of Chalcedon was made an Archbishopricke: the Emperour moreouer commaunded the Bishops to continewe there three or foure dayes, and to propose before the Princes and Senators what euery one thought good to be decided, & that they should decree that which seemed expediēnt. Then the session brake vp. There were other decrees and other canons established, and there was an o­ther councel held by Iuuenalis & Maximus where it was decreed that the bishop of Antioch should haue either of both Phaenicia and Arabia annexed vnto his prouince, & the Bishop of Ierusalem, all the three Palaestinas, the which after consultation had both by the Presidents and Bishops was confirmed. In the ninth session the cause of Theodoritus was heard who accursed Nestorius in these words: cursed be Nestorius & whosoeuer besides him denieth Marie the virgine to be the mo­ther Theodoritus of God, and deuideth the one onely begotten sonne into two sonnes. I (sayth he) haue sub­scribed vnto the canons of the councell, and the Epistle of Leo. After deliberation had amonge them selues, they restored him vnto his Bishoprick. In the tenth session the sute of Ibas was heard Ibas. and the sentence which Photius Bishop of Tyrus and Eustathius Bishop of Berytus had pronoun­ced against him was read, but the finall end was differed vnto the next day. In the eleuenth sessiō when many Bishops would haue him restored, diuerse Bishops were against it and sayd, that his accusers were at the dore and redy to come in. At lēgth they read what they had decreed toutching him. Yet the Senators moued the councell that the Actes of the councell held at Ephesus whiche concerned Ibas should be read, and that all the acts of the second councell of Ephesus shoulde be ab­rogated, the creation of Maximus Bishop of Antioch onely excepted: they intreated therein the Emperour that nothinge whatsoeuer was decreed since the first councell of Ephesus where holye Cyrill Byshop of Alexandria was chiefe shoulde be of force and they gaue sentence that Maximus should enioy his Bishoprick. In an other session Basianus the Bishop of Ephesus matter was cal­led, and decreed that Basianus should be remoued out of his Bishopricke, and Stephan placed in his Basianus. rowme. In the thirteenth session Eunomius Bishop of Nicomedia and Anastasius Bishop of Ni­ce were called, for they contended among them selues about their cities. The foureteeneth session was helde for the hearinge of Basianus. Last of all it was decreed that the seae of Constantinople should enioy the next prerogatiue after Rome.

The ende of the seconde booke of Euagrius Scholasticus.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Howe Zeno the Emperour gouerned and liued.

WHen Zeno after the deceasse of his sonne had attayned vnto the Emperiall scepter, as if he were certainely perswaded, he could not enioy y Empire of the wholl world Zeno was emperour [...]nno Dom. 75. vnlesse w t outrage and riott he yelded him selfe vnto all fleshly pleasure whatsoeuer, gaue him selfe at y beginning so much vnto sensuality that he left no filthy or shame­full act, no haynous offence vnpractised, but so wallowed in them that he thoughte it the parte of a base and abiect minde to commit them in the darke & in secret: but to doe them openly [Page 449] in the face of y whollworld was a princely parte, & such an act as became only the Emperour. His disposition herein was both lewde and seruile, for the Emperour is not to be counted of thereafter as he gouerneth others, but as he ruleth and guydeth him selfe. It behoueth him to suffer no lasci­uious Princes and magistrates should be pa­ternes of Godlines, vnto the subiects and cō ­mon people. motion to roote within his breste, but valiauntlye to encounter with intemperancy, and to make his life as a paterne of vertue, or a lanterne for his subiectes to followe after, thereby to leade them vnto godly instruction. But this man gaue himselfe ouer vnto voluptuousnesse and fell by a little and a little vnto suche shamefull seruitude, that he coulde by no meanes be with­drawen from it: he chaunged oftentymes suche enormityes as maystred him no otherwise then vnthriftes and castawayes doe vse, whome infinite carnall delites doe leade captiue, tickle theyr mindes and sooth theyr senses, and that whiche is moste daungerous, vices be so linked together that one moste commonly followeth in the necke of an other. For fleshlye pleasure hauinge once takē place, obserueth no meane, endeth not in good time, but by occasiō of one an other is kindled, one flame of firy luste flasheth after an other, vntill that one hathe gotten either the gouernement of him selfe, and geuen vices the ouerthrowe and thenceforth become conquerour: or else is ouer­come with the tyrannicall slauery of them, leade by them vnto the last gaspe, and in the end plun­geth like a wretch into the deepe pitt of hell.

CAP. II.

Howe the Barbarians inuaded both the East and west contreyes.

ZEno in the beginning of his raigne leade such a life as I haue described before. His subiects throughout the East and West dominions were vexed out of measure, and sustayned greate losses: for the Barbarians called Scenitae destroyed all places & a great multitude of Hun­ni called of olde Messagetae inuaded Thracia and passed ouer the riuer Danubius without lettor stay. Zeno. also was by force after a Barbarian sorte bereaued of the other partes which remained of the Empire.

CAP. III.

Howe Basiliscus the tyrant tooke armour agaynst Zeno and put the Emperour to flight.

THis Zeno, when Basiliscus the brother of Bernia made preparation to take armour agaynst him, was of so faynt a courage that he fledde away geuinge vnto Basiliscus the Emperiall honor and victorye without any trauell. He was so odious vnto his subiectes who by right detested his abhominable life: he had no stomacke at all, no shewe of a noble mynde, but all luskish and lither of a naughty condition the whiche his sensualitye declared bearinge rule ouer his cowarde minde and slouthfull disposition. Wherefore this Zeno together with Ariadne his wife whome he had with him, who also had fledde awaye from her mother (and if there were any other that bore him good will) gotte him into Isauria where he had bene broughte vp and there he was besieged. Thus Basiliscus came to be Emperoure of Rome, proclaymed his some Marcus, Caesar, and layde downe a platforme of gouernemente farre contrary both vnto the ma­ner of Zenos raygne and such as were Emperours before him.

CAP. IIII.

Howe Basiliscus called Timotheus Aelurus Bishop of Alexandria home from exile and by his perswasion sent letters into euery Coast wherein he condemned the councell of Chalcedon.

THis Basiliscus (spoken of before) at the request of certaine citizēs of Alexandria that were sent vnto him, called Timothee home from exile where he had continewed eighteene yeres, Acacius then beinge Byshop of Constantinople. Timothe after his comming to Con­stantinople perswaded Basiliscus to send letters vniuersally vnto all Priests throughout the Chur­ches vnder heauen, and therein to accursed both the acts of the councell held at Chalcedon and the decree of Leo as toutchinge the fayth, the whiche letters were wrytten in this forme. The Em­peroure Caesar Basiliscus, Pius, Victorious, triumphant, chiefe Lorde, perpetuall Augustus, and Marcus the moste noble Caesat, vnto Timothe the moste reuerende and moste holye [Page 450] Archebishop of the noble city of Alexandria sendeth greetinge. The lawes and canons hitherto Basiliscus the tyrant and v­su [...]per of the Emperiall crowne sent these wicked letters into all churches wherein he condemneth the faith of Leo, the godly bishop of Rome and the canons of the holy councel held at Chalcedō. compiled in defense of the sincere and Apostolicke fayth, by the moste holye Emperoures our predecessors, who worshipped aright the blessed, eternall and liuinge trinity, seeinge they were godly decreed & haue euer bene foūd wholsom for the welth of the whollworld, we will neuer haue cancelled, nay rather our will is they should be published for our owne proper decrees. for we preferre piety and singular loue towards God & our Sauiour Iesus, who both made and ad­uaunced vs to glory and renoune before all the care and trauell that is imployed in worldly af­fayres, and we beleue verely that the fastening and knitting together of Christs flock in loue & charitie, is both a safety vnto vs our selues, and vnto all our subiectes, vnto our Empire a fun­dation that can not be shaken and a wall that can not be battered and throwen downe, where­fore being moued with the instinct of the holy spirit, we haue determined with our selues to of­fer for a sacrifice vnto God and our Sauiour Iesus Christ the vniforme cōsent of the holy church as the first fruites of our raigne and Empire: and ordayned that the ground and bulwarke of the blessed life geuen vnto men, to wit, the Creede of the three hundred and eighteene holy fathers, of olde assembled together in the holy Ghoste at Nice (in the which faith bothe we and all our ancestors were baptized) shoulde onely be kept and retayned of the faythfull people through­out all the most holy Churches of God: for in this one Creede the syncere fayth is so sufficiently decided both to the ouerthrowe of all erroneus opinions and to the establishing of concord & vnity throughout the holy Churches of God. And moreouer the canons published to the con­firmation of the same faith, are of no lesse force & vertue. Againe we doe ratifie the faith of the hundred & fifty holy fathers, which assembled in this noble city of Constantinople & accursed the blasphemers of the holy Ghost. In like sorte we approue the acts of the councel called at E­phesus against wicked Nestorius and such as afterwards embraced his opinion. As for such de­crees B [...] cō ­dēneth Leo and the coū ­cell of Chal­cedon. as disturbe the quiet estate of the holy Churches of God & the peace of the wholl world, to wit, the decision and decree of Leo, all the canons of the councell helde at Chalcedon, what­soeuer they desined toutching the exposition of the Creede, interpretation, doctrine and deci­ding thereof, to the end a newefound faith might be established contrary to the Creede of the three hundred and eighteene Godly Bishops spoken of before, we ordayne and decree that the most holy Bishops both here & in euery the seuerall Churches wheresoeuer doe acurse them, & whersoeuer they are found that they be burned to ashes, for so the godly Emperours of famous memory Constantinus & Theodosius iunior who liued before our time commaunded as concer­ning the hereticks bookes and blasphemous pamphlets. VVe will haue them so abolished that they be banished for euer out of the one & the onely Catholick, Apostolicke & faithfull church, as constitutions which derogate from the whollsome decrees of the three hundred & eighteene holy fathers whiche alwayes oughte to be of greate force and vertue, and from the canons esta­blished in the holy Ghost of the godly Bishops at the councell of Ephesus. To be short that it be not lawefull either for Prieste or for people to transgresse that moste diuine canon of the holye creed, but that together with all the newe sanctions published in the councell of Chalcedō, the heresie also maye be rooted out, of suche as confesse not, that the onelye begotten sonne of God was cōceaued by the holy Ghost, borne of holy Mary the perpetuall virgine, and mother of God, truely incarnate and made man, but that his flesh came downe from heauen & so faine it very monstrously to be figurated in some phātasticall sorte or other: we will and commaund that euery erroneus opinion, at what time, in what sorte, or place soeuer throughout the wholl world hath bene either compassed, or thoughte vpon within, or expressed by worde without as plausible nouelty to the ouerthrowe of this holy Creed, be condemned for euer. And insomuch the Emperour is bounde of duety with diligent care to prouide that by his prouidente counsell the subiects, not only in time present, but also in time to come may enioy peace and tranquil­lity: we doe ordayne that the most holye Bishops doe subscribe vnto these our gracious letters generally wrytten vnto all and openly proclaymed, to the end they may thereby manifestly de­clare theyr settled mind in addicting them selues onely vnto the holy fayth of the three hundred and eighteene holy fathers, the which also the hundred & fifty Godly Bishops haue afterwards confirmed, and after that againe was ratified of the true professors and holy fathers vvhich mett at the princely citie of Ephesus. For it seemeth good vnto vs that the onely Creede of the three hundred and eighteene holy fathers as a perfect platforme of tried fayth shoulde be followed and by accursinge the actes of the Chalcedon councell which may be stumbling blockes vnto [Page 441] the faithfull people, that they banishe them wholly the Churches, for canons that disturbe the wholl worlde and hinder the successe of our happy raygne. Such as after the receite of these our gracious letters, published as we perswade our selues by the prouidence of God, to the ende concorde, and vnitye, vvhich is to be desired of all men may be established in the Churches of God, doe at anytime goe about to alleadge, or name, by disputinge, teachinge or vvryting, in any tyme, forte, or place, that decree published in the councell of Chalcedon contrary to the fayth, as autors of tumultes, and dissention in the holy Churches of God and vnto all our louing subiects, & aduersaries moreouer vnto God & the safty of our scepter. we straictly charge & cō ­maūd & that according vnto the lawes made before our time by Theodosius the worthy Empe­rour of happy memory against such frensie and madnes, presentlye annexed vnto these our gra­cious letters, generally directed vnto all, if they be Bishops and of the clergye that they be de­priued of theyr dignity & priesthood, if Monkes or lay men that they be exiled & punished with confiscatiō of their wholl substāce & other seuere penalties. For in so doing the holy, coessential Trinity autor and geuer of life vnto the wholl world beinge honored of vs, with such homage & seruice, not onely for the rootinge out of suche tares as we haue mentioned before, but also for the true and Apostolicke traditions toutchinge the holy creede established by vs, is like to be re­conciled and fauorable vnto vs and vnto all our louinge subiects, to gouerne the Empire toge­ther with vs, and to bring peace and quietnes vnto mankind,

CAP. V.

Howe many subscribed vnto the wicked letters of Basiliscus and condemned the councell of Chalcedon.

TImothee who was newely (as I sayde before) returned from exile as Zacharie Rhetor doth Timotheus. Aelurus. Peter Cna­pheus. Paulus. Anastasius. 50. Bishops subscribed to heresy for feare. wryte subscribed vnto the aforesayde letters of Basiliscus vniuersally directed vnto all men. Euen so did Peter Byshop of Antioch syrnamed Cnapheus, who was at that tyme at Con­stantinople together with Timothee. When these things were brought about in this sorte, Pau­lus was chosen Archbishop of Ephesus. It is reported also that Anastasius the successor of Iuuena­lis in the seae of Ierusalem subscribed vnto those generall letters of Basiliscus, and that many others to the number of fifty did no lesse, I meane abrogated the decrees of Leo and the councell of Chal­cedon. Besides all this there is extante a supplication wrytten vnto Basiliscus by the Byshops of Asia whiche mette together at Ephesus, whereof we haue borowed some parte and layde it here downe in suche sorte as followeth. Vnto the moste holy and dearely beloued of Christ our puy­sant The flatte­ring and he­reticall By­shops of Asia wrote this vnto Basili­scus the v­surper. Lords Basiliscus and Marcus perpetuall Augusti. After a fewe lines this is annexed. You haue signified most holy and Christian Emperours that you your selues together with the fayth which is bothe hated and diuersly assaulted, were impugned. Agayne a litle after. The terri­ble and dreadfull expectation of the day of dome, the flame of Gods heuy wrath and your ma­iesties highe displeasure apprehended the aduersaries immediatly, which arrogantly wente a­bout to withstande almightye God & to assault your confirmed raygne: who moreouer doe not only not ceasse diuersly to aff [...]ct and molest our meane calling but continewally reuile vs, blase abroade false rumors and sclaunders of vs, to wit, that we subscribed vnto your gracious and Apostolicke letters generally wrytten vnto all not without compulsion and constraynt, where­unto verely we haue subscribed vvith most willing and prompt mindes. And againe after a few lines. Take heede that in no wise ye laye downe any decrees contrarye vnto your former letters generally wrytten, perswadinge your selues for most certaine that in so doing the wholl worlde will be set on hurlyburly and the mischiefs which rose of the councell of Chalcedō (where there was greate slaughter and blooshed of true professors and innocente persons) in respecte of af­terclapps shall seeme but trifles. Towardes the ende there was wrytten. VVe take our Sauiour Christ Iesus to witnesse, that the religion and seruice vve ovve vnto God is bothe free and vo­luntarily: and we craue moste humbly of your maiesties that besides sundry others, specially the Bishop of Constantinople who is manifestly knowen to haue wickedlye behaued him selfe in Zacharias Rhetor. The Monke of Constan­tinople we [...] heretickes. his callinge may be condemned and deposed of his dignitye by the iuste, canonicall and Eccle­siasticall censure. Besides all the aforesayde Zacharis wryteth in this sorte. VVhen the letters of the Emperour generally directed vnto all, were published abroade, the Monkes of Con­stātinople being infected with the noysome sinke of Eutyches hereticall opiniō, supposing now [Page 452] after the restoringe of Timothee and publishinge of the Emperours letters they had gotten that which they looked for, to the vpholdinge of theyr heresie and hopinge nowe they could bringe theyr purpose to passe: got them in all the haste vnto Timothee, and after Timothee (who proued that the worde of God accordinge vnto the flèsh was of one substance with vs, but accordinge vnto his diuinitye of one substance vvith the father) had confuted them, they vvente home a­gaine like fooles.

CAP. VI.

Howe Timotheus Aelurus after he had recouered the Bishopricke of Alexandria rendered vnto the seae of Ephesus the Metropoliticke iurisdiction and accursed the councell of Chalcedon.

THe aforesayd Zacharie reporteth howe that Timothee left Constantinople and gott him to Ephesus and there restored Paulus (who was lately chosen by the Bishops of the prouince according vnto the canons of the Church, yet after deposed) vnto his former Bishopricke. The sayde Timothee moreouer restored the seae of Ephesus (as I sayd before) vnto her Metropo­liticke iurisdiction that was taken away by the councell of Chalcedon. Thence he tooke shipping and came to Alexandria: there he requested of as many as came vnto him to accurse the councel of Chalcedon. There left him (as Zacharie wryteth) sundry of his owne crue, but specially Theodo­tus one of them which forsooke Theodosius (who then was made Bishop of Ierusalem by certaine sedicious persons) at Ioppe and accompanied Iuuenalis to Constantinople.

CAP. VII.

Howe Basiliscus fearinge him selfe in the insurrection made by the Monkes through the perswasion of Acacius, called in his former letters.

AGaine the aforesayd autor wryteth howe Acacius Bishop of Constantinople canuased the matter about, raised both Monkes and people of Constantinople against Basiliscus as one that was an hereticke: made him denye he had wrytten his letters vniuersally vnto all men, and decree that such things as he had rashly and vnaduisedly published should be called in againe, and to haue also brought to passe that the same Emperour sent euery where vnto all men contrary letters wherein he approued the councell of Chalcedon. The same Zacharie shewinge himselfe very partiall throughout his history and led very much with affection, omitted the sayde contrary letters, they were wrytten as followeth.

The repelling letters of Basiliscus the Emperour.

THe Emperours Caesars, Basiliscus and Marcus. we charge and commaunde that the Apo­stolicke Basiliscus the vsu [...]pe [...] is fayne by rea­son of the commonon [...]o call in his former let­ters layde lowne in the [...]. cap. of this booke. and true faith from the beginning hitherto retayned in the Churche, continewed vnto this our present raigne & obserued ofvs this day be embraced for euer: in it we were baptized & we beleue that the same is only to be embraced firmly & vnuiolably, being embra­ced to be continewed throughout all the Catholicke & Apostolicke Churches vnder heauen, & no other besides this to be longer sought for. VVherefore our will is that the letters generally wrytten duringe our raygne either vnto all men or otherwise howe soeuer, or vvhat beside this hathe bene published by vs, be henceforth cancelled and abolished: that Nestorius, Eutyches with all theyr complices and euery heresie be accursed: that no councell be called together nei­ther any decree or reasoninge of the fayth, but that suche thinges as are already in that behalfe established remaine vnuiolable: that the prouinces whereunto the seae of this royall and no­ble citie hathe the preferringe of Byshops be restored vnto the moste reuerend and moste holy Patriarch Acacius: and that the Bishops alredy placed throughout the prouinces continewe ne­uerthelesse in theyr proper seaes, so that there may rise thereof after theyr desease no preiudice at all vnto the prerogatiue of the holye seae of Constantinople. Laste of all let no man doubte but that this our gracious decree is of force agreable vvith the vvill of God.

Thus were these thinges brought about.

CAP. VIII.

Howe Zeno the deposed Emperour recouered againe the royall scepter.

ZEno (as it is reported) seing in a vision the holy, valiaunt, and renowmed martyr Thecla, not onely prouoking, but also promising him to be restored againe vnto the Emperiall robes, led his army towardes Constantinople. And hauinge allured with giftes such as besieged him, he thrust Basiliscus (who had raygned two yeares) beside the scepter, tooke him out of the san­ctuary he had fledd vnto, and deliuered him vnto the hand of the enemy. For which cause Zeno de­dicated at Seleucia in Isauria a goodly temple gorgeously buylded vnto y renowmed martyr The­cla, & bewtified it with many Princely monuments which were preserued vnto this our age. But as for Basiliscus he sent him away to suffer at Cappadocia, where together with wife and children he was put to death in an Inne called Acouson. Immediatly after, Zeno made a lawe where he ab­rogated the decrees of Basiliscus the tyrant comprised in the letters he had generally wrytten vnto all men: banished Peter syrnamed Cnapheus out of Antioch and Paulus Bishop of Ephesus.

CAP. IX.

Howe after the deceasse of Basiliscus, the Bishops of Asia going about to pacisie Acacius who stomached them for condemning the councell of Chal­cedon, sent vnto him theyr recantation.

THe Bishops of Asia to the ende they might auoyde the displeasure Acacius had conceaued against them, acknowledged theyr faultes and craued pardon: sent vnto him theyr recanta­tiō and repentance. where they protested that they had subscribed not of theyr owne accord but by constraint and compulsion vnto the generall letters of Basiliscus, and confirmed with an oth that it was euen so and that they beleeued no otherwise then the coūcell of Chalcedon did beleue. The recantation was thus.

The Epistle or recantation sent by the Bishops of Asia vnto Acacius Bishop of Constantinople.

VNto Acacius the most holy and most religious Patriarch of Constantinople. After a fewe lines. VVe haue sente vnto you as it was very meete, one for to supplye our rowme. In a while after this againe. By these our letters we doe protest that not of our owne accord, but by compulsion we were brought to subscribe vnto Basiliscus letters: and that we haue geuē thereunto our consents not with hart, but only in word. For by the grace of almighty God who louingelye accepteth of our prayers we beleue no otherwise then we learned of the three hun­dred and eighteene famous men, and lightes of the wholl worlde and besides them of the hun­dred & fifty holy fathers. VVe hold moreouer with the holy acts decreed by the godly fathers at Chalcedon.

As for the report Zacharie Rhetor made of these bishops whether he sclaundered thē or whether they lyed thē selues that they had subscribed against their wills vnto Basiliscus letters, I am not able certenly to auoutch.

CAP. X.

VVhat Bishops there were of Antioch about that time.

AFter that Peter was banished the Church of Antioch, Stephā succeeded him in the Bishop­ricke, Peter. Stephan. Calandio. whome the people of Antioch dispatched as Iohn Rhetor declareth with litle darts, much like sharpe speares. After his decease Calandio gouerned the seae, who perswaded as many as came vnto him to accurse both Timothee & the general letters Basiliscus had sent abrod vnto all Churches.

CAP. XI.

Howe the Emperour Zeno spared Timotheus Aelurus because of his gray heare: after this Aelurus death Petrus Moggus became Bishop of Alexandria, he was deposed & Timotheus Basilicus placed in his rowme.

[Page 454] ZEno although he purposed to banish Timothee, Alexandria, yet when it was told him that he was a very olde man and ready to lye in his graue, he altered his mind. Timothee not longe after finished the race of his mortall life & immediatly the Bishops of that prouince chose of theyr owne heade Peter syrnamed Moggus to theyr Bishop. Zeno hearinge this was very muche Peter Mog­gus. displeased, gaue forth commaundement that Peter should die the death, called home Timothee the successor of Proterius who then by reason of a certaine insurrection made of the people, led his life at Canabus. Thus Timothee by the Emperours cōmaundement recouered againe the bishoprick.

CAP. XII.

Of Iohn who crept to be Bishop of Alexandria after the death of Timothee, and howe the Emperour deposed him for periurie, preferringe Petrus Moggus to the rowme.

IOhn the Priest & Parson of Saynct Iohn Baptists the forerunner of our Sauiour, [...]ame through some mens perswasion to Constantinople, made sute vnto the Emperour, that (if it fell out the Byshop of Alexandria departed this life in his tyme) he woulde geue him the nomina­tinge of the nexte incumbent to succeede him in the Byshoprick. Zacharie reporteth that the Em­perour charged him, he wente about to procure it vnto him selfe, but to cleare him selfe of this suspicion he sware and protested with solemne othes he woulde neuer be Byshop if it were offered him and so gotte him home. Wherefore the Emperour decreed that after the death of Timothee he should be Byshop whome both clergy and laytye would electe. Shortely after Timothee died, Iohn gaue a peece of money (as Zacharie doth wryte) neglected the othe he made vnto the Em­perour, and was chosen Bishop of Alexandria. When this was knowen the Emperour banished him Alexandria, wrote by some mens procuremente an Epistle vnto the people of Alexandria, of vnitye and concorde, and commaunded that Peter shoulde be restored vnto the Byshopricke condicionally if he subscribed vnto the Epistle and receaued into the communion suche as helde with Proterius.

CAP. XIII.

Howe Petrus Moggus Bishop of Alexandria receaued the Epistle of Zeno and was reconciled vnto the faction of Proterius.

PErgamius Liuetenant of Aegypt tooke vpon him the orderinge of this matter according vnto the minde of Acacius Bishop of Constantinople: he arriued at Alexandria and there he was geuen to vnderstand that Iohn had fled away: he conferred with Peter: exhorted him to allowe of Zeno his Epistle wrytten vnto the people of Alexandria, and to receaue into the Church such as dissented from him. Whereupon Peter receaued the Epistle and subscribed vnto it: promised moreouer to admit his aduersaries into the communiō. After all this at a solemne meeting within Alexandria whē all the people embraced the Epistle of Zeno intitled of Concorde: Peter also was reconciled vnto the faction of Proterius, made a sermon vnto the people and read in the church the Epistle of Zeno which was an exhortation vnto peace and vnity.

CAP. XIIII.

The Epistle which Zeno wrote to reconcile the people of Alexandria.

ZEno Emperour Caesar, Pius, Victorious Triumphant, chiefe Lord, perpetual Augustus vnto the most reuerend bishops throughout Alexandria, Aegypt, Libya & Pentapolis with the Priests, Mōks & laye people, sendeth greeting. In somuch we are certenly perswaded that the originall cōfirmation, continewāce, strēgth & inuincible fortres of our Emperiall scepter is only vpheld by the sincere & true faith (the which three hūdred & eighteene holy fathers deli­uered vnto vs by the inspiratiō of the holy Ghost in the councell of Nice, & was also confirmed of a hundred & fifty godly Bishops in the councel held at Cōstantinople) we haue labored day and nighte not onely by prayer but with all endeuer and vvyth publishinge of lawes, amply and aboundantly to sill vvith it the holy, Catholick, and Apostolick Church of God scattered far & vvide ouer the face of the earth, being the immortall and sempiternall parent of this our raygne and principalitye: that the deuoute people of God continewinge the diuine peace and quietnes [Page 455] may poure vnto God the acceptable sacrifice of prayer, together with the most holy Bishops & sacred clergy, with the gouernours of Monasteries & Monkes them selues for the preseruatiō of our prosperous raygne. For in case that almighty God and our Sauiour Iesus Christ, who tooke flesh of the virgine Mary the mother of God & was borne into the worlde would allowe of the general praises & worship we geue vnto him & receaue the same with willīg minde & redines, then no doubt not onely all sorts of enemies woulde vtterly be foyled, but also all other nations vnder heauen would be brought subiect vnto our Empire, & willingly serue vs next & immediatly after God: then also peace & the profit annexed therunto, seasonable tēperature of the aer, plenty of all sorts of fruite, with all other things required for the vse of mā would abūdantly be ministred. Nowe therfore seing it appeareth vnto all men howe both we our selues & the Em­pire of Rome is preserued vnder the wing of the true faith; the holy gouernours of the monaste­ries & heremits with other religious mē exhibited vnto vs supplicatiōs, exhortīg vs very earnestly that the most holy churches may enioy peace, that the mēbers may be coupled together whiche the deuel enemy to honesty hath labored of a lōg time to part asunder, for he is fully perswaded that if the body of the church being ioyntly knit together in the bond of vnity encountred with him, he would quickly be ouerthrowē. by reason the mēbers were seuered, it came to passe that infinit multituds of mē, now many hundred yeres ago departed this world, some without bap­tisme, some other without the cōmunion being void of charity (the dynt of death is ineuitable) it caused moreouer infinit slaughters & bloodshed, not only the earth but the aer also was infe­cted with streames of blood is huinge out of the tender bowells of men. And who is he (I pray you) that wisheth not for reformatō & redresse of these things? wherfore we haue done our in­deuor for to certifie you, that not onely we our selues but all the churches euery where haue not had in times past, neither present, will not haue herafter, neither knowe any other that haue any other faith or doctrine, then the creede (spoken of before) deliuered by three hūdred & eighteen Byshops & confirmed afterwardes by a hundred & fifty fathers. But if any man haue any other creede we take him not to be of the church. For we beleue that through this faith only it cometh to passe that our Empire doth florish: that the people by embracīg of the same are inspired with the holy Ghost & washed in the sacred fountaine of baptisme: it was this faith that the holy fa­thers in the councell of Ephesus subscribed vnto, which deposed wicked Nestorius of the Eccle­siasticall ministery & as many as fauored his hereticall opinion whome we also doe accurse to­gether with Eutyches (for both of them impugned the aforesayde faith) and approue the twelue pointes of the faith layde downe by Cyrill of worthy memorye, late Archbishop of the Catho­licke church of Alexandria. For we confesse that the onely begotten sonne of God our Lord Ie­sus Christ is truely incarnate, of one substance with the father accordinge vnto his diuinity, & of one substance with vs accordinge vnto his humanity: that he came downe from heauen: that by the holy Ghoste he tooke fleshe of the virgine Mary the mother of God: that he is one and not two. For we say that the miracles he wrought & the vexations he endured in the flesh belonged vnto one person. we doe condemne for euer such as deuide, or confound his natures, or say that he had a phantasticall body. For he was truely incarnate of the mother of God without spott or blemish of sinne. The Trinity remayneth neuerthelesse though one person of the Trinity, to wit, God the worde be incarnate. VVherfore seing we learne of surety that all the holy and Catho­licke Churches euery where, that all the godly Presidentes and gouernours thereof, and that our Empire neither hath allowed neither will retayne any other creede or forme of faith, then that we spake of euen nowe, let vs ioyntly without any more a doe be reconciled and embrace vnity and concorde. These things haue we wrytten vnto you, not to innouate ought as toutching the faith, but fully to satisfie you therein. VVe doe accurse whosoeuer hath beleued or doth beleue the contrary, either nowe or at other times, either in the councell of Chalcedon, or in any other councell whatsoeuer▪ but specially of all others we doe accurse Nestorius, Eutyches and their cō ­plices. VVherefore hold with your Ghostly mother the Churche, and celebrate therein together with vs the one holy cōmunion according vnto that one fayth of the three hundred & eighteen holy fathers. For your most holy mother the Church groneth after you and desireth to embrace you which are her naturall children, moreouer she longeth to heare your sweete voyces. Get ye thither in all the hast. If ye doe this ye shal not onely purchase vnto your selues the fauour of our Lord & Sauiour Christ Iesus, but also the cōmendation of our highnes. This epistle being read, all the people of Alexandria returned vnto the Catholick and Apostolicke Church.

CAP. XV.

Howe Iohn the deposed Bishop of Alexandria gott him to Rome and procured Simplicius the Bishop of Romes letters in his behalfe vnto Zeno toutching the iniuries he had sustayned.

IOhn (of whome we spake before) tooke his heeles from Alexandria vnto olde Rome and raised there a wonderfull great sedition. For he made reporte that they deposed him of his bishoprick for maintaining the decrees of Leo and the councell of Chalcedon, and that there was an other placed in his rowme, which impugned the same. Simplicius Bishop of olde Rome hearing of this, was wonderfully moued, and wrote in his behalfe vnto the Emperour Zeno: but Zeno answered him againe, accused Iohn of periurie and that therefore and for no other crime he was deposed.

CAP. XVI.

Howe Calandio Bishop of Antioch was deposed for partaking with Ilus, Leo, and Pampreps: and howe the Bishops of Constantinople, Ierusalem, Antioch and Alexandria were reconciled one to the other.

CAlandio Bishop of Antioch wrote vnto Zeno the Emperour and vnto Acacius Bishop of Constantinople that Peter was not onely an adulterer but also had accursed the councel of Chalcedon at his beinge in Alexandria. Yet afterwardes this Calandio was banished into Oasis for holdinge with Ilus, Leo and Pampreps, against Zena. Peter sirnamed Cnapheus who was Bishop of Antioch before Calandio & Stephan, recouered his bishopricke againe, subscribed vnto Zenos Epistle of Concorde & wrote synodall letters vnto Peter Moggus Bishop of Alexandria. Acacius Bishop of Constantinople was afterwardes reconciled vnto this Peter, Martyrius like­wise Bishop of Ierusalem wrote synodall letters vnto him. Yet afterwardes diuers withdrewe thē selues from Peters communion and therevpon it fell out that Peter openly accursed the councell of Chalcedon. Acacius Bishop of Constantinople hearing of this was very sory, wrote vnto diuers of his friends for to vnderstand the trueth: Peter be [...]nge desirous to satisfie them to the vttermost, wrot backe againe to purge him selfe that he had cōmitted no such act, yet some doe reporte y they knewe certainly that Peter wrote no such thing.

CAP. XVII.

Of the thinges which Peter Bishop of Alexandria wrote vnto Acacius who maintayned the councell of Chalcedon.

THe aforesayd Peter being a wauering person and a time seruer continewed not longe in one mind: but nowe accursed the councell of Chalcedon and anone recanted him of his folly ap­prouing in all poynts the same councell. Wherefore he wrote vnto Acacius Bishop of Cō ­stantinople in manner as followeth. The most high God recōpence your holynes for your great Peter b. of Alexādria flat­ [...]ereth Aca­ [...]ius b. of Cō [...]tantinople [...]ith this epi­stle. trauell and carefulnes, who not only your selfe many yeares agoe haue kept the faith of the holy fathers but also confirmed the same by continewall preaching & publique sermons. For the cō ­firmation of which faith we see that the creede of the three hundred and eighteene holy fathers hath very well bene framed, in it we were baptized, in it we haue beleued, & nowe doe beleue: the whiche faith also was confirmed by a hundred and fiftye godlye Bishops in the councell of Constantinople. wherefore you leade all men cōtinewally as a guide: you bring the holy church of God into vnity: last of all you perswade vs with inuincible arguments that nothinge was de­creed in the most holy & generall councell of Chalcedon preiudiciall vnto these canons of the fathers, but that such things as of old were established by the holy fathers in the councel of Ni­ce, were confirmed in this councell with vniforme consent of all. we of our owne part seing we saw therein nothing innouated as toutching the faith, haue cōsented therūto of our own accord & beleued the same. Yet are we not ignorāt that there are certē mōkes which enuie at our bro­therly Idle Monkes [...]t men to­gether by [...]e eares. loue & amity, which blase in your hearing sclaūderous reports that can not I am sure so easily displease your holynes: first of all howe we should translate into an other place the corps of the most holy and our most reuerend father Timothee the Archbishop, which (as they say) is neyther acceptable vnto God, neyther agreable vvith the lawes. Agayne they gette them vn­to the seconde crime, the which as it is forged, so is it farre more haynous then the other. For howe can it be that we should accurse the councell of Chalcedon, seing we confirme the same [Page 457] by our beliefe? your holinesse I am sure is not ignorant how both people and monks contende here with vs, who can first deuise any fonde noueltie, they determined to fall againe from the Church, together with certaine other lewd persons, and to draw the people after them. VVher­fore beinge holpen with your prayers, we haue deuised these letters, as a salue for this mischief, which derogate nothing at all from the councell of Chalcedon, fully satisfyinge our selues that there was no noueltie established therein. This haue we done moreouer, partly for to perswade the simpler sort of men, & partly also for their sakes which remaine here with vs, that they may haue somewhat for them selues to stoppe the aduersaties mouth with all: and by imployinge in this behalfe our continuall trauell and industrye, we haue suppressed in short space the furi­ous disposition of the people. I woulde haue your holinesse yet to learne one thinge more, howe the monks ceasse not at this houre to sowe tares among the wheate, how they linked vnto them The idle monks sow­ed tares a­monge the wheat as the enemy did in the gospell. certaine men whiche neuer liued in the monasteries as instruments of their wicked practises: howe they rogue about and spred false rumors, both against vs and the quiet state of Christes Churche: howe they suffer vs to doe nothinge decently as the canons of the holy and catho­licke Churche of Christ doe require, but rather bringe to passe that the people will sooner con­trole vs then be commaunded of vs, naye all their doinge is detestable in the sight of God and man. I hope your holinesse will signifie all the aforesayde vnto our most holy Lorde the Empe­rour, and bringe to passe that his highnesse may decree in this behalfe suche thinges as may be for the Ecclesiasticall peace and tranquillitie, agreeable with the will of God, and the Empe­rours industrie, to thend all men may conforme them selues thereafter.

CAP. XVIII.

How Iohn the deposed byshop of Alexandria counselled Felix byshop of Rome to depose Acacius byshop of Constantinople.

IOhn who fledde to Rome, after Zeno had deposed him, certified Felix the successor of Simplici­us in the Byshopricke of Rome, of Peters doinges: exhorted him (as Zacharie writeth) to send Acacius a depriuation, because he had communicated with Peter, the whiche act of Felix being contrary to the canons of the Church Acacius would not approue. The messengers that brought this Epistle vnto Acacius were the paynefull and vigilant monks called Acoimetoi. Zacharie is the [...] autor of the premises, who as farre as I can see, knewe nothinge of the whole circumstance per­fectly, but hearde it onely as it were ouer the shoulder, and so reported it. Wherefore I my selfe will now write the stories as they were in deede. When Iohn had exhibited accusations and bills against Acacius vnto Felix, that contrary vnto the Canon of the Churche, he had communicated with Peter and of other haynous offences which he had done against the decrees of the Churche: Felix sent Ʋitalius and Misinus two byshops, vnto the Emperour Zeno, partly to confirme with his autoritie the councell of Chalcedon, partly also to depose Peter of his Byshoprick as an here­ticke, and last of all to sende Acacius vnto him for to render an accompt, and to purge him selfe of such crimes as Iohn (of whom we made often mention before) layd to his charge.

CAP. XIX.

How Cyrill head of the vigilant monks sent vnto Felix byshop of Rome charging him with slacknesse in reuenging suche iniuries as the fayth sustained.

ERe the aforesayde Ʋitalius and Misinus came vnto the Emperour, Cyrill head of the vigilant monks, charged him with slacknesse of duety, seeinge so many grieuous practises take place against the true and sincere faith. Felix then wrote vnto Misinus that he shoulde doe nothinge afore he had conferred with Cyrill and learned of him what was to be done.

CAP. XX.

VVhat Felix wrote vnto Zeno the Emperour, and Zeno vnto him againe.

FElix wrote not onely vnto Zeno, but also vnto others, where he brought them into remem­brance partly of the councell of Chalcedon, and partly also of the persecution in Aphrik in the raigne of Theodorichus. He wrote an other Epistle vnto Acacius, but Zeno wrote backe a­gaine, [Page 458] and tolde him that he fought with his shadowe, in geuing eare vnto Iohns report, and in con­tendinge with his aduersaries: for he was the man that bound him self with an othe, that he would neuer be Byshop of Alexandria, yet afterwardes was founde periured, and to committe euerye kinde of sacrilege: that Peter was aduaunced vnto the priestly function, not wythout good try­all of his faythe, that he subscribed wyth his owne hande, and approued the faythe of the hree hundred and eyghteene holy fathers in the councell of Nice, which fayth was afterwardes Zeno the Emperour vnto Felix b. of Rome. ratifyed by the councell of Chalcedon. These were the wordes of Zeno: VVe woulde haue you assure your selfe that our highnesse with moste holye Peter (mentioned before) and all the Christian congregations doe embrace and reuerence the sacred councell of Chalcedon, which councell is one in effect with the Nicene creede. There are Epistles to be seene amonge the actes of the aforesayde councell, partly of Cyrill (mentioned before) and partly of other gouer­nours of the monasteries of Constantinople, and of the byshops and clergie within the prouince of Aegypt vnto Felix byshop of Rome, against Peter as an heretick, and against all them that com­municated with him. As many of the vigilant monks as came to Felix rebuked Misinus and Ʋita­lis because that vntill their comminge to Constantinople the name of Peter was secretely vsed to be reade in the holy catalogue, but since that time continually vnto this present houre Misinus and Ʋitalis communicated with Peter. The Epistle whiche the Byshops of Aegypte wrote signi­fied this muche of Peter, and that Iohn was of the true fayth, and consecrated accordinge vnto the canons of the Churche: that Peter was ordered onely by two Byshops infected with the same ex­ror with him, and that immediately after the flight of Iohn he left no punishment vnpractised vpon the true professors. All which circumstances are said to haue bene signified vnto Acacius and that Acacius ayded Peter in all what so euer he went about.

CAP. XXI.

Howe Symeon one of the vigilant monks went to Rome, accused them that came from Rome to Con­stantinople, that they had communicated with hereticks and procured their depriuation.

THe aforesayd accusations were augmented at the report of Symeon one of the vigilant monks whome Cyrill had sente vnto Felix. For Misinus and Ʋitalis were reprehended of him be­cause they communicated with heretickes, specially seeing the name of Peter the hereticke was openly reade in the holy catalogue: and that in so doing many simple men were snared of the hereticks, who sticked not to bragge that the Byshop of Rome receaued Peter into the communi­on. Symeon sayde moreouer that when certaine interrogatories were demaunded, Misinus and his company woulde not conferre with the true catholickes, would not receaue their writin̄gs, neither exquisitly sift out suche thinges as were done, and greatly did preiudice the true fayth. Syluanus the prieste who accompanied Misinus and Ʋitalis to Constantinople was broughte forth and he a­uoutched that the monks allegations were true. They reade moreouer the Epistle of Acacius, where he gaue Simplicius to vnderstand that Peter was lately deposed and pronounced the childe of darkenesse. To be shorte Misinus and Ʋitalis were deposed of their dignities, and cutte of from the holy and vndefiled communion, and that by the censure of the wholl assembly which pronoun­ced of Peter as followeth. The Churche of Rome doth not communicate with Peter the heretick [...]e Church Rome pro [...]nceth [...] against [...]er b. of [...]xandria. who was lately condemned by the Apostolicke s [...]ae, excommunicated the Church, and helde for accursed: although there were no other crime to charge him with all, yet is this of force suf­ficient, that he can not gouerne the faithful people of God, because he was ordered of hereticks. In the same decree this also was comprised: It appeared euidently that Acacius byshop of Con­stantinople was greatly to be blamed, because for all he wrote vnto Simplicius and called Peter an hereticke, yet he would not make Zeno priuey thereunto, when as in verie deede, if he had borne good will vnto Zeno he should haue done it. And rather he should haue pleased the Em­perour then prouided for the fayth. But let vs returne to discourse of the historie. There is extant an Epistle of Acacius vnto the byshops of Aegypt, priests, monks, & al the people where he endeuo­reth to bring such as raise schisme & dissention, to embrace peace and vnity▪ of the same matter also he wrote vnto Peter Byshop of Alexandria.

CAP. XXII.

Of the schisme raised at Alexandria, and in sundrie other places toutching the councell of Chalcedon.

[Page 459]WHen the schisme waxed hotte, and the sedition grieuous within the citie of Alexandria, Peter perswaded certaine Byshops and gouernours of monasteries to communicate with him. There he condemned and accursed the decrees of Leo, the actes of the Chal­cedon councell, and suche as woulde not receaue the bookes of Dioscorus and Timothee. Manye o­thers he banished their monasteries when he could not allure them to his hereticall opinion. wher­fore Nephalius tooke his voyage to Constantinople, reuealed the wholl vnto Zeno, who therefore was wonderfull sorie, and sent thither Cosmas one of his garde for to threaten and rebuke Peter ve­rie sharpely, partly for coutemninge the Epistle of Zeno intitled of concorde, and partly also be­cause that through his rough dealinge so great a sedition was raysed. But when Cosmas could pre­uaile in nothinge saue onely that the expulsed monks were restored by his meanes vnto their mo­nasteries, backe againe he got him to the Emperour. Wherefore the Emperour the seconde time sent Arsenius lieuetenant of Aegypt, and captaine of the garrison amongest them, who together with Nephalius went straighte to Alexandria, entreated them to keepe the peace: but when he could not obtaine his purpose, he sent some of them to Constantinople. And for al there was great reasoninge in the presence of Zeno about the councell of Chalcedon, yet was there nothinge con­cluded, for neither did Zeno wholly cleaue vnto it.

CAP. XXIII.

Of Phranitas and Euphemius Byshops of Constantinople: Athanasius and Iohn Byshops of Alexandria: Palladius and Flauianus of Antioch with others.

ABout that time when Acacius Byshop of Constantin [...], had finished the mortall race of his naturall life, Phranitas was chosen to succeede him in the Byshopricke. He wrote let­ters of amitie vnto Peter, but Peter aunswered him againe, and inueyed bitterly against the councell of Chalcedon. This Phranitas continewed Byshop no longer then foure moneths but he died and left Euphemius to succeede him. When Peter wrote vnto him also letters of amitie, and Euphemius perceaued that in them he accursed the councell of Chalcedon, he was all out of quiet, and woulde in no wise communicate with Peter. Both their Epistles are extant, Phranitas vnto Peter, and Peter vnto Phranitas, the whiche I will omitte, because they are longe and tedious. When Euphemius and Peter contended among them selues, and while they purposed to call sy­nods together one against the other, it fell out that Peter departed this life, in whose rowme Atha­nasius succeeded, which laboured with all might to reconcile suche as were at discorde and dissen­tion, but he could not preuaile because their mindes were so drawen into diuers and different opi­nions. The same Athanasius wrote afterwardes letters of amitie vnto Palladius the successor of Peter in the byshopricke of Antioch, specially concerning the councell of Chalcedon. So did Iohn the successor of Athanasius in the seae of Alexandria. Moreouer when Palladius Byshop of An­tioch had departed this life, Flauianus succeeded him, and sent Solomon priest of Antioch to Alex­andria with letters of amitie vnto Iohn, requiringe an aunswere by the same messenger. After the deceasse of Iohn, an other Iohn succeeded him in the byshopricke of Alexandria. These things con­tinewed in this sort the raigne of Anastasius (for he deposed Enphemius of his byshopricke) yet was I fayne here to rehearse them in order for the playner deliuerance, and better vnderstanding of the storye.

CAP. XXIIII.

How Armatus cosen to Berina the Empresse was put to death.

KEno through the procurement of Ilus dispatched out of the way Armatus the cosin of Berina Zeno slewe Armatus who saued his life. the Empresse, whom Basiliscus sometime had made captaine against him, yet he wonne him to his side, made him in steade of his enemy his companion, and created his sonne Basiliscus, Caesar at Nice. notwithstandinge these great benefites, he got him to Constantinople, and conspi­red the death of Armatus: his sonne Basiliscus in steade of Caesar he made priest, who afterwardes was preferred to be Byshop.

CAP. XXV.

The death of Theodorichus the Scythian which tooke armour against Zeno.

[Page 460]ABout that time Theodorichus a Scythian borne, prepared him selfe to geue Zeno the Em­perour battaile, he raised a wonderfull great army in Thracia, and marched forwardes to­wardes Constantinople: he destroyed all the countrey before him vnto the entry of Pontus, and verily he had taken Constantinople, had not some of his dearest friendes bene displeased with him, and conspired how to bereaue him of his life. he himselfe beinge geuen to vnderstande of the hatred that was borne vnto him, gaue backe, yet not longe after he dyed, but what kinde of death I am now about to declare. There honge on high before his campe after the Barbarian maner, a speare cleft in the ende. He beinge desirous to reuiue his spirites, and exercise his body, commaun­ded they shoulde bringe him a horse. In all the hast (as he was in other thinges altogether impati­ent) vp he gets him, the horse beinge vnbroken and fierce, praunced about, fette diuers carrieres ere Theodorichus coulde settle him selfe in his sadle, he fanned the aer with his forefeet, and stood bolt vpright onely vpon the hinder feete, so that Theodorichus had muche adoe to struggle with him, yet durst he not pull the bridle lest he fell vpon him, neyther was he fast on his horse, but was tossed to and froe, so that the point of the speare whiche honge ouer his heade toutched him, and at length stucke in his ri [...]bes, that he was daungerously wounded. thereupon he was constrained to keepe his bedde, and shortly after dyed.

CAP. XXVI.

How Martianus raised battaile against Zeno, and what became [...] him [...]n the ende.

AFter the death of Theodorichus, Martianus the sonne of Anthemius Emperour sometime of Rome, and allyed vnto [...] the Emperour, rebelled against Zeno.▪ He had maried Leon­ti [...] the yonger daughter of Leo, and fell to practise tyrannye. When they had fought in the pallace, and many fallen of both sides, Martianus foyled his aduersaries, and had taken the pal­lace, had not he posted his deuise ouer vnto the nexte daye, and let slippe the opportunitie that was geuen him. Occasion is a slipperie thinge, beinge once past, perhaps it will not come againe: be­inge gone out of our hande, it flyeth with the aer▪ laugheth the pursuers to scorne, and bids fooles farewell. For he that will not when he may, when he will, he shall haue nay. Poets and Paynters Fronte capil­lata post h [...] o [...]asio cal­ua. the fathers of glosses and vizards, vse to portract the forepart of the heade with a bushe of heare, and to leaue behinde the bald skull: geuinge vs very wittily to vnderstand that while occasion or opportunity is behinde it can not be helde, for there is no heare to take holde of, but while it is in the forehead it flyeth away & makes of the pursuer a foole. Whiche verily happened vnto Martia­nus, who as he refused time when time was offered, so afterwardes coulde he not get it to turne a­gaine. For the day followinge he was betrayed of his owne men, left desolate, and constrayned to flye vnto the temple of the holy Apostles, but thence he was driuen out, and remoued to Caesarea i [...] Cappadocia: While he crept there amonge certaine Monks and coueted to hide him selfe, the Emperour sent him as farre as Tarsus in Cilicia, there was he shauen and made priest. Eustathi­us Syrus hath exquisitly discoursed of these things.

CAP. XXVII.

The conspiracie and tyrannie of Ilus and Leontius.

THe aforesayde Eustathius doth write howe Zeno conspired diuers times the death of Berina his wiues mother, banished her into Cilicia, remoued her thence againe into a castell cal­led Papirium, where Ilus played the tyrant, & there she departed this life. Eustathius hand­leth verie artificially the doinges of Ilus how he escaped the hands of Zeno, and how Zeno executed him whom he had sent to dispatche the other, takinge his heade from of his shoulders for faylinge of his purpose. For to cloke his doings he made Ilus captaine of his power and armie in the East. He acquainting him selfe, not onely with Leontius, but also with Marsus a worthy man, and with Pampreps remained still in the east. Againe how Leontius was proclaymed emperour at Tarsus in Cilicia: what ende these tyrants enioyed: howe Theodorichus a Gotth of great honor among the Romaines, was made general captaine and sent against them with great power both of our owne men and of Barbarians: howe Zeno executed the poore wretches in recompence of the good will they bare vnto him, and the trauell they had taken in his affaires, and how Theodorichus vn­derstanding [Page 461] of Zenos malicious purpose pretended against him got him to olde Rome, Eustathius hath excellently layde downe in writing for the knowledge of the posteritie. Yet some doe report that Theodorichus through the procurement of Zeno ouercame Odoacer, so conquered Rome and called him selfe King.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of Mammianus and his doings.

IOhn Rhetor declareth that Mammianus liued in the dayes of Zeno, who though he were basely borne, yet came he to be Senator: that he buylded Antiphorum in the suburbes of Daphne, a place before time where vines did growe, beinge erable grounde, ouer against the publyque bath where there standes a brasen picture with this inscription Mammianus louer of the citie. The same Iohn writeth howe he builded in the citie two princely gates very gorgeous both for the magnificencie of the buyldinge and curious workemanshippe of the stone: howe he erected Te­trapylon as a distance or separation of both the gates artificially set vp with brasen pillours. We our selues haue seene these gates retayninge as yet not onely the name, but also relyques of the auncient bewtie, in that there are now stones there which were caried thither out of the Isle Pro­connesus, where with the floore is paued. As for the buylding it selfe, it is nothing as it was. For of the olde stone there is new buylding made, yet setting forth in no point the auncient erection. As for Tetrapylon buylded by Mammianus, there stands not a foote of it to be seene.

CAP. XXIX.

The death of Zeno the Emperour, and the creation of Anastasius.

WHen Zeno without issue had departed this life of the falling sicknesse in the seuententh Anastasius created emperour An [...] Dom. [...]92. yeare of his raigne: Longinus his brother raised great power, was in good hope of ob­taining the Empire, yet missed of his purpose. For Ariadne tooke the Emperial scep­ter and crowned therewith Anastasius, who as yet was not made Senatour, but onely entered in the schole of such as were called Silentiarij. Eustathius moreouer remembreth that from the raigne of Diocletian vnto the death of Zeno, and the creation of Anastasius, there were two hundred and seuen yeares: from the Impery of Augustus who raigned alone, fiue hundred thirtie two yeares and seuen moneths: from the raigne of Alexander Magnus, king of Macedonia, eyght hundred thirtie two yeares, and seuen moneths: from the buylding of Rome and the kingdome of Romulus, one thousande fiftie two yeares and seuen moneths: from the destruction of Troie, one thousand sixe hundred, eyghtie sixe yeares. This Anastasius was borne in Epidamnum, now called Dyrrachium: he tooke not onely the Emperiall scepter after Zeno, but also Ariadne his wife: & first of all he sent Longinus the brother of Zeno, maister (as of olde it was called) of the hauliers into his countrey, and to dyuerse others of Isauria whiche requested the same, he gaue leaue to depart vnto their owne home.

CAP. XXX.

How Anastasius the Emperour woulde in no wise alter any thing of the Ecclesiasti­call state, but persecuted and banished such as disturbed the quiet state of the Churche and sought to thrust in nouelties.

ANastasius was a great maintainer of peace and tranquillitie, he would haue nothing altered eyther toutchinge the regiment of the common weale, or the gouernement of the ecclesiasti­call affaires: nay endeuored with all meanes possible that the most holy Churches shoulde be voyd of tumults and dissention, & that all his subiects should enioy peace and quietnes, riddinge as well clergie as laytie from all discord and dissention. As toutching the councell of Chalcedon, it was then neyther openly preached in the most holy Churches, neyther generally reiected. For euery gouernour of the seuerall congregations did therein as it seemed good vnto him self. And as some mayntained earnestly the canons of that councell grauntinge not one iote, neyther admit­ting the chaunge of one syllable, but rather auoyded the companye of such as reiected the same, and refused to communicate with them: so other some not onely condemned the councell with the [Page 462] decrees thereof, but also accursed it with Leos determination of the fayth. Some other cleaued wholly vnto Zenos Epistle of vnity, yea when they were at bitter contention amongst them selues whether there was one or two natures in Christ. Some of them were deceaued in the verie ioy­ning of the letters together, some others were rather disposed to reconciliation & maintenance of peace, in so much y all the Churches were deuided into sundrie factions, & the byshops them selues refused to communicate one with the other. so that there rose thereof great adoe in the East, VVest and Libya, while the byshops of the East would communicate neither with the westerne byshops, neither with the byshops of Libya, neither among them selues, but fell euery day to exceede more then other in malicious contention. for the byshops of y East would not be reconciled among them selues, neither would the byshops of Europe, neither of Libya be at one either with them selues or with forrainers. wherefore Anastasius the Emperour vnderstanding of this hurliburly deposed all the autors of nouelties, & all such as contrary to the custome of the place, either preached the coun­cell of Chalcedon, or accursed the same. And first he banished Euphemius out of Constantinople, after him Macedonius whome Timothee succeeded, and besides these he draue Flauianus out of Antioch.

CAP. XXXI.

Howe the monks of Palaestina wrote vnto Alcison of Xenaias the monke and others.

THe monks of Palaestina wrote vnto Alcison toutching Macedonius and Flanianus in such sort The monks [...] Palaestina [...]nto Alci­ [...]n. as followeth. VVhen Peter had departed this life, Alexandria, Aegypt and Libya were at variance among them selues, & other c [...]ūtreis of the East contended within them selues: for the west Churches would in no wise cōmunicate with them saue vnder this condition, that they would accurse Nestorius, Eutyches, Dioscorus, Peter syrnamed Moggus and Acacius. VVher­fore seeing the churches throughout the worlde, were at this pointe, the fauourers of Dioscorus and Eutyches were brought to a narrow rowme. And now being as it were euerie one rooted & weeded from of the face of the earth, one Xenaias after the Etymologie of his name far estraun­ged from God, we knowe not what wicked fiende had bewitched his minde, or what malice he owed vnto Flauianus, vnder cloke of religion (as report goeth) he made an insurrection a­gaynst him and charged him with the here [...]ie of Nestorius. VVhen he had accursed Nestorius with his hereticall opinion, he lefte him and turned to Dioscorus, and Theodorus and Theodo­ritus, and Ibas, and Cyrus, and Eutherius, and Iohn, and to others, we wot not who, neyther out of what countreye: of whiche number some in very deede were Nestorians, some others to auoyde the suspition of that heresie, accursed Nestorius, and returned vnto the Churche. Vnlesse thou accurse, ( [...]yd Xenaias) all these whiche sauour of Nestorius fylthye sinke of hereticall doctrine, thou thy selfe shalt seeme to be of Nestorius opinion, although thou accurse both him and his doctrine, yea a thousande ty [...]es. The same Xenaias moreouer dealte by letters both wyth the complices of Dioscorus and the fauourers of Eutyches, perswadinge them to holde wyth him againste Flauianus, not that they shoulde accurse the Councell, but onelye the persons aboue named. After Flauianus the Byshope had wythstoode them a longe whyle, and sawe that o­thers h [...]ld with Xenaias against him, namely Ele [...]sinus Byshop of some city or other, within Cappadocia the less, Nicias byshop of Laodicea in Syria with others of other countreis (whose ac­cusations proceeding of abiect mindes we will passe ouer with silence, and geue others leaue to report them) at length remembring him selfe, they would be pacified, if the aforesaide persons were accursed, yelded vnto them. And after he had condemned those men with his owne hand he wrote vnto the Emperour, for these men had set him vp against Flauianus, as if he had beene patrone of Nestorius heresie. Neyther was Xenaias satisfied with this, but agayne required Flauianus to condemne both the Councell and suche as affyrmed there were two natures in Christe, the one humane, the other diuine, who for refusinge to doe this, is charged a freshe wyth Nestorius opinion. Last of all after much adoe, when the patriarch had published a forme of faith where he had vnfainedly geuen to vnderstand that the councell as toutching the depri­uation of Nestorius and Eutyches was to be approued, but not for their decree of the faith & do­ctrine: they threaten to take him in hand againe, as one that secretly sauored of Nestorius, vnlesse he woulde accurse both the Councell it selfe, and them that affirmed there were two natures [Page 463] in Christe, one diuine, the other humane. Moreouer with flatterie and fallacies they allured the Isaurians to their side, & patched together a forme of fayth wherin they accursed both the coū ­cell, and suche as affirmed there were two natures in Christe: in the ende deuided them selues from Flauianus, and Macedonius, and ioyned with them, who had subscribed vnto that patched fayth. In the meane space they requested the Byshop of Ierusalem to laye downe his fayth in writinge, the whiche he did, and sent it by the faction of Dioscorus vnto the Emperour. This Hereticks are wont to cor­rupt auncient writers. fayth at length with shame inough they brought forth, accursinge suche as saide there were two natures in Christ. But the byshop of Ierusalem charged them they had corrupted his faith, wrote an other where there was no suche accurse: But no maruell at all, for they haue corrupted of­tentimes the bookes and writinges of the holye fathers, by chaunginge their titles and inscrip­tions, and fatheringe the workes of Apollinarius the hereticke vpon Athanasius, Gregorie the renowmed, and Iulius, snaringe many of the simple people with these their wiles and subtlety in their hereticall opinions. They craued also of Macedonius they might see his beliefe in wri­tinge, who protested he onely allowed the fayth published of olde at Nice by three hundred and eyghteene holye fathers, and afterwardes ratified at Constantinople, accursinge Nestorius, Eutyches, wyth suche as sayde there were two sonnes, or two Christes, or deuided the natures: yet spake he not a worde of the Ephesine Councell, whiche deposed Nestorius, neyther of the Chalcedon Councell, whiche depriued Eutyches. VVherefore the Monkes of Constantino­ple were wonderfully moued with this, and deuided them selues from Macedonius. All this while Xenaias and Dioscorus hauinge linked vnto their side manye other Byshops, behaued them selues intollerably towardes suche as woulde not accurse whome they woulde haue ac­cursed, in so muche they procured diuers, because they woulde not yeelde vnto them, to be ba­nished. Thus they made Macedonius, Iohn Byshop of Platum, and Flauianus to leaue the coun­trey. So farre of the monks letters.

CAP. XXXII.

How Macedonius byshop of Constantinople and Flauianus byshop of Antioch were exiled.

THe thinges which secretly vexed the minde of Anastasius were farre otherwise. For when Ariadne purposed to present Anastasius with the Emperiall robe, Euphemius the Byshop would in no wise cōsent to his coronation vntill y Anastasius deliuered him his hand writing confirmed with an othe, where he plainely declared if he were Emperour, he would maintaine the true faith, & bringe no nouelty into the Church of God, whiche hand writinge he gaue Macedoni­us the treasurer to keping. Euphemius did this because Anastasius was suspected to be a Manichee. When Macedonius was aduaunced to the reuerende office of priesthood, Anastasius called for his hand writing, It is (saith he) a great discredit vnto our scepter, that our hand should be kept to te­stifie against vs, or that we shoulde be tyed to penne and paper. But Macedonius denyed him very stoutly, and affirmed plainely it shoulde neuer be saide of him that he betrayed the fayth: therefore Anastasius the Emperour deuised howe to worke him mischiefe, to thende he might colourablye depose him. At length there came forth yonge men sclaunderinge both them selues and Macedo­nius also of an haynous offence: they founde him to haue wanted the member of generation, then proceded they to espy other holes in his coat, neither rested they vntil at length through y fetches of Celer maister of y hauliers, they had priuely wrought his depriuation. There ensued after this conspiracy against Flauianus, other troublesome businesse. For we our selues haue learned of olde Hereticall monks, idle braines, all set vpon contention, wer [...] slaine like dogs at Antioch and throwen int [...] the riuer Orontes. men, who remembred very wel such aduentures as befell vnto Flauianus, how the monks of Cy­negica, which inhabited the chiefest countrey of Syria, being perswaded by Xenaias byshop of Hie­rapolis bordering vpon Antioch, & syrnamed after the grecians Philoxenus, made an insurrection, came all vpon a heade to Antioch, purposinge to force Flauianus, both to accurse the councell of Chalcedon and Leos decree of the faith. When Flauianus tooke the matter verye grieuouslye, and the monkes vrged him wyth violence: The citizens by reason of that greate sturre and sediti­on, made suche a slaughter of the monks, that manye of them, naye an infinit number in steede of quiet earth and still graue, were buryed in the swifte waues of the riuer Orontes. There happe­ned an other thinge that was no lesse lamentable then the former. The monkes whiche inhabi­ted Caelosyria nowe called Syria Minor, bearinge singuler good will and affection vnto Flauia­mes, [Page 464] who some tyme leade a Monasticall lyfe in the Abbeye of Tilmognum, came in all the [...]aste to Antioch for to assiste Flauianus, so that there ensued thereof great mischiefe. Wherefore Flauianus, whether it were for the former slaughter, or the later calamitie, or peraduenture for both, was banished the prouince, and inioyned to inhabite the craggie deserts in the furthest part of Palaestina.

CAP. XXXIII.

Of Seuerus byshop of Antioch.

WHen Flauianus was exiled Seuerus was chosen byshop of Antioch, in the moneth Dius, Seuerus b [...] of Antioch yet an hereticke. the fiue hundreth three score, and first yeare after the citie bare this name, but now, that is the time I penned this history, the sixe hundreth forty, and first yeare. This Seuerus was borne in Soxopolis a citie of Pisidia, before they made him byshop, he pleaded lawe at Bery­tus. But as soone as he was baptized in the Churche of Leontius the holy martyr, whom Tripolis a citie lyinge on the Sea cost of Phoenicia doth honor, he translated his studye from lawe vnto monasticall life the whiche he led in a monastery, lyinge in the middes betweene Gaza and Maiu­ma. Where Peter the Iberian, Byshope sometime of Gaza, and the companion of Timotheus Ae­lurus, both in sustayninge of banishment, and substance of doctrine, was muche spoken of. Further­more Seuerus (of whome I purpose to entreat) conferringe with Nephalius (who sometime was of one religion with him, to wit, that there was one nature in Christe, yet afterwardes helde wyth the Councell of Chalcedon, and suche as sayde there were two natures in our Lorde Christe Ie­sus) was expulsed the monasterye by Nephalius and his complices, together with manye others of his opinion. Thence he went straight to Constantinople, both for him selfe and in the name of all the rest that were expelled with him, and so became acquainted with the Emperour Anasta­sius, as it is reported by him that wrote Seuerus life. Wherefore he wrote letters vnto the patrons of his opinion of their mutuall loue and agreement, where by name he condemneth the Councell of Chalcedon. This whiche I speake of, is layde downe by the monks in their Epistle vnto Al­cison. The monks of Palaestina vnto Alcison The Epistle whiche Timothee nowe Byshope of Constantinople, wrote vnto the monkes here in Palaestina of mutuall loue and agreement was receaued: But the depriuation of Ma­cedonius and Flauianus, together with the letters of Seuerus was reiected. The messengers that brought the letters, were as they deserued contumeliouslye entreated (for the citizens and monkes conspired their deathes) that they were fayne to runne awaye for to saue theyr lyues. And thus it went with vs in Palaestina. But of the prouinces of Antioch, they were partly ledde into error wyth others, namelye Martinus Byshope of Berytus, and partly constrayned to subscribe vnto Seuerus letters of mutuall loue and agreement, whiche accursed not onely the Councell, but also who so euer affirmed there were two natures in Christ, the one diuine, the other humane. But suche as were compelled to geeue theyr consent, repented them after­wardes, and returned vnto the Churche, namelye the Byshopes throughout the prouince of Apamia. There were other some that woulde in no wise agree, of whiche number Iulianus Byshope of Bostra was sayde to be, Epiphanius Byshope of Tyrus wyth other Byshopes. The Isaurians after repentaunce condemned theyr former error and follye, and accursed Seuerus wyth all that fauored him. Other Byshopes and priestes wythin Seuerus iurisdiction, forsooke their Churches, namelye Iulianus Byshope of Bostra, Peter Byshope of Damascus, who lyue here wyth vs: Mamas also wyth one of the two Dioscorians, who affirmed there were two natures from the beginninge, whose wilfull frowardnesse made Seuerus whether he woulde or no to condemne them. After a few lines. The monasteries both here, and at Ierusalem (God be praysed for it) doe holde wyth the right fayth, euen so doe manye cities and Byshopes. For all which, and for vs our selues vouchsafe most holy Lorde, and our right honorable father to pray that we fall not into temptation.

CAP. XXXIIII.

Howe Cosmas and Seuerianus two Byshopes within the prouince of Antioch sent Seuerus their Archebyshope a depriuation.

[Page 465]IN so muche the aforesayde letters make mention howe the prouince of Apamia fell from Seuerus, nowe we thought good to laye downe a certayne historye deliuered vs by our elders, whiche we founde no where recorded. Cosmas Byshope of our Epiphania vpon the ryuer O­rontes, & Seuerianus byshop of Arethusa a bordering citie, being very muche offended with Seue­rus letters of mutuall loue and agreement, first of all deuided them selues from his communion, nexte sent vnto him a Libell of depriuation, for all he gouerned the Byshopricke of Antioch, de­liueringe it vnto Aurelianus chiefe Deacon of Epiphania: who because he feared Seuerus, and reuerenced the autoritye of so worthye a Byshopricke, at his firste comminge to Antioch, a­rayed him selfe in womans attyre, and so got him to Seuerus: He behaued him selfe so softlye, & so effeminatly, that they tooke him to be a woman in deede: He muffled him selfe and pulled the veyle ouer his heade as farre as his breste: He whined wyth a shrill and pitifull voyce, he sigh­ed deepelye: He crooched lyke a poore suter, and as Seuerus passed by, he reached into his hand the bill of depriuation, when he had so done, he priuelye conueyed himselfe awaye from the traine that followed Seuerus, and so was out of theyr reach ere Seuerus coulde learne what was con­tayned in the Libell, But Seuerus though he receaued the Libell, and perceaued what they had written therein, continewed neuer the lesse in his Byshopricke vnto the death of Anastasius the Emperour. When Anastasius vnderstoode of the circumstances whiche happened vnto Seuerus (I can not chuse but recorde in this place the good nature and clemencie of Anastasius) he charged Asiaticus Lieuetenant of Libaeesa in Phoenicia, to remoue Cosmas and Seuerianus from theyr Byshoprickes, because they sent vnto Seuerus the Libell of depriuation. After his comminge into the Easte, and perceauinge howe that manye were of Seuerianus and Cosmas o­pinion, and that they defended theyr cityes manfullye, he wrote backe vnto Anastasius that The clemen­cie of Ana­stasius. there was no displacinge of them wythout slaughter and bloodshed. Wherefore there was so muche mercye and pitye in the minde of Anastasius, that he signifyed vnto Asiaticus in playne wordes he woulde haue no enterprise taken in hande, were it neuer so noble, or so worthye, if it did coste him as muche as one droppe of bloode. In this state were the Ecclesiasticall affayres duringe the raygne of Anastasius, whome some men haue blotted out of the sacred catalogue as enemy vnto the councell of Chalcedon, for at Ierusalem he was accursed.

CAP. XXXV.

The foyle and ouerthrowe of the Isaurian tyrants.

PEraduenture we shall not otherwise chuse but performe that whiche we promised before, if we annexe vnto the aforesayde historye, other famous actes that were done in the dayes Longinus. of Anastasius. Longinus the brother of Zeno after his comminge as I sayde before into his natiue soyle, made preparation to proclayme open warres agaynst the Emperour: Gathered greate power from euerye place together wyth the Isaurians, and he him selfe beinge an Isau­rian, The b. of A­pamia a re­bell. marched forwardes to battayle. There came to ayde him the Byshope of Apamia in Syria. Shortlye after the battayle was ended, partlye because the Isaurians whiche fought wyth Lon­ginus were foyled euerye one, and partlye also because the heades of Longinus and Theodorus were sent of Iohn the Scythian to Constantinople, and there by the commaundement of the Em­perour stickt vp on polles beyonde the water, ouer against Constantinople, in a place called Sycae. It was a goodly sight vnto the citizens of Constantinople, for Zeno and the Isaurianꝰ had grieuouslye vexed them diuers tymes before. A seconde Longinus syrnamed Selinuncius one of the Longinus. [...] ▪ Indus. chiefe rebelles, and Indus were sent aliue by Iohn syrnamed Cyrtus, vnto Anastasius the Empe­rour, whiche made both the Emperour and the citizens of Constantinople marueilous glad, for Longinus and Indus were tyed with iron chaines about their neckes, and wrists of their handes, led throughout the streetes, & about their stage and theater as the guyse is in triumphes. Immediatly vpon that, the Isaurian tribute which mounted to fiue thousand pound, and was yearely paide vnto the Barbarians thenceforth was brought into the Emperours treasurie.

CAP. XXXVI.

Of the Barbarians called Scenetae how they rebelled, yet afterwardes ioyned in league with the Romaines.

[Page 466] SCenetae, Barbarians so called, because of their dwelling in tents and tabernacles, were so puf­fed Scenetae. vp with pride that they tooke armour against the Empire of Rome, yet to their great hurt and domage: they destroyed Mesopotamia: both Phoenicia and Palaestina. In thende they were so plagued of the captaines and lieuetenants throughout euery prouince, that thence forth they cryed truce, and ioyned in league with the Romaines.

CAP. XXXVII.

The besieginge of Amida and buylding of Daras.

THe Persians moreouer breakinge their league and passinge beyonde their proper boundes were led by Cabades their kinge into Armenia: they ouercame the countrey: they tooke Theodosiopolis and came to Amida, a strong city in Mesopotamia and besieged it, the which was afterwards recouered by the Emperour of Rome, not without great paine and trouble. If a­ny Eustathius the historio­grapher died Anno Do [...]. 504. be disposed to know exquisitly all the circumstances thereof, and as commonly we say, to haue all at his fingers endes, let him reade Eustathius, where the whole is layde downe in writinge with great skill and diligence: who when he had continued the historie vnto the twelfe yeare of Ana­stasius raigne, and the time which our penne doth now prosecute, he knit vp his story and departed this life. When this battaile was ended, Anastasius made of a wilde countrey a ciuill towne, in a place of Mesopotamia called Daras, lyinge in the furthest parts of the Romaine dominions, as a bounde betweene one countrey and an other: walled it very strongly about: erected goodly and gorgeous buyldings: founded holy Churches: princely towers, publique baths, with diuers o­ther such monuments wherewith cities are set forth and adorned. The report goeth that the place Daras a no­ble c [...]ue. was called Daras because Darius was there ouercome by Alexander king of Macedonia, the sonne of Philip.

CAP. XXXVIII.

Of the place called the Long wall buylded by Anastasius.

THe aforesayd Emperour made a noble and a princely peece of worke in Thracia, called the long wall, situated in a goodly soyle, from Constantinople at the furthest two hundred and fourescore furlonges, the Sea compasseth eyther of them about foure hundred and twentie furlonges in breadth muche lyke a narrowe Sea, and maketh of the citye an Iland, beinge all in manner inuironed with water: it transporteth with great speede suche as saile from Pontus to Propontis and the Thracian Sea: laste of all it repelleth suche Barbarians as make inrodds, out of the Sea Euxinum, Colchis, and the fenne of Meotis, out of the deserts beyond the hill Cau­casus, and out of Europe.

CAP. XXXIX.

Of Chrysargyrum the tribute for baudrie which Anastasius the Emperour tooke away.

THere is besides an other worthye acte, or rather diuine, done of this Emperour in takinge awaye the tribute Chrysargyrum whiche is to be recorded of vs to the knowledge of the posteritye in time to come. And to speake thereof sufficientlye, we haue neede of Thucy­dides tongue or some other more eloquent and copious, yet I will discourse thereof beinge not so muche incouraged wyth my simple stile and sclender wordes as wyth the noble minde of the autor, and the worthynesse of the acte. There was a wicked trybute, odious to God and man, vnseemely amonge the Barbarians them selues, and no lesse abhominable to be spoken of amonge Christians throughout the Romaine dominions, set and demaunded of the ample and renowmed common weale of Rome, not spoken of vnto the time of Anastasius, and why so, I am not able to declare, the whiche his noble and vertuous minde tooke awaye, not wythout the greate com­mendation of all people vnder heauen. This tribute was sette (omittinge diuerse sorts of people) vpon suche as lyued by fylthye lucre and gayne, vpon naughtipackes whiche made sale of shamefastnesse, haunted brothelhouses, and prostrated them selues in blynde corners of the citye: To be short, vpon all suche as were not ashamed to committee whoredome: Who in­iured nature not a litle, and brought the common weale to great reproche and infamy, in so muche [Page 467] that the filthye gayne gotten thereby allured thereunto suche as burned wyth bruitishe luste and concupiscence, no otherwyse then a lawe or proclamation. Agayne the gatherers of this impi­ous and abhominable tribute acrueinge by reason of suche haynous offences brought it euerye fourth yeare vnto the chiefe magistrate, so that it was thought to be one of the chiefest tributes that belonged vnto the crowne, and layde it vp in the Gardiuiance or priueye coffers. The ceas­sers were not of the simplest sort, and meanest persons, neyther the office numbred amonge the basest in the common weale. Anastasius vnderstandinge the whole made the Senate priueye thereunto, tolde them what an haynous and an horrible acte it was, commaunded it shoulde quite be taken away, and burned the rolles whiche directed them vnto the ceassed and taxed polls. Fur­thermore when he purposed with him selfe to offer sacrifice vnto God in rootinge out that filthe and abhomination, to thende it might be vnpossible for any after him to reuiue those olde dregges of Lecherye: He fayned him selfe to be in a greate agonye, accused him selfe of rashe dealinge, and meere madnesse, sayinge he was toe vayne glorious, and by that meanes weyed not the v­tilitye and profitte of the common weale, in that he had taken awaye both foolishlye and wythout aduisement, so large a tribute, begonne so manye yeares agoe, and continewed so longe a time not foreseeinge the discommodityes that ensued, by reason of the wante thereof, the charges for mayntenance of soldiers, the strength of the common weale, The tribute beinge as a fortresse to defende it, the liberalitye risinge thence, and turned to vpholde the seruice of God. Laste of all makinge no man of his counsell, he proclaymed that his will was the tribute shoulde be wholly restored againe: therefore he called vnto him the olde receauers, he tolde them that he was sorye for the burninge of the recordes, that he knewe not what to doe, howe to excuse his folly, neyther what to deuise, seeinge their registeries were consumed to ashes. When as they vnfaynedlye and from the very heart bewayled their losse, and the want of the ill gotten goods which came thereby into their hands, and tolde him playnely that it was in manner vnpossible to restore the tribute againe: he requested them to doe all their indeuor, and to searche if happely they might finde a­monge all the recordes that were in anye place preserued, the order of demaundinge the taxe and tribute. Wherefore he sent vnto euerye one of them his charges for searchinge the countreys and recordes, and commaunded that euerye deede or scrole which made mention thereof, where so e­uer it were founde shoulde be brought vnto him, to thende this taxe might be restored agayne in suche good order that it coulde neuer fall afterwardes into decaye. Shortly after when these mes­sengers of trust brought tydings what they had founde, Anastasius was wonderfull glad, and seemed to tickle at the heart for ioy, he reioysed in deede because now he had brought about that which troubled him so muche. What (sayth he vnto them) haue ye founde any recordes? where found ye them? be they to any purpose? doe ye thinke there are any where any more left behinde? they aunswered that their trauell had bene greate, that they rode about daye and night, that they had searched both towne and countrey, and swore by the life of the Emperour, that there was not left in al the empire of Rome, not as much as a patch of any scrole that was not brought vnto him. then the Emperour commaunded a pile to be made, all the papers, registers, recordes, bills, and baudy notes to be set thereon, and burned to ashes. when the fire had done his part, he gaue com­maundement they should throwe water vpon the ashes, either quite to drowne them, or to driue thē away with the streame, purposing fully by this means for euer to tread vnderfoot the scroles of the baudy tribute, that neither sparcle, neither ashes, neither letter, neither any memoriall shoulde re­maine after the firing of the records. But while we commend Anastasius so highly for banishinge this shamefull tribute, lest we seeme ignorant what diuers men of old being wedded to their owne affections haue reported of him, we thought good here to lay downe their sayinges, and conuince them with their owne words.

CAP. XL.

VVhat Zosimus wrote of Chrysargyrum the shamefull tribute, and of Constantinus the Emperour.

ZOsimus one of them that was bewitched wyth the impious rites and abhominable seruice The scla [...] de [...]ous reports that Zosimus a Ethnicke made of Constantinus magnus. of Paganes, beinge incensed against Constantinus, because he was the first Emperour whiche forsooke the detestable Idolatrye of the Gentiles, and embraced Christian religi­on: reporteth howe that the tribute Chrysargyrum was firste deuised by him, and decreed it should be payde euerye fourth yeare. With infinite other sclaunders, he goeth about to defame the god­ly [Page 468] and noble Emperour Constantine. For (sayth he) he deuised mischiefes against all sorts of men, of what degree or callinge so euer they were: that he slewe his sonne Crist us verye lamentablye: that he dispatched his wyfe Fausta, by shuttinge her vp i [...] a boylinge bathe: that when he woulde haue had his priests to purge him by sacrisice of these horrible murthers, and coulde not haue his purpose, (for they had aunswered plainelye, it laye not in their power to clense him) he lighted by chaunce vpon an Aegyptian whiche came out of Iberia, and perswaded him that the Christian fayth was of force to wipe away euerye sinne, were it neuer so haynous, and that he embraced wil­lingly all what so euer the Aegyptian tolde him. Laste of all, that he forsakinge his cuntrey reli­gion cleaued vnto impietye as this lewde varlet reporteth, but that all these reports be no other then lyes and sclaunders, I will immediately declare, and so muche in the meane whyle of Chry­sargyrum.

CAP. XII.

An inuectiue against Zosimus the Ethnick for reuiling of Constantine, and rayliage at the Christians.

THou saist (O wicked spirit and fiende of hell) that Constantine purposinge to buylde a citie comparable to Rome, layde the fundation of an ample and worthye citie, firste in the cun­trey of Troie, and the pallace of Priamus: after the stones were layde, and the wall beinge erected on high, to haue espyed that Byzantium was a goodlier soyle for his purpose, to haue enui­roned it with a wall, to haue enlarged the olde and auncient citie, to haue adorned it with goodly and gorgeous buylding, that it seemed not much inferior to Rome, which grew by a litle and a li­tle the space and continuance of many yeares to that perfection she is of. Thou saist moreouer that he gaue to the citizens of Byzantium a measure of grame: that such as departed this world at By­zantium left him great summes of golde for to build and erect his pallaces. Againe thou reportest (I will vse thine owne wordes) that the Emperiall scepter befell vnto Constantius after the death of Constantine his father, and the deceasse of his bretherne: that Constantius (at what time Mag­nentius and Bretannio rebelled) endeuored to perswade Bretannto to shake of armour: that whē both armies ioyned together, he made an oration, and put them in remembrance of the liberality & boun­tifulnes of his father towards them, vnder whose banner they had foyled many an host, and recea­ued of him large rewards, that the soldiers immediatly after y hearing of his oration tooke away the princely robe from Bretannio, & led him like a priuate man vnto Constantius, who (for all thou reuilest him with his father) did him no hurt at all. how it can be that so liberall, and so bountifull a prince coulde be so great a karle and pinche peny, as to raise of his subiects so wicked a tribute, I can not see. That he murthered neither Fausta nor Crispus, neither was instru [...]ed in y misteries of our Christian religion by any Aegyptian at all, heare I beseeche thee what Eusebius syrnamed Pamphilus, who liued the same time, both with Constantine and Crispus, and had great familiaritye with them wro [...]e of that matter. As for thy selfe, thou writest suche thinges thou neuer heardest of, and are farre from being true, for thou wrotest long after, to witte, in the time of Arcadius and Ho­norius, or after their raigne. Eusebius in the eyght booke of his Ecclesiasticall historie writeth in this sort. Not longe after, Constantius the Emperour passinge all other throughout his life time useb. eccle. [...]st. lib. 8. [...]p. 14. in clemencie and goodnesse towardes his subiects, singulerly affected towardes Gods worde, ended according vnto the lawe of nature the common race of his mortall life, leauinge behind him his naturall sonne Constantinus Emperour and Caesar to supplye his rowme. A litle after. His sonne Constantinus being proclaimed full Emperour and Caesar by the army, and longe be­fore by God him selfe, the vniuersall king, became a follower of his fathers pietie in Christian religion. And about the later eude of his storie he writeth thus. Constantinus the mightie & puy­sant Emperour beinge renowmed for euery rare vertue and godlinesse, together with his sonne [...]seb. lib. 10. p 9. Crispus the most godly Emperour, like vnto his father in all thinges subdued the East parts of the worlde. No doubt Eusebius who liued after Constantine woulde not so highly haue commended Crispus, had he bene slaine of his father. Againe Theodoritus writeth how Costantine about his la­ter end was baptized at Nicomedia, & y therfore he differred it vnto y t time because he had a great desire to be baptized in Iordan. But thou most wicked Zosimus reportest, y t since christian religion was published throughout y world y state of y Romain empire decaied & came to nought, y which proceeds frō thee either of ignorance, that thou hast not read ouer y auncient writers, or of malice. [Page 469] For the contrarye is soone proued that the Empire of Rome encreased together with our fayth. The Empire of Rome en­creased with the fayth. Macedoniās. Albania. Ibetia. Colchi. Arabians. Frenchmen. Germans. Buttanns. Indaea. Luk. 2. Remember I besech thee howe about the time of the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ Iesus ma­ny of the Macedonians were by the Romaynes subdued: Albania, Iberia, Colchi and the Arabians: moreouer the Frenchmen, the Germans, the Brittanns, in the hundred twenty & third Olympiade after Caius Caesar had ouercome them with greate and grieuous battaills, and made the fiue hun­dred cities which they inhabited, tributaries (as historiographers doe wryte) vnto the Empire of Rome. This Caius was the first which after the Consulls gouerned the Empire alone, he made the way sure for the setting vp of the glorious Monarchie, and in steede of the populare and com­mon regiment, brought into the worlde that kind of raigne. No doubt it came to passe through the prouidēce of God, because that the Monarchie of Christ was shortly after to take place. All Iudaea besides, and the bordering countreyes were annexed vnto the Empire of Rome, so that the first ta­xing where Christ also was to be taxed, then firste beganne, and Bethleem likewise layde before theyr eyes, howe that which of olde was prophecied of her, was then fulfilled. For thus had the Prophet Micheas foretold of her. And thou Bethleem Iuda art not the leste amonge the Princes Mich. 5. Math. 2. Aegypt. Many cun­treys of Per­sia. of Iuda, for out of thee there shall come vnto me the captaine that shall gouerne my people Is­rael. When Christ our God was borne into y world, Aegypt was ioined vnto the Empire of Rome in the time of Augustus Caesar (for thē it was that Christ appeared in the flesh) who ouercame An­tonius & Cleopatra which afterwards dispatched thēselues. After their death Cornelius Gallus was by Augustus Caesar made Liuetenant of Aegypt: & after y t Ptolomaeees decayed he raigned ouer Ae­gypt. What cuntreys were wonne frō the Persiās by Ventidius & Curbulon the captaine of Nero, by Seleucia. Ctesiphon. Nisibis. Armenia. Seuerus, Traianus, Carus, Cassius and Odaenathus of Palmyra, by Apollonius and sundry others: how ofte Seleucia & Ctesiphon were taken: howe oft Nisibis was nowe the Romaynes, anone the Per­sians, and after what sorte Armenia with other borderinge nations became vnder the Empire of Rome, thou thy selfe haste penned it as well as others. And yet I had almoste forgotten what thou wrytest to haue bene done by Constantine (who by meanes of our religion gouerned the Romayne dominions with valiant minde and noble prowesse) also what befell vnto Iulianus, nus­led vp in thy wicked mysteries, what wounds and skarres he left in the common weale. As for the prophecies which concerne the ende of the worlde, or whether it had a beginninge and whether it shal haue an ending it is an higher matter thē can sinke into thy braine. Therfore let vs see if thou C. Iulius C [...] sar. Caius Cali [...] gula. Nero. Galba. Otho. Vitellius. Titus. Commod [...] Pertinax. Didius I [...]i [...] nus. Antonius. Macrinus. Aurelius Antonius. Alexander Maximinu [...] Gordianu [...] Philip. Decius. Gallus. Volusianu [...] Aemilianu [...] Valerianu [...] Galienus Carinus. Maximia [...] Maxentiu [...] Licinniu [...] Iulian. wilt, howe the Emperours which were Ethnickes and panyms mayntayners of Idolatry & Pa­ganisme, and howe of the contrary suche as cleaued vnto the Christian faith ended theyr raygne. was not Cains Iulius Caesar the first Emperour slayne by conspiracy? did not certen souldiers with naked swordes dispatch Caius y nephewe of Tiberius? was not Nero murthered by one of his fami­lier & deare friends? had not Galba the like end, Otho & Vitellius who all three raygned only sixteen moneths? what shall I speake of Titus whome Domitianus poisoned, for all he was his owne brother? what saist thou of Commodus did not Narcissus dispatch him out of the waye? what shall I speake of Pertinax, and what of Inlian enioyed not both they one kinde of death? what did not An­tonius the sonne of Seuerus murther his brother Geta, and did not Martialis requite him with the like? what shall I say of Macrinus did not the souldiers handle him like a captiue about Byzan­tium and cruelly put him to death? was not Aurelius Antoninus of Emessa murthered together w t his mother? was not Alexander immediatly after hī together w t his mother likwise put to death? what shall I say of Maximinus whome his owne army dispatched? Or of Gordianus who through the treason of Philip was in like sorte by his owne souldiers put to death? tell me I pray thee thy selfe O Zosimus, what happened vnto Philip and after him vnto Decius, were they not slaine by the enemy? take Gallus and Volusianus with them were they not murthered by their owne armies? what of Aemilianus had not he y like miserable end? what Valerianus was not he taken by y Persians in battaill & led about of them in triumphe? what when Galienus was slaine through treason and Ca­rinus beheaded, came not Diocletian to be Emperour, whome Diocletian cutte of lest they shoulde raygne with him. After these Herculius Maximianus, his sonne Maxentius & Licinnius dyed with contumely and shame inough. But since the time the moste noble Emperour Constantine beganne to raygne, since he consecrated vnto God the city he had builte and called it after his owne name, looke about I pray thee and speake indifferently, was there any one Emperour in that citye ( Iu­lian a man of thine owne religion and thy Emperour onely excepted) that was murthered either by his owne subiect, or by the enemy: or any one tyrant that vanquished the Emperour, Basiliscus excepted, yet for all that, he thrust Zeno beside the Emperiall scepter, he was ouercome of him a­gaine [Page 470] and lost his head? As for Ʋalens that persecuted the Christians, I wil yeld, take him to thee, thou speakest of none other. Let no man take this our discourse for impertinent stuffe or bayne di­gressiō it is both profitable for the reader and agreeable with our purpose, because the heathenish historiographers of spite and malice, haue endeuored to corrupt the true histories. And nowe let vs returne vnto the rest of Anastasius raygne.

CAP. XLII.

Of Chrysotelia a kind of tribute deuised by Anastasius.

EUen as the acts mentioned before were nobly done of Anastasius and agreeable with the ma­iesty of an Emperour: so there ensued immediatly after, other doinges of his which darkned the commendation and renowne of the former. For he deuised the tribute called Chrysotelia, He made marchandise of the souldiers stipend and wages not without greate domage vnto the cō ­mon weale. He tooke away from the courts and places of iudgement their tribute and reuenewes & appoynted throughout euery city suche as they call Proctors or Attorneys through the procur­ment as they say of Marinus Syrus the chiefe Magistrate called Presidente of the haule. Thereof it came to passe that the greater part of the tribute and reuenewes was lost, the worship and honor of cities decayed. For vnto that time y names of the Senatours or Aldermen were matriculated, and euery city counted of the benchers as of a Senate.

CAP. XLIII.

The rebellion and tyranny of Vitalianus.

VItalianus a Thracian rebelled against Anastasius, ouerranne Thracia, Mydia, as farre as O­dyssus and Anchialus, marched towardes Constantinople with a greate multitude of peo­ple, which had no certaine dwelling, but roged about and lay in the fleldes: the Emperour sent Hypatius to geue him battail. But Hypatius being betrayed of his owne souldiers, taken aliue, and ransomed with a greate summe of money: Cyrillus made expedition agayust him, fought a daū ­gerous and a doubtfull fielde, so that many beganne to flee. Agayne when Cyrillus by pursuing af­ter the enemy & calling agayne his owne souldiers seemed to haue the vpper hand, Vitalianus tur­ned him vnto Cyrill and as the souldiers recoyled of spite, he tooke him in Odyssus. Last of all be in­uaded the wholl cuntrey vnto Sycae, destroying with sword and consuming with fire all that lay in his way, purposing fully to take Constantinople and to be crowned Emperour. As he pitched his campe in Sycae, Marinus Syrus (mentioned before) went from the Emperour with a great nauy to geue him battaill. Wherefore whē theyr armies came nigh together the ones front was towards Sycae, the others towards Constantinople. First & that for a while they sturre not, next they skir­mish and florish vpon the water no otherwise then daliaunce, In the ende they close theyr nauies & fought a sore battaill about Bytharia where Vitalianus hauing lost the greater parte of his power was altogether discouraged, and tooke his flight. Away went his souldiers with all speede so that the day after there coulde not one of the souldiers be seene either passing ouer the seaes, or wande­ring about the city. The reporte goeth that Vitalianus abode a while in Anchialus and there liued quietly. Furthermore an other sorte of Barbarians, who likewise liued abroade cut ouer the seae and inuaded Pylas a city in Cappadocia. About the same time Rhodos on a certaine night now the third time was shaken with a wonderfull great earthquake and in manner all ouerthrowen.

CAP. XLIIII.

VVhen Anastasius would haue had this clause: who was crucified for our sakes, added to the hymne called Trisagium, the people were on an vprore, so that he sent vnto them he would be no longer theyr Emperour, the people with that were appea­sed. Not long after Anastasius died.

ABout that time there was among the citizens of Constantinople a sore tumult and sediciō, because the Emperour had added vnto theyr Trisagium, who was crucified for our sakes, as if the interlacinge of that clause had bene an ouerthrowe vnto Christian religion. The [Page 471] captayne and ringeleader of this hurlyburly was Macedonius with the Priests of his diocesse, as Seuerus wryting vnto Sotericus doth remember. This Seuerus was not then made priest, but liued in the Emperours pallace being not expulsed his monastery with the reste as I sayde before. I take that Macedonius was banished not onely for the crimes he was falsely charged withall, but also for this present sedition. And when the people were furiously disposed because of the former clause, not onely the nobility were in great daūger of theyr liues, but also many goodly buyldings were set on fire. The people in theyr rage founde a certaine Monke a rude and simple fellowe in the house of Marinus Syrus, firste they strike his heade of his shoulders, sayinge that through his procurement the aforesayde clause was interlaced, afterwardes they tyed him to a longe poll and lifted him on high, with great shoutinge in derision of him: here is he that conspired againste the Trinitye. The slame of sedition did so flash about, and theyr behauiour was so outragious that the Emperour for sorowe wist not what to doe, he threwe aside the Emperiall scepter, came vnto the theatre, sente the bedells about to proclaime that with good will he woulde be Emperour no lon­ger: that many in no wise were to be preferred to that rowme for y place allowed but of one which was to succeede him in the Empire. The people hearing of this chaunged theyr minds vpō a sud­dayne, requested Anastasius to take the crowne and in so doing they woulde be quiete. Anastasius Anno Do. 519. shortely after this sturre departed this life when he had bene Emperour of Rome twentye seuen yeares three moneths and so many dayes.

The ende of the thirde booke of Euagrius Scholasticus.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

Of Iustinus the first Emperour of that name.

WHen Anastasius had chaunged the worse for the better life (as I sayd before) Iustinus Iustinus was proclaimed Emperour Anno Don 519. a Thracian, the nynth day of the moneth Panemus called of the Romaines Iulie the fiue hundredth threescore and sixte yeare after that the city of Antioch was so called tooke the gouernemēt of the Empire, and was proclaimed Emperour by the preto­riā souldiers, whose captaine he had bene, what time he was maister of the hauliers He came vnlooked for vnto this Emperiall dignity, for there liued thē many worthy personages of Anastasius alliance flowing in all welth and felicity and of that great power which accustometh to aduance and preferre men to that great honor and royalty.

CAP. II.

Of Amantius the Eunuch and Theocritus, and howe Iustinus put them to death.

ABout that time Amantius a man of greate power and chiefe of the Emperours chamber seing that no eunuch could be Emperour wished that Theocritus his sworne brother might In raigne and loue fewe fello are faiths attayne vnto y Emperiall robe. Wherfore he called Iustinus, deliuered him a great summe of money bad him distribute it amonge such as he thought coulde doe most in preferringe Theo­critus to the crowne. But Iustinus either by bribing the people in his owne behalfe, or by winning [Page 472] with money the watch and good will of the garde (both is reported) got to be Emperour him self. And immediatly after, he executed Amantius, Theocritus, with many others.

CAP. III.

Howe Iustinus through wiles bereaued Ʋitalianus of his life.

WHen Vitalianus who sometime attempted to vanquishe Anastasius the Emeperour led his life in Thracia, Iustinus sent for him to Constantinople. For he feared not only his power, but the variable aduentures of battaill, the fame of his person which was rife in euery mans mouth, and his aspiringe minde vnto the Empire. And when he foresawe by conie­ctures, nay perceaued without all doubt that he coulde by no meanes ouercome him vnlesse it wer Dissimulatiō vnder cloke of fayned friendship: he put on a dissembling visage which easily may not be espied & made him one of the captaynes called Present. And to the ende Vitalianus mighte buylde the more boldlye vpon him and be snared the sooner, he aduaunced him to be Consull. When he was made Consull and had his conuersation in the pallace, he was by conspiracy slayne in a certaine gate be­hind Blood wil be recompēced with bloode. the Emperours haule and suffered this punishment for the haynous offences he had vnadui­sedly practised against the Empire of Rome. But these things were done a good while after.

CAP. IIII.

After the depriuation of Seuerus Bishop of Antioch, Paulus succeeded, and after him Euphrasius.

SEuerus Bishop of Antioch because he ceased not daily to accurse the councell of Chalcedon specially in his stalling letters (so called of the setling of bishops in their episcopal seaes) and in other Epistles wrytten in the defence of these, although they were sent vnto all Patriarchs yet onely Iohn Bishop of Alexandria the seconde of that name, Dioscorus and Timothee, accepted of them (the letters are to be seene in these our dayes) and because that herevpon there rose greate sch [...]sme and contention in the Church, so that the people were deuided into sundry factions: there­fore Seuerus b. of Antioch for reuilinge the councell of Chalcedō and railinge against magi­strats, had his tongue pul­led out of his mouth. Seuerus was seuerely punished. For Iustinus in the first yeare of his raygne commaunded (as some doe wryte) that his tongue should be pulled out of his mouth and that Irenaeus a magistrate of Antioch sittinge then vpon some matter in commission in the East, should see the execution done. Seuerus him selfe doth witnesse in the letters he wrote vnto the citizens of Antioch, declaring the manner of his flight, that Irenaeus was autorised to worke the feate, where passing the boundes of modesty he reuileth Irenaeus, saying that he layd all the wayt that could be to the end he might not escape his handes. There are which reporte that Vitalianus beinge then in greate fauor and credit with Iustinus, requested of the Emperour that he would geue him Seuerus tongue, because that Seuerus had reuiled him out of measure in his sermons. He for sooke his Bishopricke and fled away in the moneth Gorpieus called of the Romaynes September the fiue hundred threescore & seuenth yeare after the city was called Antioch. After him succeeded Paulus, who was charged publique­ly to preach the councel of Chalcedon. This Paulus voluntarily left Antioch, his last houre came, then followed he on the way where all fleshe must goe, his Byshopricke Euphrasius one that came from Ierusalem tooke and gouerned.

CAP. V.

Of the fire and earthquake at Antioch, and howe Euphrasius lost his life in that lamentable calamitie.

ABout the same time in the raygne of Iustinus there happened in Antioch so greate and so grieuous a fire and burning, as preambles and forewarninges of the dreadfull earthquaks [...]nno Dom. [...]6. with other lamentable calamities that were to followe after, and to light vpō that city. For immediatly, the seuenth yeare of Iustinus, in the moneth Artimesius called of the Romaynes, May the nyne and twentieth day beinge friday in the after none there was such a shiuering, ratling and shaking of the fundations which in maner ouerthrewe the wholl city, after these came fire againe, ioyning as it were in league with the former calamities and readye to make a hande of all. For whatsoeuer the earthquake had not destroyed, that did the fire take hold of, flashed about very hor­ribly [Page 473] to be seene & burned y wholl to ashes. What partes of the city came by this meanes to vtter ruyne: how many men perished (as it is very likely) with fire & falling of houses: what lamentable misfortunes so straunge that they can not sufficiētly with any stile be expressed, happened in those dismall dayes, Iohn Rhetor hath very lamentably bewayled them, so that the reader by perusing of Where Iohn Rhetor en­ded his histo­ry. Euphrasius b. of Antioch died in the earthquake. his history can not chuse but be moued to shed teares, and with the rehearsall of them he ended his story. Laste of all Euphrasius whose departure was a second destruction vnto the citie, was crushed to death with ruinous building, lest any one migh remayne for to ouersee the city.

CAP. VI.

Of Euphraemius who succeeded Euphrasius in the seae of Antioch.

THe carefull and louinge prouidence of God towardes mankind, which accustometh before the plague lighteth to prouide remedy, & to slike the sword of his wrath w t clemency, & when things growe vnto a desperate point to set wide open the fountaynes of his mercye, raised vp Euphraemius Liuetenant of the East cuntreys, to be carefull of the city that she might want no Euphraemius necessaries, whome the people of Antioch reuerenced highly therefore, and chose to their Bishop. Wherefore in recompence and rewarde of so great a care ouer the city he was presented with the Apostolicke seae. Againe two yeares and six monethes after, that city was shaken with an earth­quake, at what time in steede of Antioch she was called Theopolis and enritched by the Empe­rours Antioch by chaunge of the name was called Theo­polis. bountifullnes with diuers great benefits.

CAP. VII.

Of Zozimas and Iohn Chuzubites who were famous about that time for theyr life and miracles.

SEing we haue remembred the aforesayde calamities nowe we thinke beste to annexe there­vnto certaine other things worthy of memory, credibly reported vnto vs by such as sawe thē with theyr eyes. One Zosimas a Phoenician borne in Sinda a village vpon the seae coaste of Phoenicia not twenty furlōgs of Tyrus, leading a monastical life, had y grace of God so abundant­ly bestowed vpō him partly by abstinence from meates & partly by receauing of them, w t other ver­tuous and godly liuing, that he not only foresawe things to come but was voyd of all perturbation. When by chaunce he was in companye at Caesarea in Palaestina with a noble Senatour and wise man by name Arcesilaus, one that was of greate honor and renowne, euen in that very momente when Antioch fell, vpon a suddayne he beganne to mourne & to lamente, to fet sobs and sighes frō the hart roote: he shed teares so infinitly that the earth was moystened therewith: next he cal­led for a sensar and filled the quire where they sate with the sauor of the insence: he fell grouelinge vpon the ground seeking to pacifie the wrath of God with earnest and zealous prayer. Arcesilaus seing him in this takinge sayd vnto him, what is the matter y makes you so much out of quiet? Oh (sayth he) the ratling sound of Antioch falling to ruyne hath nowe persed mine eares. Arcesilaus w t as many as were present hearinge this were amazed, wrote the houre he spake it and sounde it to be true as Zosimas told them. There are many other straunge thinges wroughte by him, but the greater parte of them I will passe ouer with silence (for they can hardly be numbred) and some I will lay downe for the knowledge of y posterity. At y very same time whē Zosimas florished, there liued one with Zosimas of equall vertue & renowne by name Iohn of Chuzica laura, (a place in the further vale vpon the northside of the high way which goeth straight from Ierusalem to Iericho) one that led a monastical life seuered from all worldly affaires and gouerned the Byshopricke of the aforesayd Caesarea. This Iohn Chuzubites hearinge that the wife of Arcesilaus (spoken of be­fore) had one of her eyes strucke out with a weauers shittell wherewith he throweth yarne into the web, came immediatly vnto her for to see y wound, when he espied y the apple of y eye was fallē & quite remoued out of his seate, he called to one of the Phisicions then present for a sponge, bad him put in the fallen eye agayne as well as he could and to tye the sponge that was layd thereto. Arce­silaus was not thē at home, for he was with Zosimas in his monastery standing in Sinda at the fur­thest fiue hundred furlongs from Caesarea. There went message in all the hast to Arcesilaus to cer­tifie him thereof, as the messenger came Arcesilaus sate with Zosimas, and spente the time in com­munication. Hearing of the circumstance he beganne to lament, to pull the heare of his heade and [Page 474] throw it into the aer. As Zosimas demaunded of him the cause of his heauynes, Arcesilaus with ma­ny a sobb and sheding of many teares told him the wholl. Immediatly Zosimas left him, gott alone with speede into his chamber, where (as it is lawefull for suche kinde of men) he called vnto God very familiarly. In a litle while after, he came forth vnto Arcesilaus, pleasauntly disposed with a modest kind of laughter saying: get thee home merely, go on thy way, the gift is geuen vnto Chu­zubites, thy wife is healed, she hathe both her eyes wholl, that misfortune coulde not sticke by her seing it so pleased Chuzubites. Both which miracles were wroughte at one time by these two iust men. Moreouer as Zosimas on a certaine time tooke his iourney towardes Caesarea driuing before him an asse w t a fardell of necessaries vpō his backe, there met him a lion, which tooke frō Zosimas his asse & went his way. Zosimas pursued after the lion through y middest of y thicket, so long vntil the lion had eaten his fill of the asses carkasse and beholdinge him with a cheerefull and smilinge countenance he sayde: O friend thou hast nowe hindered my iourney for alltogether, I am heauy & olde, not able to beare the burthen layd vpon the asses backe. Wherefore come thy ways contrary to thine owne nature, for of necessity thou muste beare me this burthen, if thou wilt haue Zosimas to go hence: yet afterwardes thou shalt returne againe vnto thine olde fierce & sauadge nature. Thē the lion laing aside his rage and fury beganne to faune and very gently to come vnto Zosimas pro­fering him his seruice. Zosimas layde the asses burthen vpon the lions backe and led him vnto the gates of Caesarea, to the ende he might declare the power and might of God, and that all thinges were for the vse and seruice of man, so long as we behaued our selues after his will and abused not the grace and gift he hath bestowed vpon vs. But lest I seeme ouer tedious in rehearsinge of these thinges, I will returne where I lefte.

CAP. VIII.

Of the calamities which befell in many places throughout the world.

WHile as yet Iustinus held y Emperial scepter the town now called Dyrrachiū but of old Dyrrachium Corinth. Anazarbus. Edessa. Epidamnus was sore shaken with an earthquake. So was Corinth in Greece, Ana­zarbus an heade city in Cilicia the lesse which endured that calamity nowe the fourth time, but Iustinus repayred them not without great summes of money. About the same time Edes­sa that noble & blessed citie of the Osroenians was ouerflowen with the streames of the riuer Scir­tus which slided by, in so muche that many houses were caried away with the violence there of and infinite multitudes of men were drowned with the water. From that time forth Edessa and Ana­zarbus had newe names geuen them by Iustinus, for either of them was called Iustinopolis.

CAP. IX.

Howe Iustinus made Iustinianus his fellowe Emperour.

WHen Iustinus had raigned eight yeares, nine moneths and three dayes he called Iusti­nianus his sisters sonne to be his fellowe Emperour, and proclaimed him the firste day Iustinus died An. Do. 528. of the moneth Panthicus after the Romaynes, Aprill, in the fiue hundred seauenty and fift yeare after Antioch was so called. This beinge finished Iustinus died, and left the Empire the first day of Loius after the Romaynes, August, when he had raigned together with Iustinianus four moneths. Iustinianus nowe being Emperour alone, and the councell of Chalcedon preached euery Iustinianus succeeded Iustinus in the Empire. where throughout all the most holy Churches (as I sayd before) by the commaundement of Iusti­nus: the ecclesiasticall affayres in sundry places, specially at Constantinople and Alexandria en­ioyed not quietnes. For Anthimus was Bishop of Constantinople and Theodosius of Alexandria who both maintained that in Christ there was one nature.

CAP. X.

Howe Iustinianus embraced such as approued the councell of Chalcedon and Theodora his wife of the contrary detested them.

EVen as Iustinianus was a great fauorer of the Chalcedon councell and the decrees thereof: Theodora [...]he wise of [...]ustinianus [...]nhereticke. so his wife Theodora held with such as affirmed that in Christ there was one nature. Whe­ther they were throughly of this opinion (for when the faith is called into controuersie, We [Page 475] see that the father is agaynste the sonne, and the sonne againste the father, the wife agaynste her husbande, and the husbande agaynste his wife) or of sette purpose had couenaunted amonge them selues, that he shoulde defende suche as sayde there were two natures in Christ our God af­ter the vnitinge of the diuinity and humanity: and that she shoulde holde with the maintayners of one nature, sure I am of this that the one woulde not yelde vnto the other. For he was very ear­nest in defence of the Chalcedon councell: and she of the other side was verye carefull for the Patrons of one nature, in so much that she louinglye and friendly entertayned her owne faction, specially her owne cuntrey men: if they were straungers she sent them presentes and giftes, nay she perswaded Iustinianus to call home Seuerus from exile.

CAP. XI.

Seuerus the hereticke corrupted Anthimus Byshoppe of Constantinople and Theodosius Byshop of Alexandria, but the Emperour deposed them and placed other in theyr rowmes.

THere are extant Epistles which Seuerus wrote vnto Iustinianus the Emperour and Theo­dora his wife, where we may learne howe that at the firste when he fled from the Byshop­ricke of Antioch, he went not straight to Constantinople, but in a good while after: that beinge at Constantinople he conferred with Anthimus, found him of his owne opinion and per­swaded him to leaue his Byshopricke. He wrote of the same matter vnto Theodosius Byshop of Alexandria where he glorieth that (as I sayd before) he had perswaded Anthimus to make more accompt of that opinion then of worldly honor and Bishoplicke dignity. There are moreouer to be seene toutching that matter, the Epistles of Anthimus vnto Theodosius, and of Theodosius againe vnto Seuerus and Anthimus, all which I purposely doe omitte lest I seeme to stuffe this present volume with toe many such allegations, leauinge them for suche as are desirous to sifte them out them selues. Bothe these Byshops when they had withstoode the Emperours edictes, and re­iected the canons of the Chalcedon councell were deposed of theyr Byshoprickes: in the seae of Alexandria, Zoilus did succeede, and Epiphanius in the Byshopricke of Constantinople, to the end from thence forth the councell of Chalcedon mighte openly be preached in all Churches, and that none durst be so bold as to accurse it, and if any were found of the contrary opinion they were by all meanes possible to be perswaded. For Iustinianus published an edicte where he accursed bothe Seuerus and as many as helde with him, and enioyned greate penalties, for such as main­tayned theyr opinion, to this ends that from that tyme for the there mighte no dissention take roote in any of all the Churches throughout the worlde, but that the Patriarchs of euery pro­uince mighte hold together, and the Byshops of euery city obey theyr Archebyshops, and that the foure councells, the firste helde at Nice, the councell of Constantinople, the firste helde at E­phesus and the councell of Chalcedon shoulde be preached in the Churches. There was a fifte councell summoned by the commaundemente of Iustinian, whereof what shall seeme conuenient I will declare when occasion shall serue. In the meane space we haue seuerally to discourse of the worthy actes done about those tymes.

CAP. XII.

Of Cabades kinge of Persia and his sonne Chosroes out of Procopius history.

PRocopius Rhetor who penned the life of Belissarius, wryteth that Cabades king of Persia pur­posed to bequeath the kingdome vnto Chosroes his yongest sonne, and that he tooke coun­cell howe he mighte procure the Emperour of Rome to adopte him, hoping by that meanes to assure him of the regall Scepter. But when he coulde by no meanes bring his purpose about, Proclus one that was alwayes conuersante with Iustinian, and by office his Quaestor, was the cause that there rose greater enmytye betwene the Romaynes and Persians then euer was before. Furthermore the sayde Procopius discourseth at large of the Romayne and Per­sian affayres, of the bloodye battaills that were betwene them, when Belissarius was cap­tayne of the Easterne power. And firste he reporteth howe the Romaynes had the victo­rye at Daras and Nisibis, what tyme Belissarius and Hermogenes were chiefe ouer the Ro­mayne Armyes. Vnto these he annexeth the state of Armenia and the mischiefe whiche [Page 476] Alamundarus captaine of the Barbarians called Scenetae, wrought in the borders of the Romane Empire, how he tooke Timostratus the brother of Russinus aliue together with his soldtours, and afterwardes tooke for them a great raunsome, and let them goe.

CAP. XIII.

Of Alamundarus and Azerethus, and the sedition at Constantinople, where the people had this watchword Nica, that is, ouercome.

THe aforesaid author handleth very learnedly, how Alamundarus (spoken of before) and A­zerethus inuaded the marches of the Romaine dominions: how as they returned into their countrey, Belissarius was compelled of his armie to ioyne with them a litle before Easter day, beside Euphrates: how the Romaine power, for not following Belissarius counsell, was vtter­ly foyled, and how Russinus and Hermogenes concluded a perpetuall league with the Persians, so that he moueth the reader very much. Immediatly he entreateth of the popular sedition raised at Constantinople, called Nica, by interpretation ouercome. For that was the watchword which they had chosen to discerne and know their friend from their foe. In which insurrection Hypatius and Pompeius were of the people constrained to rebell, yet after the rebelles were ouercome, Iusti­man commaunded they two should be beheaded and throwne into the sea. Procopius wryteth, that in that skirmish there were staine thirtie thousand persons.

CAP. XIIII.

Of Honorichus king of the Vandals, and the Christians, whose tongues he caused to be pulled out.

AGain, the said author cōmitting to letters the historie of the Vandals, reporteth such stories Honorichus king of the Vandals, vvas an Arian. as are worthy of memorie, and the printing in Marble, the which I am now about to de­clare. Honorichus the successor of Genzerichus in the kingdom, being an Arian hereticke, raised great persecution against the Christians which inhabited Libya. For such as maintained the sound and sincere faith he compelled to embrace the Arian heresie, and such as would not yeelde, he burned to ashes, and executed with sundrie kindes of lamentable death, pulling out from some their tongues: Of which number, after their flight to Constatinople, Procopius sayth, he sawe certen of them with his owne eyes, and that they spake as if they had had no such mischaunce, and for all their tougues were pluckt vp by the rotes, yet talked they very plaine and distinctly, which was very straunge and in maner incredible. Of these kinde of people there is mention made in It may seme straūge how men coulde speake vvith­out tounges. the Edict of Iustinus, two of them (sayth Procopius), lost their speach, for immediatly after they went about to talke to women, their voyce was taken from them, and the Martyrs gift remained no longer wyth them.

CAP. XV.

Of Cabaon, captaine of the Maurusians.

ANother myracle (besides the aforesayd) worthy the admiration, is remembred of him to haue bene wrought by the power of our Sauiour among men, who though they were such men as were not of one opinion with vs, yet led they a godly life. He sayeth that Cabaon was gouernour of the Maurusians, inhabiting about Tripolis. This Cabaon, (I wil vse the proper wordes of Procopius, who orderly discoursed heereof) as soone as he perceaued that the Vandals tooke armour against him, did as followeth. First, he commaunded all the subiectes within his dominions, to refraine from all vnrighteousnes, to abstaine from such meates which prouoked to sensualitie, and specially to forgoe the companie of women. Next, he made two trenches, pitching in the one his owne tent and pauillion, with all his men: In the other he shutte vppe the women, threatning that who so euer repaired vnto the womens trench, should die the death. Afterwardes he sent to Carthage a skoutwatch, commaunding that as soone as the Vandals made expedition, and prosaned any Christian temple worthy of honour and reuerence, they should marke well what was done, and them selues after the Vandals departure, purge and rid away the filth with reue­rence of those temples: the report is moreouer, he should say that he knew not the God of the Christians, yet that it was very like, if he was so mightie as Fame went of him, he would be [Page 477] reuenged on them that contumeliously dealt with him, and that he woulde ayde and assiste his ser uauntes and such as honored his blessed name. The skoutwatch comming to Carthage labored to knowe throughely the Vandals expedition. And when the Vandals marched towardes Tripolis the espies came draglinge after in beggers weede and base attyre. The Vandals euen the firste The cruchie of the Van­dals. daye spoyled the Temples of the Christians: filled them with horses and other beastes: lefte no beastlinesse or contumelye vnpractised: tooke theyr fill of sensualitye and intemperancie: laide the priests in hold, scurged theyr sids, rent theyr backes with the lashe of the whip, made many of them to serue them, and become theyr drudges. After theyr remouinge, Cabaons skoutwatch did as The humani­ty of insidels. they were commaunded. For they fell a purginge of the temples, they caried out the dunge, they lighted all the tapers, they honored the Priests, they behaued themselues honestly, last of all they gaue money vnto the poore which sate about those temples. This beinge done they trudged after the Vandals in all that voyage, as the Vandals continewed in theyr haynous actes, no lesse did they in theyr humanitye and Godlie deedes. Comminge nighe to Tripolis, the espies preuen­ted them, with all speede they tell Cabaon what bothe the Vandals and them selues had done as toutchinge the Christians temples, and that the enemye was at hande. Cabaon hearinge this made readye for battaill, in the whiche many of the Vandals were slayne, many taken by the ene­my, & very fewe returned backe to bringe tidings of the battaill. Thus did the Maurusians plague Thrasymundus, who after he had raigned ouer the Vandals seuen and twentye yeares departed Thrasymun­dus kinge of the Vandals. this life.

CAP. XVI.

Howe Belissarius made expedition against the Vandals and ouerthrewe them.

THe same wryter declareth that Iustinianus had compassion on the Christiās that were thus lamentably afflicted, in those cuntreis and proclaimed warres against y Vandals, yet chaū ­ged his minde by the perswasion of Iohn Maister of the haule, after this againe that he was admonished by a vision to take that voyage in hande, that by reuenginge the iniuries whiche the Christians sustained, he shoulde vtterly foyle the Vandals. Beinge animated with this vision, the seuenth yeare of his raigne, he sente Belissarius vnto Carthage to geue the Vandals battaill. The This battaill was [...]oughte An. Do. 535 A godly vse to baptise E­thincke soul diers and t [...] pray before the taking i [...] hande of ar [...] mour. Procopius Caesariens. histor. Admiralls ship appointed for Belissarius was brought to shore ouer against the pallace, about the Calendes of Iuly: Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople prayed as the manner was, baptised certaine of the souldiers, laste of all broughte them to the Admiralls shippe. Moreouer the sayd author reporteth certaine thinges toutchinge Cyprian the Martyr whiche necessarily muste be en­terlaced in this our historie, he wryteth thus: All the people of Carthage euery one doe honor the moste holye martyr Cyprian, and haue dedicated vnto him a worthye temple without the walls of the citye vpon the seae shore, and besides other godlye reuerence, they yearely kepe holy daye in remembrance of him, whiche they call Cypriana. The Mariners called the tem­pest which commonly rose about the tyme, when the Libyans tooke this to their holyday, Cy­prians showers. The Vandals in the tyme of Honorichus tooke by force this Temple from the Christians, thruste out the Priestes very contumeliously and thenceforth gaue it vnto the Ariās to enioy as theyr owne. VVhen the Libyans cōceaued no small sorowe & were in great heaui­nes therefore, the reporte goeth that Cyprian appeared vnto them in their sleepe and sayde the Christians ought not to be sory at all or pensiue therefore: that after a fewe yeares he would be reuenged of them for that iniurie, whiche prophecie tooke place in the tyme of Belissarius for the same Cyprian and martyr foretold that after the nyntieth and fifteyeare when Carthage was taken and ransacked of the Vandals, it shoulde be conquered by Belissarius the Romayne cap­taine, the Vandals vtterly foyled, the Arian opinion rooted out of Libya and the Christians re­stored vnto theyr temples.

CAP. XVII.

Of the spoyle which Belissarius broughte out of Aphricke to Constantinople.

BElissarius the valiaunte captaine, after his retourne to Constantinople, and the victorye he gotte of the Vandals, ledde about the Citye the spoyle and captiues, and Gelimeres him selfe captayne of the Vandals: rode aboute Circus in Triumphe with greate pompe and [Page 478] admiration. Of these spoyles there were very precious monuments to wit of Genzerichus, who had rifled (as I sayd before) the palace of Rome, when as Eudoxia wife to Valentinianus Emperour of the Romaines inhabiting the West dominions of the worlde, lost her husband through the trea­son of Maximinus, was her selfe very contumeltously defloured, sente for Genzerichus and pro­mised to deliuer the citye into his handes. Then came Genzerichus, set Rome on fire and broughte Eudoxia with her daughters into Vandalia. At the same time together with other monumentes he tooke away such thinges as Titus the sonne of Vespasian after the winning of Ierusalem had ca­ried to Rome, that is to say such monumēts as Solomon had cōsecrated vnto God, whome he hono­red greatly. All which Iustinianus sent backe againe to Ierusalē, for to set forth the seruice of christ our God, and there in verely (as it was very meete) he did God good seruice, seinge they were con­secrated to him before. Procopius remembreth that then also Gelimeres fell prostrate vpon y ground before Iustinianus the Emperour where he sate, behelde all that was done and repeated in his mo­ther tongue that diuine sentence of Solomon. Vanity of vanities and all is but vanity. [...]

CAP. XVIII.

Of the Phoenicians who fledde from the face of Iosue the sonne of Naue. Of Theodorichus the Gotth and the thinges from his raygne at Rome vnto the time of Iustinianus, and howe Rome was againe recouered by the Romaynes.

PRocopius wryteth of an other thinge worthye the memorye and of greate admiration, whiche was not wrytten before his time. He sayth that the Maurusians a Libyan nation were driuen out of Palaestina and came to Libya: that these were the Gergesits Iebusits with other natiōs, whome holy Scripture testisieth to haue bene ouercome by Iosue the sonne of Naue: that it may be iustified for trueth by the epigramme, he sawe with his owne eyes engrauen in Phoenician let­ters, harde by a fonte where there stoode two pillours of white stone. The wordes were these: VVe are they whiche fled from the face of Iosue the robber, the sonne of Naue. Thus it came to passe, that these thinges were forgotten when Libya the seconde time was subdued of the Ro­maynes and payed yearely tribute, as in tymes paste. It is reported that Iustinianus repayred a­gaine a hūored & fifty cities, of whiche number some had bene vtterly destroyed, some other for the most parte gone to ruyne: that he set them foorthe with such maiestie, with such ornamentes and with such workemanship both of publique and priuate buyldinge, inuironinge them with stronge walls and other goodly buylding, wherewith cities are adorned and the diuine Godheade hono­red in his throne of maiestye, laste of all with so many conduites partely for profitte and partely for showe, whereof some were then firste erected and some other repayred, that nothinge could po­sibly be done more excellente. Nowe I come to discourse of the affayres in Italie, whereof some parte is artificially handeled by Procopius Rhetor. As soone as Theodorichus (mentioned before) tooke Rome, vanquished Odoacer the tyrante, gouerned the Romayne Empire for a while and departed this life: Amalasuntha his wife gouerned the common weale in steede of Astalari­chus her sonne whome Theodorichus begate vpon her, and so ruled the Empire with such circum­spection that in her doinges she seemed rather a man then a woman. She firste of all perswaded Iustinianus to be so willing to warre with the Gotths, and sent Embassadours vnto him toutching the conspiracye that was wroughte agaynste her. But when Astalarichus, being of very tender yeares departed this life: Theodatus the kinsman of Theodorichus obtayned the Westerne Em­pire. He at the comminge of Belissarius into the Weste, deliuered vp the crowne for he had more minde to studye then skill to wage battaill. At that time also Ʋittiges a valiaunte man was cap­tayne of the Romayne power in the Weste dominions. Yet we haue to learne by the historye of Procopius that when Belissarius came to Italye, Vittiges lefte Rome: that Belissarius came with his armye into the citye of Rome: that the Romaynes opened theyr gates and receaued him moste willingelye, for Siluerius the Byshop had broughte this to passe and had sente as toutching that matter Fidelius the Surueior of Astalarichus vnto Belissarius. Wherefore the citie was yelded vnto Belissarius without shedinge one drope of bloode and Rome agayne was subdued by ome was re [...]uered and [...]e Gotthes [...]quished [...]. Do. 539. the Romaynes threescore yeares after the Gotths had taken it, the nynth of Apellaeus after the Romaynes, December, and the eleuenth yeare of Iustinianus raygne. Procopius wryteth more­ouer, howe that after all this when the Gotths besieged Rome a freshe, Belissarius suspectinge [Page 489] Siluerius the Byshop of treason banished him into Greece and placed Vigilius in his rowme. Siluerius. Vigilius.

CAP. XIX.

Of the people Eruli, how they receaued the Christian fayth in the time of Iustinian.

ABout the same time (sayth Procopius) Eruli who in the tyme of Anastasius the Empe­rour passed ouer the riuer Danubius beinge curteouslye entreated of Iustinian and rewar­ded with greate summes of moneye receaued euerye one from the highest to the lowest the Christian religion and chaunged theyr brutishe and barbarous trade of life, for modeste and ciuill behauiour.

CAP. XX.

Howe the Gotthes wonne Rome, and Belissarius the seconde time recouered it.

VHe aforesayde author declareth, that after the returne of Belissarius into Constantinople, w t Vittiges & the spoyle he caried out of Rome, Totilas became Emperour, and the city againe was subdued of the Gotths: that Belissarius the second time came to Italy, recouered Rome, gaue the Medes battaill, and was sent for by the Emperour to Constantinople.

CAP. XXI.

Howe the people Abasgi about that time receaued the faith.

IT is recorded moreouer by the same writer, that the people Abasgi being brought vnto a more ciuill kinde of life, receaued about that very time the Christian faith: that Iustinianus the Em­perour sente vnto them one Euphrata an Abasgian borne and of the courte Eunuches, for to charge them that none of all that nation should offer violence to nature and gelde him selfe. For the Emperours chamberlaines whome commonlye we call Eunuches, were oftentimes taken of that nation. Then also Iustinianus the Emperour erected a Temple vnto the Mother of God a­monge the people Abasgi, and ordayned them Priestes of whome they were throughly instructed in the principles of Christian religion.

CAP. XXII.

Of the people which inhabite Tanais, howe then they became Christians: and of the earthquakes in Greece, Boetia and Achaia.

THe aforesayd historiographer hath wrytten y the nation dwelling about Tanais, (the inha­bitants of that region doe call the riuer that rumeth out of the fenne of Maeotis into Pontus Euxinus, Tanais) requested Iustinianus to sende them a Byshop: that Iustinianus was very carefull of theyr sute, and sente them a Bishop with harte and good will. He declareth more­ouer and that in good order howe the Gotths in the time of Iustinian brake out of the fenne of Mae­otis into the Romayne dominions: that there happened straunge earthquakes in Greece, Boetia Achaia and the cuntreys about Crisaeus hauen: that many regions were destroyed, cities ouer­throwen, chinkinge and gapinge of the earth whiche gulphes in some places closed together, and in some other places continewed so still.

CAP. XXIII.

The expedition captaine Narsis made into Italie and his piety Godwardes.

PRocopius discourseth howe Iustinian sent captaine Narsis into Italy: howe he ouercame To­tilas, afterwards Teias, and howe Rome was now taken the fift time. It was reported more­ouer by suche as accompanied Narsis in that voyage, howe that when he prayed vnto God and offered vnto him his bounden duetye and seruice, the virgine Marie the Mother of God appeared vnto him, prescribed the tyme when he shoulde deale with the enemye and that [Page 480] he should not girde him selfe to battaill before he had a signe geuen him from heauen. Many other actes worthy of memory were done by this Narsis. For he wonne Buselinus and Syndualdus and subdued many other cuntreys reaching vnto the Ocean sea. Which things Agathius Rhetor hath wrytten of, and be not as yet come into our handes.

CAP. XXIIII.

Howe Chosroes fretting with enuie at the prosperous affaires of Iustinianus tooke armour against the Romaynes, destroyed many cities, and among others great Antioch.

IT is layde downe in wrytinge by the same Procopius, that Chosroes hearinge of the prosperous successes which befell vnto the Empire of Rome, bothe in Libya and Italie, fretted within him selfe for enuye and charged the Emperour that he had done certaine thinges contrary vnto the couenantes agreed vpon betwene them. and therefore that theyr [...] was broken, that Iustinia­nus at the firste sente Embassadours vnto Chosroes entreatinge him not to breake the perpetuall league that was concluded, neyther to dissolue that linke of loue and peace that was knit betwene bothe cuntreys, but if there were any rashe enterprise committed or any quarelous occasion ge­uen, it mighte friendely and louingely be put vp. That Chosroes of spite and malice whiche boy­led within his breste, woulde by no meanes be broughte to any good order, but gathered a greate armye and assaulted the marches of the Romayne dominions in the thirteenth yeare of Iusti­nianus raygne. He wryteth moreouer howe that Chosroes tooke Surus a citye vpon the shore of Euphrates, who couenantinge with them one way dealte with them an other waye and that most leudly, for looke what he promised that woulde he neuer performe, he wonne that citye more with falsehoode and subtletie then by force of armes. He sette Beroea on fire, he came with vio­lence againste Antioch when Euphraemius gouerned the Byshopricke (but lefte at that tyme the citye because none of the espies whiche he had sente forthe were returned vnto him) whose poli­ticke foresighte as reporte goeth preserued the Churche and all that belonged thereto. For he a­dorned her with goodly monumentes hopinge that waye to recouer the violence of the enemye. The same author declareth with a vehemente stile easie to moue any reader, howe the sayde Chosroes tooke Antioch, destroyed all with sworde and fire, and howe afterwardes he came to Seleucia, then to Daphne the suburbes thereof, laste of all to Apamia, whose Churche gouerned Thomas a man very famous bothe for life and for learninge. This Thomas sticked not to accompany Chosroes vnto the Theater and there beholde the runninge at tilte (for all the canon of the Churche forbad it) to the ende in so doinge he mighte vse all meanes possible to mitigate and aswage his fury. The reporte goeth, when Chosroes demaunded of him, woulde you see me in your city? that he answered: I speake vnfaynedly and as I beare fayth vnto God, I woulde not gladly see you there. Chosroes marueled at his liberty of speache, and reuerenced the man highly as he deserued for the trueths sake.

CAP. XXV. The sight of the Crosle was comfor­table vnto them to put thē in remē ­brāce in that a n [...]ntable plight and to [...]ust onely in [...]m that died hereon. The tree is [...]alled huelye becaus christ [...]hat geueth [...]se vnto the [...]o [...]lde died [...]er [...]on.

Of the miracle wroughte at Apamia by the vertue of the reuerende crosse.

SEinge that by discourse of our historye we are fallen to entreate of this matter, it shall not be amisse here to remember a certayne miracle worthye the notinge and wroughte at Apamia. As soone as the Citizens of Apamia hearde saye that Antioch was sette on fyre, they re­quested Thomas (spoken of before) to bringe forthe (althoughe it were contrarye vnto or­der and custome) the wholsome and liuelye Crosse and sette it before them all, to the ende they mighte beholde and embrace it when theyr laste houre came, for therein the onelye healthe of man consisted: and nowe takinge theyr voyage into an other worlde, they myghte haue the reuerende Crosse for theyr wayefare to safeconduyte them into a better soyle. Where­fore Thomas did as they requested him, and after the limitation of some certayne time for the preparation thereof, he brought forth the liuely Tree of the Crosse that all the neighbours mighte come together and participate of the health that proceeded thereof. Thither wente my parentes together with others and tooke me in theyr▪ hande beinge a childe and then [Page 481] goinge to schoole. After we were licensed to honor and embrace the reuerende Crosse, Tho­mas The curse of sinne was by Christ take away. This miracle was not by vertue of the crosse, but b [...] the proui­dence of God for to comfort his people, the christians which were not ashame of him that dyed on the crosse, ney­ther discou­raged for a the threats of the Bar [...] rian ethnick lifted vp his handes, and let all see the wood of the crosse, whereby the olde curse of sinne was wiped away, compassed the Sanctuarie as the vse was vpon high and solemne feasts. But as Thomas passed from place to place, there followed him a great flame, not of burninge, but of shi­ninge fire, in so muche that to mens seeminge all the place where he stoode and shewed vnto the people the reuerende crosse, was inflamed. This was done not once, neyther twise, but oftener, when Thomas went about, and the people gatheringe together, requested him so to doe. Whiche sight foreshewed vnto the citizens of Apamia, the health and sauegarde that was to ensue after. Wherefore there was a picture set in the roufe of the Sanctuarie, at the foote whereof this mi­racle was written for suche as were ignorant thereof. This picture was preserued vntill that A­daarmanus, and the Persians inuaded that countrey, and burned both Churche and citie. Thus en­ded all that circumstance. Chosroes in that voyage of his, hauinge prophaned the holy league, com­mitted at his pleasure other haynous actes agreeable with his light and vnconstant behauiour, yet not decent for a man endued with reason, muche lesse fitte for a prince, whiche hath regarde of his worde and promise.

CAP. XXVI.

The expedition of Chosroes made against Edessa.

FUrthermore the same Procopius hath layd downe in writing the thinges whiche of olde were remembred, touchinge Edessa and Agbarus, and how Christ wrote an Epistle vnto Agba­rus: Againe how Chosroes made an other inuasion, and determined to besiege Edessa hoping to disproue the report and fame that was spred farre and nigh of that citie, to wit, that no enemye woulde euer be able to subdue Edessa. Which thinge is not mentioned at all in the Epistle which Christe our God wrote vnto Agbarus (as it is to be seene in the historie of Eusebius Pamphilus, where the Epistle is layde downe worde by worde) yet it is not onely noysed, but belieued of the faythfull, and his pretended euent confirmed the report to be true. For when Chosroes went about to take the citie, although he made many an assault, and raysed a wonderfull great contremure, so that he might easily scale the walles of the citie with sundrie other engines, yet went he away and coulde not preuayle. And howe it so fell out I will declare. Chosroes first commaunded his soldiers to carie thither a great pile of tymber, how so euer they were for to besiege the citie, which was in maner as soone done as spoken. The tymber beinge framed rounde, and earth heaped in the mid­dest, it was set right ouer against the walles, and raysed by a litle and a litle with tymber and o­ther fillinge stuffe, vntill it came to a great height, that the top thereof was higher then the walles of the citie. From thence they shotte at the citie, and at suche as hazarded their liues in defence of the walles, the citizens seeinge this contremure muche lyke an high mountayne to drawe nigh their citie, and that by all likelyhood the enemy woulde come in a foote, they got them very early and made a ditche ouer against their hillocke, threwe fire therein, that the flame might take holde of their timber, and make their contremure euen with the grounde. This beinge done and fire cast in, it fell not out as they wished, because the fire coulde not breake out, and take into the aer for to consume the pile of timber. Last of all, when as they seemed nowe to yeelde, despairinge of their safety, they bringe forth an Image whiche God himselfe, and not the handes of man had shaped, the whiche Christe had sent vnto Agbarus, when Agbarus desired to see him. This holy picture they drewe through the ditche they had made, and conueyed in water, of this water they threwe v­pon All that we done here referred vnto the p [...]o [...] dence of God, and [...] fayd [...] of [...] Edesla [...]ns, not to the picture. the pile and heape of timber, so that by the prouidence of God aydinge and assistinge the fayth of suche as practised the circumstances, that whiche they coulde not bringe to passe before is nowe easily cōpassed. For immediatly the vndermost wood toke fire, & was quickely burned into coales, the flame flashed vpwards, and set the whole pile on fire. The Edessaeans being besieged, and espi­inge at length that both smoke and flame brake out, deuised this sleight which followeth for to de­ceaue the enemy. They called for litle flagons, filled them ful of towe, hirds, brimstone, with other kinde of stuffe that easily woulde take fire, and threwe them vpon the enemyes pile or contremure. The flagons beinge violently throwen and chafed, yeelded forth suche cloudes of smoke as darke­ned altogether the smoke and flame that rose of the enemies pile, so that as many as were ignorant of the pollicie thought verilye there was no other smoke saue that which proceeded from the fla­gons. But the thirde day after, the flames were espied to flashe out of the earth, and then the Persi­ans [Page 482] which fought on the contremure, perceaued the danger they stood in. notwithstanding al this, Chosroes going about to withstand the might and power of God, brought the cōduits which were without the walles of the citie, vnto the pile, hoping thereby to quench the fire. But the fire recea­ued the water as if it had bene oyle, brimston, or some other such like thing, raged out of measure, burned all to ashes, and brought the pile euen with the grounde. In the ende Chosroes despairinge altogether of his purpose, perceauing what reproche and infamye he had incurred, because he de­termined to conquer God whom we honor and worship, returned home with shame inough.

CAP. XXVII.

Of the straunge vision that was seene at Sergiopolis.

ANother thinge yet done by Chosroes at another time at Sergiopolis, I thinke beste to laye here downe in writinge, which is both worthie the penninge, and the knowledge of the po­sterity. Chosroes made preparation to assault this city also, & to besiege it, being come to the walles, the citizens within, and the enemy without [...]ell to parle, and concluded that the city was to be redeemed with the holy treasure and monuments, among which one was the crosse sent thither by Iustinian, and Theodorus. When these things were brought vnto Chosroes, he demaunded of the priest and Persians which were sent for that purpose, whether there were any more left behind? to whom, one whose lippes were not acquainted with the trueth, made aunswere that there remained certen other monuments, which a few citizens concealed. Yet the messengers that brought away the treasure with other iewels had left behind nothing that was gold or siluer, but some other met­tall that was far more precious and consecrated vnto God, namely the holy reliques of Sergius the valiant martyr of Christ, which lay in a long chest that was ouerlaid with siluer. wherefore Chos­roes being perswaded with the aforesaid words, let his host go to besiege the city and to win it. The VVhen a mā is either pricked in conscience or o­therwise fear full; any fals­hood will seeme true, and a mouse [...]s then as big as a beare. enemy espied vpon a soddaine a great multitude of men vpon the walles, fenced with shieldes, and ready to fight for the city, they were amazed, they wondred at the multitude and armour, they went backe vnto Chosroes, and told him the whole. when he was againe geuen to vnderstande that there were but very few left in the citie, and that they were eyther spent with age or of tender yeares, (for all that were of ripe yeares and mans state had bene rooted out) he tooke that of a surety to be a miracle wrought by the holy martyr, he was stroken with feare, and had the Christian fayth in admiration, he returned home, and (as report goeth) was baptized in his later dayes.

CAP. XXVIII.

Of a pestilent disease which continewed two and fiftie yeares.

NOwe I am about to declare a certaine history which was not penned vnto this day, it is of a certaine pestilent disease which plagued mankinde the space of two and fiftie yeares, and Anno Dom. [...]44. preuailed so much that it destroyed in maner the whole world. For it is reported that this contagious disease lighted vpon Antioch two yeares after the Persians had taken the citie: in some part much like that which Thucydides hath described, in other respects farre vnlike: it beganne in Aethiopia, euen as that whiche Thucydides wrote of, and spred it selfe afterwardes throughout the whole worlde, neither was there almost any one that escaped the infection thereof. It raged so ve­hemently in some cities that all the inhabicantes thereof were dispatched: with other townes, it dealt more gently and mildely. Neither began it at any one certen time of the yeare, neither did it ceasse and relent after one maner & order: for in some places it entred with winter, in some other places about the end of the spring, in certen countreis about the mids of sōmer, in cert [...] others in Autume. In some regions whē it had infected some part of on city or other, it left y e rest vntoutched. thē might a man haue sene very oft where this malady raigned, certē families wholly dispatched, at an other time one or two rooted out, & all the city besides, not once visited. more ouer (as we haue marked diligently) the families which escaped this yeare, were alone, & none others dispatched the next yeare. And y t which is most of al to be marueiled at, if any which inhabited y e infected cities fled into other countreis where y e sicknes was not, they only were visited, for al they remoued, hoping y way to saue their liues out of y contagious into y e clear aer. This calamity during y e terme & com­passe of these yeares, which they call reuolutions, passed through both towne and countrey, but the greatest mortallitie of all fell vpon mankinde, the seconde yeare of the reuolution which comprised [Page 483] the terme of fifteene yeares, so that I my selfe whiche write this historie (neyther will it be a misse Euagrius is visited with his family. [...] is both the se­cret part of the body, & the disease. The age of Euagrius when he wrote this historie. to enterlace this that the consequentes may agree with the premises) while as yet I frequented the schooles, was then troubled with an impostume or swellinge about the priuey members, or se­cret parts of the body. morouer in processe of time when this sicknes waxed hot, and dispatched di­uersly, & sundry kindes of wayes, it fell out to my great griefe & sorow, that God took from me ma­ny of my children, my wife also, with diuers of my kinsfolkes, whereof some dwelled in the city, & some in the countrey. such were my aduentures, and suche were the calamities which the course of those lamentable times distributed vnto me. When I wrote this I was eight and fifty yeare olde. Not two yeares before, this sickenesse had bene foure times in Antioch, and when as at length the fourth reuolution and compasse was past, besides my aforesaide children God tooke awaye from me a daughter and a nephewe of mine. This disease was a compounde, and mixt with many other maladies. It tooke some men first in the head, made their eyes as red as blood, and puft vp their cheekes: afterwardes it fell into their throte, and whome so euer it tooke it dispatched him out of the way. It beganne in some with a flixe, and voydinge of all that was within them, in some other with swellinge about the secret parts of the bodye, and thereof rose burninge feuers, so that they died thereof, within two or three dayes at the furthest, in suche sort and of so perfect a remem­brance, as if they had not bene sicke at all. Others died mad, and carbuncles that rose of the fleshe killed many. It fell out oftentimes that they whiche had this disease and escaped the firste, and the seconde time, dyed thereof afterwardes. The order and manner that men came by this disease was so dyuerse that it can not wyth penne be expressed. Some had it by keeping of company and lyinge together: some other onely by touchinge, and frequenting the infected houses: some againe tooke it in the market. Manye of them whiche fledde out of the contagious cities, and were not visited them selues, infected where they came. Others whiche kept companye with the sicke, and toutched not onely the sicke but the dead also, were not sicke at all. Others some who gladly would haue dyed for the sorowe they conceaued, because their children and deare friends were departed, and therefore thrust them selues among the sicke, coulde not haue their willes, the sickenesse did as it were flie away from them. This pestilent disease as I said before, raigned throughout the whole worlde the space of two and fiftye yeares, and exceeded all the diseases that euer had beene before. Philostratus wondred at the plague which was in his time, because it continewed fifteene yeares. But the things that are to come, are vncertaine and vnknowen vnto men, and they shoot at the end which God hath appointed, who knoweth both their causes, and what shall become of them. Now let vs returne where we left, and prosecute the rest of Iustinianus raigne.

CAP. XXIX.

The vnsaciable desire and gredinesse of Iustinian in getting of money.

IVstinianus had so vnsaciable a desire to moneye, and so shamefull a minde towardes other mens possessions, that for loue of golde he made sale of his subiectes goodes, vnto the magistrates, vnto the tribute gatherers, and vnto suche as mischieued others vpon no occasion. He depriued manye, nay an innumerable sort of people which enioyed great possessions, vpon false and fained causes of all that they had. If any harlot bore minde vnto any mans wealth, and fained that she had had company and familiarity with him, immediatly all that belonged to law and iustice (so that she made Iustinianus partaker of her shamefull booty) was of no force, and all his goodes whome she had falsely accused was brought into her house. Furthermore he was so liberall and bountiful that he builded many holy & gorgeous Churches, that he erected manye other houses, where both men and women, old and yong, and suche as were visited with sundry diseases, might be diligently loo­ked vnto, and to bring these things about, he layd aside great summes of money. he wrought many other good deeds, no doubt very holy, and acceptable vnto God, if that either he, or others whoso­euer that bringe such thinges to passe, caused or doe procure them to be done of their owne proper goods, and offered vnto God for sacrifice their liues and conuersation voyd of spot and blemish.

CAP. XXX.

The description of the Churche of wisedome in Constantinople, and of the holy Apostles.

[Page 484]THe aforesaid Iustinianus besides sundry other holy churches of goodly workmanship, erected to God & his saincts, founded in Constantinople y notable & worthy building, I meane the gorgeous church of wisdome: such a one as y like whereof hath not bene seue heretofore, the which so passed for bewty & ornature as may not for y worthines thereof sufficiently be expressed, yet will I doe mine endeuor to describe the same. The roufe of y sanctuary being lifted vp on high with foure arches, was of such height y they which stood beneath on the ground, & loked vpwards could hardly see the ridge & the top of the valted circle: againe they y were aboue, were they neuer so couragious durst not loke downe, neither once behold y fundations. The arches from ground to the roufe (so far doe they reach) are wide open, & empty, on the right side of the temple, and the left hād as ye go in there are goodly pillours set in order, & made of stons y t were brought out of Thes­salia. there are also high sollars vnderset and staid vp with other such like pillours where they that are disposed may see & heare the mysteries handled. There the Empresse vseth to sit vpon the holy dayes, when y blessed communiō is celebrated. these pillours for al they reach vp both on the East & west side of the temple hinder not at all y e sight of so worthy a building, & vnto these sollars there are porches of pillours whose tops are likewise wrought & turned with litle arches. But to thend I may paint forth liuely the portracture of this worthy buildinge. I thinke best here to lay downe howe many foote it was in length, howe many in breadth, and howe manye in height: in lyke sort of the arches howe manye foote they were in compasse, and howe manye in height. The manner [...] sig­nifieth [...] ves [...]ll that is hollo [...] on the toppe, & so consequēt [...] here to be taken for a [...]uppe. was as followeth. The length from the doore ouer againste the holye * cuppe, in the whiche the vnbloodye sacrifice is offered vnto this cuppe and holye vessell was one hundred and fyftye foote. The breadth from North to northest was a hundred and fifteene foote. The height from the toppe of the circle in the roufe vnto the pauement on the grounde was a hundred and foure score foote. The breadth of euerye arche was three score and sixe foote. The length of the whole Tem­ple from Easte to West was two hundred and three score foote. The breadth ouer the Arches in the light and open bodye of the Churche was three score and fifteene foote: There are two other goodly porches to the West set vp verye strongly of eyther side wyth a wide entrye in the mid­dest. Furthermore the same Iustinian buylded the Temple of the holy Apostles, inferior to none other, where both Emperours and priestes most commonly are buried. But of these thinges this muche shall suffize.

CAP. XXXI.

Of the solly rather then the friendship of Iustinian, in fauouringe toe muche seditious persons and robbers.

AS yet I haue more to say of Iustinian besides the aforesaid, and whether it may be referred vnto the naughtines of his nature, or to the fearefulnes of his faint courage, I am not able Beholde the properties of this Iusti­nian whome he [...]ns loc so [...] [...]or and re­uerence. [...]f anye good thinge [...]e sound in [...]im it deser­ [...]eth com­ [...]endation. to say, yet was it such a thing as passed all bruitish and sauage crueltie, and sure I am it be­gan of that popular sedition, whose watch worde was Nica, by interpretation ouer come. It plea­sed Iustinian so earnestly to holde with the faction of them whiche were called Prasini, that it was lawfull for them without correction at noonday and in the middest of the citie to slay their aduersa­ries, & not only stood in awe of no punishment but also were thought worthy of great honor, so that in the end it fel out y there were many homicides. It was lawful for them to rush into other mens houses, to spoile thē of their proper treasure, & to sel men leases of their owne liues. And what ma­gistrat so euer went about to restraine thē, he did nought els saue heape coales on his owne head. Whereupon a certaine magistrate of the East going about to chastise these rebels, clapped gyues on their feet for to bridle their violence, was led him self through the mids of the city & grieuously tormented with fetters. Callinicus also lieuetenant of Cilicia, whē two Cilicians, Paulus & Faustinus both murtherers rebelled against him, & conspired his death, because he put in vre y penalty which the law had ordained for such malefactors, was him selfe hanged on the gallowes, and endured this punishment for his good conscience & execution of the lawes. Hereupon it fel out that such as were of the other faction being driuen to leaue their dwelling places, and could no where be lodged, but were shoueled here & there as shamefull miscreants, fell to assault trauellers, to rob & to steale, & to murther euery one y met them, vntill it grewe vnto such outragiousnes y all places sounded of vn­timely slaughter, of spoyling & other such like haynous offences. Yet at length some good moode was found in him that made him to chaunge his minde, and to execute such kinde of men, suffering [Page 485] the lawe to take place against them, whom he permitted afore time to rage throughout the cities like Barbarians and bloud suckers. But to discourse of these things sufficiently, time wil not serue, neither will my penne be able to paint them accordingly. By these few ye may coniecture of the other horrible actes which Iustinian committed.

CAP. XXXII.

Of Barsanuphius the Monke.

THere liued about that time very godly men, who in many places wrought great myracles, Beleeue it vvho vvill, there is non I [...]ovve tha [...] vvill blame Eustochius, for counting it a tale of a tubbe. If he was not sen [...] in all that space, hovve was it know that he did not eate? so that their Fame was euery where spred abrode. Of which number one was Barsanuphi­us an Aegyptian borne. This man led his life in a monasterie hard by Gaza, although he were in the flesh, yet bridled he the motions therof, in so much that he did many notable myracles. It is thought that he shutte vp him selfe in a certen caban, and since the time he went in for the space of fiftie yeares and more, that he was neuer seene of any, neuer tooke sustenance or any o­ther thing on earth. When Eustochius bishop of Ierusalem would not beleue it to be true, but toke it for a fable, he went and digged vp the caban where this holy man had pend him selfe, and as re­port goeth, there rose out thence fire which almost burned such as came thither with him.

CAP. XXXIII.

Of Symeon the Monke, who fained him selfe to be a soole for Christes sake.

THere was at Emesa, a man whose name was Symeon, who laying aside all desire of vaine glory, although he was wise in euery respect, and replenished with the grace of God, yet seemed he vnto such as knew him not, as if he had bene a starke foole. He liued for the most part a solitarie life, neither did he make any man priuie either when, or what he prayed vnto God, neither at what time he alone fasted or refreshed nature by taking of sustenance, sometime when he walked in the open streate or market place, he seemed farre from the common trade of liuing, nay, he shewed him selfe as though he had neither witte nor vnderstanding. Againe, if hunger draue him into a Tauerne, he would feede vpon pottage, meate and whatsoeuer first came to his hand. If in case any did him obeysance, and saluted him with the bowing of the head, he woulde straight be angrie, and gette him thence with speede, fearing left the common people would espie his vertue. Thus was Symeon wont to doe at his being in the market. Yet there were some with whom he made him selfe familier, and that vnfainedly. Of which number one had a maide that was rauished and gotten with childe, and being compelled by her maister and maistresse openly to reueale the father and him that plaid so leud a part: made answere that Symeon had secretely layen with her, and that shee had conceaued of him, that shee would not onely sweare it to be true, but al­so It is meare folly, and a dishonor v [...] to God, for man to slan­der himself. if neede were proue it with plaine euidence. Symeon hearing of this, sayd it was so in deede, that he was a man as other men were, and that the flesh was a fraile thing. When the rumour thereof was noised abrode, and Symeon therefore as it was very likely defamed for euer, he gotte him out of sight, and made them beleeue he was ashamed. When the houre came that she should be de­liuered, as the maner is, she lay in, her labour was so grieuous, so great, and the paine so intollera­ble, that the poore seely wretch was ready to yelde vp the ghost, yet was she not ridde of her bur­then. Wherefore when Symeon (who of sette purpose came thither) was entreated to pray vnto God for her, his answere was: that the woman was not like to be deliuered, before she confessed truely who was the father of the childe. When she had so done and named them the true father, im­mediatly the childe came spraulling out of her wombe, and truth played the office of the midwife. The same Symeon was seene on a certen time to goe into an harlots house, who shutte the doore af­ter The simpli­citie of old time decea­ued many a [...] godly man the like we done in the dayes, ther [...] vvere no cloke for it him, and taried there a long while, when none was within but they two: Againe, was seene to vnlocke the doore, and to put out his head, looking about whether he could see any, the which be­rely caused great suspition, in so much that such as beheld him, called the harlot vnto them, de­maunded of her what busines Symeon had in her house? which swore vnto them, that for pouertie she had not tasted of any thing in three dayes before, saue only water: that Symeon had brought her vitailes and a boule of wine: that he had shut the dore and couered the table: that he had commaun­ded her to sit downe and to eate her fill, and that shee was sufficiently chastised and brought lowe e­nough with abstinence. When shee had made this protestation, she shewed them the fragmentes [Page 486] whiche remained of Symeons vittailes. Furthermore the selfe same Symeon a litle before the earth­quake which shooke in pieces Phoenicia, on the sea shore (at what time Berytus, Biblium, and Tri­polis were lamentably turned to the ground) tooke a whip in his hand, and beate many of the pil­lours which stood in y t market place, crying these words. Stand fast, be sure of your footing, ye are like to daunce shortly. Wherefore because he was wont to doe nothinge vnaduisedly, they that were then present, and behelde the circumstance, noted diligently what pillours he ouerskipped without stripes, whiche verily not longe after were ouerthrowen with the violence of the earth­quake. Many other thinges are remembred to haue bene done by him which require a peculiar vo­lume if they be sufficiently handled.

CAP. XXXIIII.

Of Thomas the monke whiche played the foole in like sort as Symcon did before.

ABout that time Thomas who had led a very austere life in Coelosyria, came to Antioch, for the reliefe which was yearely geuen thence vnto his monastery. This Thomas had bene in times past made priest in that Church. Anastasius byshop of that seae, because Thomas had at sundry times wrought him great displeasure and vexation, boxed this monke about the eares. When they that were then present, were sory to see this combat, Thomas saide vnto them: that he would take that no more at Anastasius hands, and that Anastasius would neuer offer it him againe. Both which fell out to be true. For Anastasius within one day after departed this worlde: and Tho­mas as he went home from Antioch, left this worlde, and posted to immortall blisse, at the hospital in the suburbes of Daphne, and was buried in the sepulchre that was prouided for straungers. When they had buried one or two other dead carkasses in the same sepulchre with him (God after his death wrought that great miracle) his corps was cast vpermost, & the other carkasses were se­uered and pushed farre asunder: the men seeing this, had the Sainct in admiration, and reuealed the whole vnto Euphremius. Wherefore his most holy corps was caried to Antioch with greate [...]ead carkas­ [...]es doe com­monly rather [...]ing a plagu [...]hen take it [...]way. pompe and solemnitie, and there was buried in the churhyard, by occasion whereof it came to passe that the plague whiche then raigned in the citie, ceassed. In honor of whom the people of Antioch haue yearely kept holiday vnto this our time, but now let vs returne vnto our historie.

CAP. XXXV.

Of Menas the patriarch, and the miracle then wrought in the Hebrewe boye.

VVHen Anthimus byshop of Constantinople was deposed (as I saide before) Epiphani­us tooke his rowme: after the deceasse of Epiphanius, Menas (in whose time a wor­thie miracle was wrought) succeeded him in the byshopricke. There was an olde cu­stome at Constantinople, that if there remained many portions of the pure & immaculate body of Christ our God, yong children which went to schoole shoulde be called to eate them. When it was done, a certen mans childe, in religion an Hebrewe or Iewe, in trade of life a glasiar, kept company with the other children: who after y t his parents demaunded the cause that made him tarie so longe behinde, tolde them plainely the matter as it was, and howe that he eate for companye with the o­ther boyes. The Hebrewe hearing this, boyled within for anger, was all set on rage and furie: he tooke the boye and threw him into the firie fornace, where he vsed to make his glasse. The mother straunge miracle if it [...]e true, how [...] euer it be [...]e haue to [...]ike it as [...]heape as we [...]nde it. missinge the childe, sought him out, yet coulde not finde him: she went throughout the citie, and to euery streete calling vpon God with deepe sighes and lamentable teares. The third day after, as she sate at the doore of her husbands shop, being nowe pitifully wasted with weeping, she gaue out sighes, and withall called the boy by his name, the childe knowinge the mothers voyce aunswered her out of the fornace. The mother burst open the doores, and in she went, she was no sooner in but she espied her child in the middes of the hot burning coales, yet preserued that the fire toutched him not. The childe being asked whether he felt not great heate, and howe it came to passe that he was not burned to ashes, made aunswere sayinge: A woman clad in purple came very oft vnto me, rea­ched me water to quenche the firie flames which compassed my body, last of all gaue me meate as oft as I was an hungred. Iustinian hearinge of this, thought good that the boye with his mother [Page 487] shoulde be baptised, and that the father which refused to become a Christian, shoulde be hanged on the gallowes, at a place called Sycae. And so an end of that.

CAP. XXXVI.

The Bishops of the famous cities about that time liuing.

WHen Menas had runne the race of his mortall life, Eutychius succeeded him in the By­shopricke Menas. Martyrius. Salustius. Helias. Peter. Macarius. Theodosius. Zoilus. Apolinarius. of Constantinople: after Martyrius Bishop of Ierusalem came Salustius, and him succeeded Helias: Peter followed Helias, and after Peter, Macarius crept into y By­shoprick, when as yet the Emperour had not geuen him his consent. He was afterwards deposed, for the report went of him that he defended the opinions of Origen. In the seae of Alexandria when Theodosius (as I sayd before) was deposed, Zoilus gouerned the Bishopricke, and after his desease Apolinarius.

CAP. XXXVII.

Of the fist holy and generall councell and wherefore it was summoned.

AFter the desease of Euphraemius, Domninus was chosen Bishop of Antioch. Now therefore when Vigilius was Byshop of old Rome: Menas at the first Bishop of newe Rome, whome Eutychius succeeded: Apolinarius Bishop of Alexandria, Domninus Bishop of Antioch: & Anno Dom. 555. Eustochius was Bishop of Ierusalem: Iustinianus summoned the fift councell vpon such an occasion as followeth. When the patrons of Origens opinions preuayled in many places, but speciallye at Newe Laura (so did they call it) Eustochius imployed his wholl care and industry to the banishing of them. He made a voyage into Newe Laura, droue them all out of that coaste, and in so doing, he seemed to put to flighte the common plague and destruction of them all. They beinge scattered a­broade into sundrye cuntreys perswaded many to embrace theyr opinions. There fauored them Theodorus syrnamed Ascidas, Bishop of Caesarea the heade citie in Cappadocia, who was conti­newally with Iustinian, one that was bothe faithfull and necessarie. When this Theodorus incen­sed the Emperours courte, and pallace againste Eustochius makinge relation vnto them as of an haynous and horrible matter: Eustochius sente Rufus Abbot of Theodosius Monastery and Conon Abbot of Saba, to Constantinople: bothe which partly for theyr vertue and excellency, and partly also for the biggenesse of theyr Monasteries, were counted chiefe and principall of the Monkes which inhabited the desertes. There accompanied them also, other religious men, not much infe­riour vnto them for worthines. These men as theyr speciall drifte called into controuersie the o­pinions of Origen, the behauiour of Euagrius and Didymus. But Theodorus Byshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia beinge desirous to bringe them from that argumente, proposed the cause of Theo­dorus Bishop of Mopsouestia, Theodoritus and Ibas: neyther did he this without the prouidence of almighty God, who disposed all the circumstances so notably, to the end euery prophane and wic­ked opinion, of whether side so euer it were, might be rooted out. First of all when the questiō was propounded whether it were lawefull to accurse the deade or no, Eutychius then presente, a man Eutychius. very well seene in holy Scripture, yet none of the famous personages, or of great authority, Me­nas was then aliue, whome he succeeded in the bishopricke, and at that time he sate to answere for the Bishop of Amasia: when he perceaued that the councell went not a right, but rather the wrōg way, he tolde them plainely there was nothinge to be doubted in that question, neyther any thing that required deliberation at all. That kinge Iosias not onely executed the Idol Priestes then a­liue, but caused also the tumbes of suche as were lately deseased to be digged vp. These wordes of Eutychius beinge so well applied, pleased them all and satisfied them fullye, Iustinianus also hea­ringe of this graue censure of his, preferred him to the Bishopricke of Constantinople immediat­ly after the death of Menas. Vigilius sente his consente in wrytinge vnto the councell, but came not Vigilius b. Rome. thither him selfe. When Iustinianus demaunded of the councell what they thoughte of Theodorus, what they sayd to y things which Theodoritus had wrytten against Cyrill, and to his twelue points of the faith, last of all what theyr opinion was of the Epistle which Ibas wrote vnto Maris the Per­sian: when they had read many peeces of Theodorus and Theodoritus workes and proued mani­festly that Theodorus had bene lately condemned and his name wiped cleane out of the holye cata­logue, or registrye: when they had concluded also that heretickes were to be condemned after theyr desease, and with generall consente to accurse not onely Theodorus, but also the wordes of [Page 497] Theodoritus againste the twelue pointes of the fayth, layde downe by Cyrill, and against the true and righte fayth, together with the Epistle of Ibas vnto Maris the Persian, they layde downe theyr censure in suche order as followeth. Seinge our greate God and our Sauiour Christ Iesus The sentēce of the [...]i [...] ge­nerall coun­cell helde at Constanti­nople. hathe spoken as it is in the parable of the Gospell &c. And a litle after. VVe condemne and accurse not only all other heretickes heretofore condemned by the foure holy councells aboue mentioned, and by the holy Catholicke Churche, but also Theodorus Bishop of Mopsouestia with his vvicked bookes, together vvith the vngodlye vvorkes of Theodoritus, impugninge partelye the true fayth, vvith the tvvelue poinctes of moste holye Cyrill concerninge the faith, and partly also the holy councell of Ephesus, and vvhat other thinges soeuer the same Theodo­ritus hath published in defence of Theodorus and Nestorius. Moreouer vve condemne the wic­ked Epistle vvhiche Ibas vvrote vnto Maris the Persian. When they had enterlaced certaine o­ther things they layd downe fourteene poyn [...]ts, or articles of the true & syncere fayth. Thus haue we learned that these things were handled. when bills were exhibited vnto the councell by Eulo­gius, Conon Cyri [...]us and Parcratius the Monkes against the doctrine of Origen Adamantius and suche as embraced his errors, Iustinianus asked of the councell what they minded to doe as tout­chinge these thinges? He annered also vnto the aforesayde, the copie of one certaine bill together with the letters of Vigilius wrytten in that behalfe. Whereby we may learne howe Origen ende­uored to stuffe the plaine and simple doctrine of the Apostles with the tares of Gentils and Mani­chees, to be shorte when they had cried againste Origen and againste all them that wallowed in the like error with him, the controuersie was referred vnto Iustinianus by an Epistle, whereof some parte was as followeth. Thou most Christian Emperour that retainest the vertous minde, a­greable A peece of the councells Epistle vn [...]o Iustinianus. with aunciente nobility. And a litle after. VVe abhorre and we detest this doctrine, we acknowledge not the voices of straungers and aliens vnto the Churche: nay rather if there be any such founde, we bind him sure with the bonde of excommunication as a thiefe or rob­ber and banishe him the Church of God. Againe after a fewe lines. Your maiesty may soone vnderstande all that hitherto we haue decided, by the viewe and readinge of these our actes. Unto these their letters they annexed the articles whiche the Patrons of Origens errors had lear­ned, where they reuealed not only their consent, but also their dissention & manifold absurdites. Of which articles the sift contained the blasphemy of certaine monkes inhabitinge the Monastery of Newe Laura, layde downe in these wordes: Theodorus called Ascidas Bishop of Caesarea sayde, If the Apostles and Martyrs whiche nowe worke miracles and enioye so greate an honor be not made equall with Christ at the generall resurrection, what are they restored vnto? sundry other blasphemies of Didymus, Euagrius and Theodorus were rehearsed by them that diligentlye colle­lected these thinges. Within a litle while after that the councell was dissolued, Eutychius byshop of Constantinople was deposed and Iohn of Sirimis a village of Cynegia borderinge vpon An­tioch, succeeded him in the Bishopricke.

CAP. XXXVIII.

Howe Iustinianus fallinge from the right faith affirmed that the body of Christ was in euery respect voyde of corruption.

THe selfe same tyme Iustinianus treadinge out of the waye of true doctrine and lightinge on suche a pathe as neyther the Apostles, neyther the Fathers euer ledd him vnto, fell a­monge briers and brambles, with the which he purposed to stuffe the Church of God, yet The here [...]ic Iustinia­nus the Em­rour. [...]st wept [...]er Ierus [...], he hun­ [...]d he slept, [...] swete [...]od [...], he [...]d vpō the [...]sse was [...]rein these [...]es no [...]unge? brought he not his will about, for the Lorde had fortified the high waye with such strong hedges that murtherers coulde not leape ouer, as if (accordinge vnto the prophecye) the wall had bene throwen downe and the hedge broken. Wherefore the same tyme when Iohn syrnamed Cateline was Byshop of Olde Rome after the death of Vigilius, Iohn Sirimis of Constantinople, Apoli­narius of Alexandria, Anastasius after Domninus of Theopolis otherwise called Antioch and Macarius nowe restored vnto his proper seae of Ierusalem, when the councell after the depri­uation of Eustochius condemned Origen, Didymus and Euagrius: * Iustinianus wrote an edicte, where he affirmed that the bodye of the Lorde was not subiecte to death, or corruption, that it was voyde of suche affections, as nature ingraffed and were vnblameable, that the Lorde eate before his passion in suche sorte as he did after his resurrection, that his moste holye bo­dye was nothinge altered, nor chaunged for all the framinge thereof in the matrix and for [Page 489] all the voluntarie and naturall motions, nay, not chaunged, no not after his resurrection, vnto whiche opinions he purposed to compell bothe Priestes and Byshops to subscribe. But all they made answere, that they expected Anastasius the Byshop of Antiochs opinion, and so posted him of for the first tyme.

CAP. XXXIX.

Of Anastasius Archbishop of Antioch.

ANastasius was a man of such profound skill in holy Scripture, & so wary in all his doings throughout his wholl life time, y he weyed greatly of small and light matters & would in no wise be chaunged or altered in them, much lesse in matters of great weight & importance, & especially which concerned God him selfe. And furthermore he so gouerned his nature, that ney­ther for his softenes and gentlenes he woulde easily yelde vnto suche thinges as were vnreasona­ble, neyther againe for his bluntnes and austeritie he woulde condescende where righte and reason did so require. He gaue diligente eare to the recitall of graue matters, and as he flowed in speach so was he acute, and quickewitted in dissoluinge of doubtes and questions. He woulde not once as muche as vout [...]e the hearinge of vayne and idle matters, but as for his tongue he so brydled it, that he moderated his talke with reason, and helde his peace where it so behoued him. Iusti­nianus tooke him in hande with all pollicy, as if he had bene to batter a well fortified holde, per­swadinge him selfe verely if he mighte winne him, that he woulde easilye take the wholl citye, yoke the true faith as it were in seruitude, and last of all leade the sheepe of Christ captiues out of the Churche. But Anastasius was of so diuine a courage (for he stoode vpon the sure rocke of the fayth) that he wrote letters freely against Iustinianus the Emperour, prouinge bothe plainely The body of Christ was like vnto ours in all thinges sinne onelye excepted. and wiselye, that the blessed Apostles and holye Fathers confessed and deliuered vnto them, the body of the Lorde to be subiecte vnto death, and partaker of the vnblameable affections natural­ly impressed in the minde. In like sorte he answered the Monkes of the greater and lesse Syria which reasoned with him as touchinge this matter, he confirmed the mindes of all men to fight in defence of the trueth, to be shorte, he read dayly in the Church that sentence of Paul the electe vessell of God. If any preach vnto you any other Gospell besides that which ye haue receaued, Galat. 1. yea if he be an Angell from heauen, let him be helde for accursed. Whereunto all (fewe onely excepted) gaue theyr consentes, and signified theyr endeuer, and studye in defense of the faythe. Moreouer the sayde Anastasius vnderstandinge that the Emperour woulde banishe him, wrote an exhortation vnto the people of Antioch for to confirme theyr mindes in the faith, the whiche partly for his fine stile and flowing sentences and partly also for the infinite testimonies alleadged out of holy Scripture and the history therein fittly applied, is highly to be esteemed.

CAP. XL.

The death of Iustinian.

BUt the edict of Iustinian by the prouidence of God, which prouided farre better for vs, was Anno Dom. 566. not published. For Iustinian who threatned exile vnto Anastasius and his clergy, was sud­dainely taken him selfe, when he had raygned thirty eighte yeares full and eight monethes, and departed this life.

The ende of the fourth booke of Euagrius Scholasticus.

THE FIFT BOOKE OF THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. I.

The creation of Iustinus the seconde Emperour of that name, and of his life.

IVstinianus therefore when he had set the wholl worlde on tumultes and sedition and Iustinianus went to hell as [...]g [...]us thin [...]th. Iustinus 2. was proclai­med Empe­rour Anno Dom. 566. in his later dayes receaued that whiche was due for suche leude practises, departed into endlesse tormente appointed for him by the iust iudgement of God. Instinus thē, his sisters sonne, Presidēt of the pallace was inuested & clad in the Emperiall robe, when as none (his owne friends only excepted) knewe either of Iustinianus death, or of Iustinus that he was proclaimed Emperour, vntil that both he him selfe & others also celebrated in Circus the wonted solemnity of the Empire. After the finishinge of the spectacles when as none rose to take armour, or to rebell against him, he returned into y pallace. And first of all he gaue out a commaundement that all the Bishops and Priests which were gathered together at Constanti­nople out of all contreys shoulde depart euery man to his owne home, there to serue God in holy­nes and not to alter or practise any nouelty as toutching the faith. That act of his is worthy of cō ­mendation, The sensua­lity and co­ueto [...]nes of Iustinus. but as for his life and trade of liuinge, he swomme in sensualitye, he wallowed in filthy pleasure, and was so greedy of other mens goods that he sold euery thing for leud gaine and set be­nesices them selues (without any feare of God) to open sale. Moreouer being entangled with two contrary vices foolehardines and faint courage, first he commaunded Iustinus his kinsman to come vnto him, a man of great honor and estimation both for his prowesse in martiall affayres, and for other rare ornaments of his person, who then made his abode about the riuer Danubius for to w t ­stand the people Abari, least they cut ouer that water and inuaded the Romayne dominiōs. These Abari be people of Scythia called Hamaxobij inhabiting y regions beyond Caucasus. who being Abari a Scy­thian nation were driuen out of their cuntrey by the Turckes. driuen out of their cuntrey by the Turckes their neighbours & diuersly grieued by thē came first to Bosphorus, thence forsaking the banks of Pontus Euxinus (where there dwelled many Barbarian nations, yet the cities & holds were kept of y Romaynes, where againe there came both souldiers y were discharged of the warres & rid of attendance & also such inhabitāts as the Emperours had sent thither) they went straight on their voyage & vanquished all y Barbarians afore thē vntill they came vnto the shore of Danubius, whence they sent Embassadors vnto Iustinian y Emperour. Frō thence it was that Iustinus was called home as it was tolde him for to participate the benefite of the couenauntes drauen betwene him and the Emperour Iustinus. For when as both of them see­med to be of equall fame and the Empire like to fall vnto eyther of them, after great reasoning & long disputation had about the Emperiall scepter they couenanted betwene them selues that whe­ther Contention about the Empire be­twene Iusti­nus the Vn­cle and Iu­stinus the Nephew. soeuer of them were crowned Emperour, shoulde make the other the second person in honor, yet in suche sorte, thoughe he were second in respect of the Emperour, that he shoulde be firste in respect of all others.

CAP. II.

Howe Iustinus the Emperour procured the death of his cosin Iustinus.

WHerefore Iustinus y Emperour fauored y other Iustinus but from teeth outward, forged haynous crimes against him by a litle & a litle, tooke frō him his gard, y pretorian soul­diers also & his traine, cōmaunded hī to keepe his house (so y he was not seene abroad) & in y end gaue charge he should be cōueied to Alexādria. In which city about midnight as he lay in [Page 491] his bed he was murthered after a lamentable sort, and this was his recompence for the good will he bare vnto the common wealth, and the notable seruice he did in the warres. Neither was the Emperours, or: he Empresse furie and rage mitigated, before they saw with their owne eyes his head taken of from his shoulders, and scornefully tumbled it with their feet.

CAP. III.

Of wicked Addaeus and Aetherius.

SHortly after, Iustinus araigned Aetherius and Addaeus, who were both senators, and of a long time in chiefest autority with Iustinian for an haynons offence which they had committed. one of them Aetherius by name confessed after examination, that he sought to poyson the Empe­rour, and that Addaeus was of his counsell, and of his minde in all he went about. But Addaeus protested with solemne & dreadfull othes, that he knew not of it, yet both of thē were beheaded. Ad­daeus Though god doe winke for a while, he payeth home in the ende. as his head went to the block spake boldly, though he were innocent as toutching that crime, yet that he had deserued y punishment by the iust iudgement of God, who is the beholder & reuen­ger of haynous offences. he confessed that he had dispatched Theodotus president of the pallace by inchauntments. but whether these thinges be true or no, I am not able to saye. Neuerthelesse sure I am that both these were wicked persons for Addaeus burned with Sodomiticall lust, and Ae­therius left no mischiefe vnpractised, he speyled both the liuing and the dead, in the raigne of Iusti­nian vnder colour of the Emperours house whereof he was president, callinge for the Emperour, for the Emperours house. And so an ende of them.

CAP. IIII.

The Edict of the fayth which Iustinus caused to be published in writinge vnto all Christians wheresoeuer.

FUrthermore Iustinus wrote an edict, & sentit abrode vnto y christians euery where, cōtaining The edict of Iustinus the 2. Emperour of that name, where the creede or christiā [...]aith is profound­ly laid down, and straunge it may seeme that so vici­ous a man coulde endite so vertuous and so god­ly a stile. Iohn. 14. Faith chiefly required of christians. Of the vnity and trinitie. Howe the natures in christ are both de­uided and coupled. such a forme as followeth. In the name of the Lord Iesus Christ our God, the emperour Cae­sar, Flauius Iustinus, faithfull in Christ, meeke, chiefe lord, bountifull, lord of Almaine, lord of Gutland, lord of Germanie, lord of Antium, lord of Francia, lord of the people Eruli, lord of the nation Gepaedi, pious, fortunate, glorious, victorious, triumphant, all noble, perpetuall Au­gustus. My peace (saith the Lord Christ, who is our true God) I geue vnto you: my peace (saith the same Lord vnto the whole world) I leaue vnto you: which is no otherwise to be taken, then that such as belieue in him should repaire vnto the one, and the onely Church: that they should be at vnity among them selues, in the true and sincere faith of Christ, and detest from the hearte root such as gainesay, or vphold the contrary opinion. The chiefest point that appertaineth vnto mans saluation, is the free acknowledging, & protesting of the true faith. VVherefore as we are commaunded by the Euangelists, and as the sacred creed, to wit, the doctrine of the holy fathers hath taught vs, we exhort al mē to embrace the one & the only church & discipline, belieuing in the father, & in the sonne, & in the holy ghost: glorifying the coessētiall trinitie, the on godhead, to wit, nature and substance, one both in word and deed, one might, power, and autoritie in the three persons, in whome we were baptized, in whome we belieue, and by whome we are cou­pled together in one. VVe worship the trinitie in vnitie, and the vnitie in trinitie, hauinge both a diuision and a coniunction, so wonderfull, that they can not be expressed: the vnitie we meane according vnto substance, to wit, the godhead, the trinitie according vnto the proprieties that is the persons: the diuision we vnderstand to be vndeuided, and the coniunction deuided. For the diuinity is one in the three persons, and the three in whome the diuinity lieth, or as I may better say, which are the diuinitye it selfe, are one, God the father, God the sonne, God the holy ghost: because that euery person is taken by him self, the mind separateth the things which are vnsepa­rable, to wit, God to be three persōs, which are vnderstood to be ioyned together in on, as I may so terme it, in idētitie of motiō & nature. for it behoueth vs to say there is one God, & acknow­ledge three persōs or proprieties, we cōfesse moreouer that the only begottē sonne of God, God the word was begottē of the father before all worlds, & from euerlasting, not made: that for vs & for our saluation he came downe from heauen in the later dayes, & was incarnat by the holy ghost of our Lady Mary the holy & glorious mother of God, and perpetuall virgine, and borne [Page 492] of her: that he is equall to the father, & to the holy ghost. For the blessed trinity alloweth not of any fourth person, as if God the word incarnat were so, who is one persō of the trinity, one & the same our Lord Iesus Christ, of one substance with the father according vnto his diuinity, of one substance with vs according vnto his humanity, patible as toutchinge the fleshe, but impatible toutching the godhead we say not that God the worde which wrought miracles was one & he which suffred was another: but confesse that the one & the same our Lord Iesus christ the word Christ wil­lingly suffred death for the saluation of mankinde. of God was incarnat & truely made man, that both the miracles he wrought, & the afflictiōs he voluntarily endured in the flesh for our saluation, appertained vnto one & the selfe same person. For it was no man that gaue him self for vs, but it was euen very God the worde, who was made man without alteration of the godhead, & of his owne accord both suffred & died for vs. wher­fore in acknowledging that he is God, we say not but that he is man, & in cōfessing his māhood, we deny not his godhead. Againe while we affirme that the one our Lord Iesus Christ consisteth of both the natures, diuinity & humanity, we confound not the persons in the vnity. for al he was made man accordinge vnto our nature, yet is he God notwithstandinge: neither because he is God after his owne nature, and hath a likenes not capable of our similitude, doth he ceasse to be man, but contineweth as God in humanity, so no lesse man, in the excellency of diuinity. There­fore both the aforesaid is in one, and the same one, is both God and man, who is Emmanuel. Further when we graunt that the same one is both perfect God and perfect man, of whiche two things he consisteth, we seuere not the coniunctiō & vnity of his person, but declare the differēce of the natures which is not taken away for all the coupling and knittinge together of them, for neither is the diuine nature chaunged into the humane, neither the humane conuerted into the diuine nature: but because both of them is better vnderstood, and sooner appeareth in the per­fect description, & order of the proper natures. Therefore say we that the confunction was made in the person. The coniunction which is in the person, sheweth that God the word, to wit, one of the three persons in diuinity, was coupled not to mā, that was before, but in the wombe of Ma­rie, our Lady, the holy & glorious mother of God, & perpetuall virgine, & framed vnto him self of her in his proper person, a body of one substance with ours, subiect to like affections with vs (sinne onely excepted) and endued with a reasonable soule and vnderstanding▪ he had a being of him selfe, and was made man, and is one and the same our Lord Iesus Christe of equall glory with the father & the holy ghost, And while we imagine or conceaue his vnspeakable copulati­on, we acknowledge vnfainedly that the one nature of God the worde was incarnat, and tooke flesh endued with a reasonable & intellectuall soule. Againe when we thinke vpon the differēce of natures, we affirme there are two natures & yet deuide them not at al, for both the natures are in him, & therefore we confesse one & the same Christ, one sonne, one person, or one proprietie of the diuine essence, both God & man▪ wherefore as many as held contrary opinions vnto this, or presently doe belieue otherwise, we pronounce thē to be held for accursed, & iudge thē to be farre estraunged frō the holy, catholick, & apostolick church of God. And seeing the true & sin­cere doctrine deliuered vnto vs by the holy fathers, hath pearced our eares, and is now as it were imprinted in our brests, we exhort you all, nay rather we beseech you, in the bowels of Christ Ie­su to become one fold, to be of one & the same catholick & apostolick church. for we think it no impairing of our honor for all we are clad in this purple robe, and crowned with the Emperiall scepter, to vse such phrases for the concord & vnity of al christiā congregations, to thend al with one voice may sound out the praise & glory of almighty God, and our sauiour Iesus Christ, that none henceforth contend about any questiō, or reason of the persons of the trinity, or of any syl­lable comprised therin, in so much as the syllables doe lead vs vnto one sincere faith & opinion, & that one custome, & order in the holy, catholick, & Apostolick Church of God, hath hitherto firmly bene retained without chaunge or alteration, & is like hereafter to continue alwayes. Al­though al agreed vnto this Edict, & confessed the same to be no otherwise then y true faith did lead them vnto: yet the members of the Church which varied in opinion, were not reconciled, because the Edict signified in plaine words, that the churches from the beginning had retained one custome without chaunge or alteration vnto that time, and that there was hope they woulde so continue vnto the ende.

CAP. V.

VVhy Anastasius the godly byshop of Theopolis otherwise called Antioch was deposed.

[Page 493] IVstinus moreouer laide to Anastasius charge, that he lauished and consumed the holy treasure. not turning it to any necessary vse, next that he had vttered of him verye contumelious langua­ges (for Anastasius beinge asked what made him so prodigallye to waste the holye treasure, as An olde cu­stome to take money for byshopricks, and be [...]fi­ces, it is as auncient as the deuell is. report goeth, shoulde freely aunswere agayne, lest that Iustinus the monster of the worlde shoulde spoyle them of it) and banished him the Byshopricke of Antioch. Furthermore the voyce goeth, that Iustinus was greatly displeased with Anastasius, because when he required moneye of him for his admission into the Bishopricke, Anastasius woulde geeue him not a penny. Other crimes I am sure were layde to his charge, by such as were the Emperours instruments, and coulde doe nought else saue forge and flatter.

CAP. VI.

Of Gregorius who succeeded Anastasius in the seae of Antioch.

GRegorius after the depriuation of Anastasius, was preferred to the holye Byshopricke of Antioch, a man of great fame for his gift in poetrie. He led a monasticall life of a childe, be­haued him selfe therein so vprightly, and so stoutly, that he was no sooner come to mans e­state, but he attained vnto the highest and most perfecte degree, and was made gouernour of the monasterye in Constantinople, where he led a poore and an austere life. After that againe by the commaundement of Iustinus, he was appointed chiefe of the monasterye in mount Sina, where he stood in great perill, by reason the Barbariās Scenetae, a nation of Arabia besieged that place. And whē as by his meanes peace was there concluded, he was called from thence to be a Byshop. He was a man that excelled and passed others, both for wisedome and vertue, what thinge so euer he tooke in hand, that would he doe with great diligence, and as no feare could dismay him, so coulde no other means allure him to contrary his owne saying, no not the threats & autority of the higher power▪ furthermore he was wont to distribut such large summs of money (his liberality, & bounti­fulnes extended vnto euery man) that whither so euer he went, a marueilous great multitude be­sides his ordinarie traine followed after him, & they that either heard or sawe, he would go to any place, came flocking after. this one thing againe may be added as a second ornament vnto his dig­nity & calling, that the people were oftentimes very desirous of them selues, either to beholde his goodly person, or to heare the notable grace he had of vtterance and pronunciation, he was of all o­thers the man y t soonest could bringe men in loue with him, reasoned they with him of what matter so euer they would, he had an amiable & a gracious face, his talke very gētle & pleasant. And as he was quick witted to perceaue any matter, were it neuer so profound, so passed he in wise counsel & graue iudgement, belonged it either to him selfe or to others. And thereof it came to passe y he com­passed so many noble acts, he was the man y would post ouer no busines vnto the next day. he made not onely y emperours of Rome, but also y kings of Persia to haue him in great admiratiō because he knewe howe to vse all men, as both necessity constrained, & occasion which he neuer omitted did require. euery his rare & singuler acts can testifie this which I say to be no lesse then true. He was very seuere & sometimes angry, againe somwhat, nay very gentle and meeke, y t the witty saying of Gregorie the diuine was liuely expressed in him, to wit, the seuerity was so tempered with shame­fastnes y t nothinge coulde take hurt by reason of either of them, but both, because both were iointly linked together, purchased great commendation.

CAP. VII.

How the nation called Persarmeni being persecuted of the Persians for their faith in Christ, yeelded them selues vnto the Empire of Rome.

IN the first yeare that Gregory was bishop, the nation inhabiting the greater Armenia, of olde so called, but afterwards Persarmenia, which sometime was vnder the Romaines, & deliuered by Philip the successor of Gordianus vnto Sapor, & as Armenia y lesse was subiect vnto y Empire of Rome, so all the rest was held of the Persians, the nation I say inhabiting Armenia y great, profes­sing y christian faith, were grieuously afflicted by y Persians, & specially for their religion & consci­ence. Wherefore they sent Embassadours secretly vnto Iustinus, requestinge they might become subiectes vnto the Empire of Rome, that thenceforth they might freely serue God without let or hinderance. When Iustinus had entertained & accepted of the embassie, when certen articles were explicated in the letters he sent backe vnto thē, & when the league was solemnely concluded, y t Ar­menians [Page 494] slewe their owne princes, yeelded them selues with all they had vnto the Empire of No Christi­ans may murther then prince, what religion to e­uer he be of, if he be god­ly, God lo­ueth his people, if wicked let them take him as a [...], yet fo [...] then king. Rome. Not onely they, but the borderinge countrey inhabited partly of that nation, and partly of forainers (whose captaine was Ʋardan, one both for his noble parentage, and prowesse in marti­all affaires, was honored of them for their prince) offered their seruice and loyaltie vnto the Em­periall scepter. When Chosroes king of Persia charged the Emperour with these iniurious dea­linges, Iustinus put him of with this aunswere, sayinge: that the date of the league was expired, and the dayes out, that it was not for the professors of the Christian fayth, to leaue succourlesse suche Christians as fledde vnto them for ayde in time of warres, but to relieue and cherishe them. For all that Iustinus gaue Chosroes this aunswere, yet made he no preparation for battaile, but wallowed him selfe in his wonted sensualitie, and preferred pleasure before all.

CAP. VIII.

Of captaine Martianus and the siege of Nisibis.

IN the meane while he sent captaine Martianus his kinsman into the East, not furnishing him with soldiers and armour, and other necessarie prouision to giue the enemy battaile: so that he came into Mesopotamia, not without plaine daunger and wrecke to the state, hauing with him a fewe naked soldiers, of which number some were tributarie dichers and carters. He gaue cer­taine Persians a very sclender battaile (God wot) about Nisibis, while as yet the other Persians were not in armour, and by chaunce getting the vpper hand, he besieged the citie. But the Persi­ans thought good not to shut their gates at al, they reuiled very contumeliously the Romaine host, they made no accompt of them, as if they had there beene set to keepe sheepe. For all this there were manye straunge monsters seene about that time, whiche prognosticated the calamities that were shortly to ensue, and amonge others a calfe newly calued, was seene to haue two heades, yet but one necke.

CAP. IX.

Howe Chosroes when he had sent captaine Adaarmanes against the Romaines who vexed them aboue all measure, went him selfe to Nisibis.

CHosroes being now furnished to battaile, brought Adaarmanes on his way as farre as the other side of Euphrates, which was with in his owne dominions, sent him with an armie into the marches of the Empire of Rome, and commaunded him to breake into the towne Circesium, Circesium is a town very conunodious for the Romaines, situated in the furthest parts of the Romaine dominions, not onely fortified with strong walles, raised vp to a marueilous great height, but also inuironed with two riuers, Euphrates and Aboras, and become by reason of them as it were an Isle. Then he him self went with his power ouer the riuer Tigris, & got him straight to Nisibis. But the Romaines of a longe time vnderstoode not of these voyages, and Iustinus was made a foole. For he belieued a flimflame reporte that was blased abrode, howe Chosroes was either dead, or at the point of death. They say againe that he was sore displeased, because the siege of Nisibis was lingered, and that he sent certaine men for to egge Martianus forwardes, and with all speede to bring him the keyes of the citie. When their affaires tooke no prosperous suc­cesse, but Iustinus bore away greate shame and reproche, because he woulde seeme to attempt that which was vnpossible for him to doe, that is to besiege so great and so wide a citie, specially with so simple an armie: firste of all Gregorie Byshop of Antioch, was certified of the whole. For the Byshop of Nisibis was his deare friende, and liberally rewarded of him, and therefore beinge ve­ry sory that the Christians sustained such losses, and such vexations of the Persians, beinge also de­sirous that the citie whereof he was Byshop, were part of the Romaine dominions, signified vnto him all that was done about Nisibus, without the boundes of the Empire of Rome. Gregorius wrote immediatly of these tidings vnto Iustinus, and tolde him with all speede how Chosroes inua­ded the countreis. But he wallowinge still in the filth of his wonted voluptuousnes, neyther gaue eare vnto Gregories letters, neyther belieued them, thought that onely to be true, which his owne sicke braine had conceaued. For he immitated the maner of intemperate and riotous persons, who as they are lither and rechelesse, so they build toe much vpon prosperous successe and fortune, and [Page 495] if any thing happen contrary to their minde, they will in no wise be brought to beleeue it for true. Wherfore he wrote backe again vnto Gregorie, reiecting his letters for false reports. if they were true, that the Persians should not win the citie and raise the siege before his power came, or if they won it before, they should be met withall ere they left the cuntrey. Afterwards he sent Acacius a proud man, of a disdainefull condition vnto Martianus, with this commaundement, that if Mar­tianus had before put one foote in the Citie and recoyled backe, he should put him beside his honor and dignitie. The which he did in all the hast to the great hurt of the common weale, and all for to satisfie the Emperours will. For he went into the Romaine campe and tooke Martianus being out of the Empire, and depriued him of all martiall dignitie, vnknowing vnto the armie. The cap­taines of the bands & Centurions after their watch was ended, vnderstanding that their captaine was put out of office, shooke of their armour, stole away priuely, scattered them selues here and there in their flight, and left the siege to the great laughter of all men. Adaarmanes therefore who had a mightie armie of the Persians and Barbarians called Scenetae passing by Circesium, destroyed all the Romaine Countreis before him with fire, sword, and euery other sort of lamentable inuasi­on, shewed no mercy at all, neither in word, neither in dede. He tooke castels & many villages, and no man w t stoode him, first, because the Romaine host wāted a head or captaine: next for y t Chosroes had beset all the soldiers about Daras, and therfore the countrey was ouerrun and destroyed freely without feare at all. furthermore Chosroes inuaded Antioch by his soldiers onely, for he him selfe was absent, who lost their labour and were driuen backe thence, yea when as very few remained in the Citie, when as also the bishop fledde away, and conueyed with him the holy treasure of the Church, because that the greater part of the wall lay on the ground, and the people as it falleth out at such times was vp all on rebellion, and when they were gone, the Citie was left desolate, neither was there any one that deuised engines to repell the violence of the aduersary, or that was disposed to resist the enemie any kinde of way.

CAP. X.

The winning of Apamia and Daras.

AFter that the assault of Adaarmanes toke no prosperous successe at Antioch, and the Citie Heraclea, afterwards called Gagalica, was by him set on fire, he made his voyage straight into Apamia, the which Seleucus y t sonne of Nicanor builded, a citie somtime flourishing, yet by long tract of time falne to great decay and ruine. And when he had required the citie wyth certen couenants concluded betwene them, it booted not for the citezens to resist, their walls were so old that they fell to the groūd, he burned the citie, bereaued them of all their substance, destroyed all, contrary vnto the couenants drawne betwene them, subdued not only the citie but the countrey about, went his way & toke w t him not only the bishop, but also the lieuetenant of the citie. Againe in his iourney homewards he wrought great mischiefe without let or resistāce, a few soldiers only excepted, whom Iustinus had sent thither, whose captaine was Magnus, maister sometime of the ex­chaunge at Constantinople, and afterwardes by the cōmaundement of Iustinus, put in trust w t one of the Emperors palaces, the which soldiers were so discomfited, y t they fled away & were almost taken. These things being brought to this passe, Adaarmanes returned vnto Chosroes, who as yet had not taken y e citie which he besieged. As they ioyned powers together, their armie became very strong, the soldiers were animated, and last of all, the enemie terrified and altogether dismaid. He found the citie trenched about, with a great contremure raised nigh the wals, all warlicke engins prepared for the winning of the citie, as the great holow catapelts, which shoote the dartes from a [...] loft, commonly called brakes or slings. Chosroes with these helpes wonne the citie by force in the winter season, when as Iohn the Maior of the towne toke no thought at all how he might repel the violence of the enemie, nay rather he betraied the citie, for both is reported. Chosroes had besieged the citie aboue fiue moneths, and in all that while there was not one that withstode him, last of all, The win [...] of Daras▪ when he had ransacked the citie of all that was in it, and slaine many after a lamentable sort, and taken many also aliue, he fortified the citie lying very commodiously both for him and his subiects, and so returned home.

CAP. XI.

Iustinus the Emperour fell into phrensie, and Tiberius tooke the go­uernement of the whole Empire.

[Page 496]I Ʋstinus vnderstanding that his dominions were inuaded in such sort as we haue declared be­fore by reason of his ouer much insolencie and pride, banished witte, remoued reason out of her seat, tooke his infortunate successe farre more greeuous then the common course of nature could beare, and fell into frensie and madnes, so that he had no sense or vnderstanding of any thing that was done. Wherefore Tiberius a Thracian borne, one that was of chiefest authoritie and esti­mation with Iustinus, tooke in hand the gouernment of the Empire. This man had lately bene sent by Iustinus, with great power to geue battell vnto the people Abari: Who when as his souldiers could not finde in their hearts to behold the Barbarians in the face, had without all peraduenture bene taken, had not the diuine prouidence of God beyond all mans expectation saued and restored him aliue into the Romaine dominions: for by following the rash and headie aduisement of Iusti­nus, he together with the whole common weale of Rome, was in great daunger of vtter foile, and of loosing vnto the Barbarians, the great renowne of the Romaine Empire.

CAP. XII.

How Traianus went in embassie vnto Chosroes king of Persia, and concluded a league betwene the Romaines and the Persians.

WHerfore speedie counsel was taken, such as was meete and cōuenient for the Romaine affaires, to the ende that which they had lost with rashnes, might be recouered wyth reason and sobrietie. they sent vnto Chosroes king of Persia, Traianus a man of great re­nowne, by office a Senator, of great honor and estimation with all men, partly for his hore heare, and partly also for his great wisedom, his Embassie was not in the person of the Emperour, or in the name of the Romaine common weale, but only a message from Sophia the Empresse. For she wrote letters vnto Chosroes, where she lamented the wofull plight her husband stoode in, and the lamentable state of the commō weale wanting a head, that it stoode not with his honor to triumph ouer a seely widowe, to insult ouer an Emperour that was sicke and dedred, and to inuade a com­mon weale that was destitute of aide and succour. That he of old being diseased had not onely the like humanitie shewed vnto him, but also of the best Phisitions sent vnto him from the Empire of Rome, which might ease him of his griefe. Chosroes being perswaded with these circumstances, although he had determined immediatly to ouerrunne the Romaine dominions, yet confirmed he a league for three yeares space concerning the East countreys, and decreed withall that Armenia should enioy the like benefite, that no battell should be fought there, and that none throughout the East countreys should be molested at all. While the affaires of the East stoode in this sort, Ser­mium was taken of the Barbarians, a Citie of old inhabited of the people Gepaedi, and afterwards by them deliuered vnto Iustinus.

CAP. XIII.

Of Tiberius who was made felowe Emperour, and his disposition.

IN the meane while Iustinus through the coūsaile of Sophia the Empresse, proclaimed Tiberius, Caesar, and vttered such lamentable words at his coronation, as no historie either auncient or o­therwise howsoeuer hath recorded vnto this day, God no doubt of his mercy graunting vnto him so much time & space as might suffice him both to cōfesse his owne sinnes, & also to pronounce such things as were for the profite and commoditie of the common wealth. For when Iohn the Bi­shop together with his companie, the princes and magistrates, last of all the pretorian souldiers were assembled in the open hall, where of olde such solemnities were vsually celebrated: Iustinus cladde Tiberius in the Emperiall robe, and compassed him with the souldiers cloke, saying aloud as followeth. Let not the glory of this garment lead thee into errour, neither be thou deceaued [...]inus the [...]erour, [...]g fallen [...] frensie [...] madnes, [...]saileth [...]erius his [...]slour in [...] words. vvith the glorious shovv of such things as are subiect vnto the senses, vvhervvith I my selfe novve (alasse) being snared, haue brought my selfe foolishly into these grieuous torments. VVherfore in gouerning the Empire vvith great moderation and mildnes of spirit, redresse vvhat is amisse, and correct vvhat I haue leudly committed. And poynting at the Magistrates with the finger: Thou must in no vvise (sayth he) be ruled by these men, for these be they vvhich brought me in­to this lamentable plight, and the miserie thou seest me in. These with other sorrowfull wordes he vttered with many sobbes and sighes, which made all that were present wonderfull pensiue, [Page 488] and the teares to trickle downe their cheekes. This Tiberius was a goodly tall man and well set, one that excelled in the opinion of all men for comely proportion, so that he passed not onely kings and Emperours, but also all other sortes of men. And first of all as touching the maner of his per­son, it became very well the maiestie of the Emperiall scepter, and as for his minde it was ador­ned with modestie, gentlenes, and curtesie. His gracious fauour was such that it allured all men at the first sight to loue him. He supposed that to be riches which suffised euery man, to geue not onely for necessitie, but also for plentie and abundance. For he was of the opinion, that not they onely were to receaue benefites which wanted, but that it became the Emperour of Rome to be bountifull, and liberally to geue. He tooke that golde to be counterfait, whi [...]h was gathered with If Tiberius were now a­liue, to exe­cute for such counterfait coyne, no doubt he vvould hang a great ma­ny, and per­haps a fewe lawye [...]s. the teares of the commonaltie. He was so moued with these circumstances that he forgaue vnto them that were tributaries vnto the Empire one whole yeres tribute. Againe, such manours and fermes as Adaarmanes had in maner brought to decay, by ceasing them at greeuous tribute, he restored vnto their former libertie, and not onely considered their losse, but recompenced them o­uer besides. He forgaue the miurious exactions and pencions for the which other Emperours ac­customed to deliuer, and in maner to sell their subiectes to be abused of the magistrates at theyr pleasure, and made a lawe there should no such thing afterwardes be committed.

CAP. XIIII.

Tiberius the Emperour sent Iustinianus with a great armie against Chosroes, and droue him out of the Romaine dominions.

THe aforesayd Tiberius hauing set in order, as right and reason did require, such summes of money as his predecessour had both wickedly and iniuriously appoynted to be gathered, made ready for battaile, gathered together a great armie of valiant souldiers and noble persons beyond the Alpes about Rhene, & on this side of the Alpes, of the nation called Messagetae, with other Scythian nations, out of Paeonia, Mysia, Illyria and Isauria, so that he had well nigh a hundred and fiftie * troupes of chosen horsemen ready and well appoynted, by meanes whereof he * [...], in La­tine t [...]rma, a troupe, as Varro thin­keth, quasi terdena thirtie, their captaine is cal­led decu [...]io, sometake the troupe to be 32. horsmen, some other 64. horsmen. gaue the vtter foile vnto Chosroes, who immediatly after y winning of Daras, had in the sommer time ouerrunne Armenia, and thence marched forwards towards Caesarea, y head Citie of Cap­padocia. This Chosroes behaued him selfe so insolently towards the Empire of Rome, that when the Emperour sent Legates vnto him, he would not once voutchsafe to geue them the hearing, but very disdainefully bad them follow him to Caesarea, and that there he would sitte and heare what they had to say. When he sawe the Romaine host (whose captaine was Iustinianus the bro­ther of Iustinus, that was piteously murthered at Alexandria) all in armour comming of the con­trary to meete him, the trumpettes sowne to battaile, the armies ready to ioyne together, the cla­mour of the souldiers pearcing the cloudes in the skie, orderly placed in the front in battaile a­ray, foming out with great furie present death. Last of all, when he espied so great and so goodly a troupe of horsemen, as none of the Emperours before euer thought of, he was greatly astonied, and by reason it so fell out vnlooked for and vpon a sodaine, he sighed heauely and would not geue the first onsette. As he deferred the battaile, lingered still, spent time idlely, and craftely went a­bout to deceaue them, Curs a Scythian, Captaine of the right wing of the battaile set vpon him, Curs a Scy­thian. and when the Persians could not withstand his violence, but quite forsooke the front of the host, Curs made a great slaughter of the ennemies. Last of all he pursued the souldiers at their backs, where the artillarie and preparation of Chosroes, and of his whole armie lay. He tooke all the kings treasure and Iewelles, all his ordinance for warre, yea when Chosroes both sawe and suffe­red it, thinking that to be farre better, then that Curs should sette on him. Curs with his souldiers gotte great spoyle and summes of money, and tooke away their beastes loded with fardelles and packes, where also the fire lay which Chosroes king of Persia worshipped for his God, thus ha­uing A wise God, that could be taken in warres. foiled the Persian armie, and sounding a hymne to the praise of God, he returned in the Eue­ning about candlelight vnto his companie, who by that time had left the aray they were sette in. Chosroes in all this while stirred not, neither as yet was the battaile begonne, but only light skir­mishes, one while of this side, an other while of that side, as the maner is. Chosroes sette a mightie beacon on fire in the night, and purposed then to geue the ennemie battaile: the Romaines hauing two armies: he set about midnight on that host which lay in campe of the Northside, they being sodainly taken and vnprouided, recoyled and gaue backe, he went forwardes, tooke Melitina a [Page 498] Citie not farre of, that was destitute of a garrison and Citizens to repell his violence, sette all on fire, and sought to cutte ouer the riuer Euphrates. When the Romaine armies ioyned together & pursued after him, he fearing him selfe, got vp on an Olyphant, and passed ouer Euphrates▪ but the greater part of his armie in swimming and conueying them selues ouer, were drowned in the deapth of the water. He vnderstanding of this misfortune, got him away with all speede. Where­fore Chosroes in the ende being thus plagued and recompenced for his insolencie and disdaine to­wards the Romaines, returned into the East with as many as were left him aliue. There the league was of force, that none should assault him. Iustinianus after all, ouerrunne the marches of the Persian dominions, continued there all winter long, without let or anoyance. About the eight [...]alends of Iulie he returned backe without the losse of any one part of his host, and spent all som­mer with prosperous successe and ioy of Martiall prowesse about the boundes where the Romain and Persian dominions doe part a sunder.

CAP. XV.

How Chosroes after great sorowe that he was foyled in battaile, died, and bequeathed the kingdom of Persia to his sonne Hormisda.

CHosroes being on euery side beset with miserie, all dismaid and discouraged, languishing for sorrow, and pining away for care and pensiuenes, & as it were swallowed vp in the gulphs of his deepe sighes and heauy sobs, died after a lamentable sort: leauing behind him a law, the which he made that the king of Persia should neuer from that day out take armour against the Romaines, as an euerlasting memoriall of his flight and vtter foile. After his desease, his sonne Hormisda king of Per­sia. Hormisda was crowned with the royall scepter, of whom I will presently say no more, for the Ec­clesiasticall affaires do call me away, and looke that now I should thitherwards direct my penne.

CAP. XVI.

Of the chiefe Byshops, which flourished about that time.

WHen Iohn, otherwise named Cateline, departed this life, Bonosus became Bishope of This Bono­sus, is of o­ther wryters called Bene­dictus. Rome, whom an other Iohn succeded, and after him Pelagius. In the seae of Constāti­nople, after Iohn came Eutychius, who had bene Bishop there before. The Citizens of Alexandria after the death of Apolinarius, had Iohn to their Bishop, whom Eulogius succeded. The Bishoprike of Ierusalem, when Macarus had finished his mortal race, was gouerned by Iohn, who sometime led a very poore and austere life in the monasterie of the vigilant Monkes, during whose time the Church continewed at one stay, without chaunge or alteration.

CAP. XVII.

Of the earthquake at Antioche, in the raigne of Tiberius.

IN the third yeare of Tiberius Caesars raigne, there rose about noone day so great an earthquake Anno Dom▪ 580. at Antioche and Daphne adioyning thervnto, that all Daphne, with the force & violence there­of fell to the ground, and many both publique and priuate buildings within the Citie of Anti­och, were vnioynted and broken asunder, yet not so much that they fell to the ground, there happe­ned both at Antioch and at Constantinople, other calamities which require a long discourse, and vexed out of measure either of the Cities with great tumultes and sedition, yet as they rose vpon a godly zeale, so ended they very straungely. But of them afterwardes.

CAP. XVIII.

Of the tumultes at Antioch and at Constantinople, about wicked Anatolius.

ANatolius, one sometime that was but a light and a commen felow, yet afterwardes crept through wiles, I wot not how, to be a Magistrate and to beare office in the commen weale. He liued at Antioch, where with great diligence he went about such affaires as he had in hand, there he grew into great familiaritie with Gregorie Bishop of that citie, and had oft recourse vnto him, partly to conferre about his busines, and partly by frequenting thither, to purchase vnto [Page 499] him selfe greater authoritie and estimation. It fell out that this Anatolius was found to haue sa­crificed Anatolius an Ethnicke. The Picture of Marie vvas [...]ot vvor shipped of a­ny Christian, but of Anato­lius t [...] infidel It is vvorthie of memorie [...]ayth [...]uag [...]i­us to see a dumbe crea­ture [...]u [...] the vvors [...]ippe d [...]vve vnto [...]od. to Idolles, and being examined, he was manifestly proued a wicked man, an Enchaunter and entangled with diuers other enormities. Yet this magistrate together with his companions (for he had others that helde with him, and conuinced of Idolatricall sacrifice) had almost escaped without punishment, had not the people made an insurrection, and sette all on tumultes, that the hearing and examination of their impietie would by that meanes haue bene quite omitted. More­ouer, they exclamed at Gregorie the Bishop, and said openly that he was altogether of Anatolius counsaile. for the cursed deuil, disquieter of mankind, perswaded many of the citezens to accōpany Anatolius in his abhominable sacrifice. Herevpon it rose that Gregorie was in great suspition, that the people were so earnestly bent against him, and herevpon he was so vehemently suspected, that the Emperour Tiberius him selfe laboured to sift out the truth of Anatolius owne mouth. Wher­fore he gaue out his cōmaundement, that both Anatolius and his companie should w t all speede be brought to Cōstantinople. Anatolius hearing of this, rāne vnto the picture of Marie the mother of God that hong a loft in the prison by a cord, set his hands behind him, made supplication & prayd Here you may [...]ee that Anatolius an inchaun [...]er and s [...]fi­cer to Idols, prayed [...] pi­ [...]es which God dete­sted. vnto it. the image detested him as a wicked person and one y God abhorred, and turned it self from him, a spectacle very straunge, & worthy of euerlasting memorie. the gailer and keepers w t the sol­diers of the garrison saw it and reported it to others. The holy virgin appeared vnto diuers of the faithfull, and set them against wicked Anatolius, saying that he had reuiled her sonne. Anatolius be­ing brought to Constantinople, and there chasticed very extremely, he could not charge y t bishop with any thing, but together with his companie, was an occasion y the citie was on far greater se­dition & vprore for when some of these idolatrical sacrificers were cōdemned not to die, but to per­petual banishment: the people of a godly zeale boyled with anger, and would not suffer them to be banished, but tooke them in a fisherbote where they were set, and with vniforme consent of all the people they were burned quicke. they cried out also against the Emperour and Eutychius their bi­shop, as traitors to the faith. for without doubt they had dispatched both Eutychius & such as were in commission to arraine Anatolius with his company (they sought them out in euery place, and be­set them on euery side) had not the prouidence of God which preserueth his people, taken them out of their enemies clawes, and appeased by a litle and a litle, the rage of so furious a multitude. So The execu­tion of A­natolius, that sacrificed to Idols. it came to passe that they committed no horrible acte: that Anatolius was first throwne to the ra­uenous beastes in compasse of y theatre, of thē to be torne in peeces, next hanged on the gallowes. neither ended he his life with those punishmentes, but the wolues came, pulled his carkasse to the earth (which was neuer seene before) and cruelly rent it in quarters with great rau [...]ning. there was a Christian that sayd before these things came to passe, that in his sleepe he sawe the people pronounce the sentence against Anatolius. And againe, a noble man president of the Emperours pallace, one that made great frends for Anatolius, said he sawe Marie the mother of God, and that she spake vnto him in this sort: how long dost thou take part with Anatolius, who dealt contume­liously, not onely with me but with my sonne also? but this much of these things in this sort.

CAP. XIX.

Of Mauricius the valiaunt Captaine, and his vertues.

TIberius being cladde with the Emperiall robe, after the desease of Iustinus, deposed Iusti­nianus of his dignitie, because his later enterprises against the Barbarians, tooke not such prosperous successe as afore time, and appoynted Mauricius Captaine of the Easterne po­wer, who by birth and by name was of olde Rome, yet because of his auncestors and parents, he tooke Arabissus a Citie of Cappadocia for hys countrey. He was a politicke and a wise man, The vertues of Mauriciꝰ. very diligent and carefull in all his affaires, of a firme and a constant minde, of good gouernment in life and conuersation, and well disposed. He so brideled fleshly desires, and feeding of the panche, that he abstained not only from necessaries and such things as might easily be gotten, but also frō other things whatsoeuer prouoked to intemperate lust and sensualitie. He would not geue the cō ­mon sort of mē the hearing, neither harkned he to euery mans tale. for he knew y the one bred con­tempt, & the other brought nothing but flatterie. He would very seldome graunt his presence vnto any, yea and y t toe, whē he were earnestly besought vnto, he stopped his eares from hearing of idle talke, not w t waxe (as the Poet coūsaileth) but w t wisdom and reason, which was vnto him in steede of a key, both to open and to shutte them as time and occasion did require. Ignorance the mother [Page 500] of boldnes (for none is more bolde then blind bayard) and faint courage her next neighbour, be so banished from him, that he thought verily in rashnes there was perill, and in pawsing great se­curitie. for wisedom and fortitude which were resiant in his brest, so ruled his affaires as time and occasion required, wythout geuing appetites the bridle, that measure and moderation both sette them vp, and pulled them downe. but of this more at large heereafter. Rule and gouerne­ment doe most commonly declare how excellent a man is, his nature and condition, Magistracie openeth what man is: for when life hath libertie and power to doe what her list, then reuealeth A man in office is sone espied. she the secret clossets of her minde, and settes them wide open to the face of the whole world. This Mauricius waging battaile in foraine countreys, tooke both cities and castels that lay most com­modious for the Persians, and caried thence so great a pray, that he filled with the captiues he had brought with him, Isles, townes and countreys, that lay of a long time desolate and not inhabi­ted: the land also that was vnmanured, he caused to be tilled and made arable soyle: of these men he had to serue his tourne great armies, which both valiantly and couragiously fought against o­ther nations, and last of all he stored euery familie of seruauntes, for then there were captiues great store, and cheape inough.

CAP. XX.

Mauricius foiled both Chosroes and Adaarmanes, which led the Persian armies.

FVrthermore, the same Mauricius waged battaile with the head and chiefest of all Persia, namely, Tamochosroes and Adaarmanes, which ledde great armies to the field. but after what sort, when, and how prosperously his enterprises went forwardes, either we geue o­ther men leaue to commit them to letters, or peraduenture we our selues (seeing that in this pre­sent volume we haue promised to discourse of other matters) will entreat of them in an other se­uerall worke. yet thus much will I now say, that Tamochosroes was ouerthrowne in the front of the host, not with the fortitude of the Romaine armie, but with the onely pietie of the Cap­taine, and his faith in God: that Adaarmanes was foyled with plaine force of armes, and after great losse of his power put to flight, yea and that not onely when Alamundarus captaine of the Barbarian nation, called Scenetae▪ betrayed Mauricius, in that he would not come ouer the riuer Euphrates, and ayde him against Scenetae, which fought against him (these Scenetae are so swifte on horsebacke, that they can hardly be taken, yea though their passage be stopt, but when it standes them vpon, they farre outrunne the ennemie) but also when Theodorichus Captaine of the Scythians durst not tarye within their reache, but shewed them immediatly a faire paire of heeles together with his souldiers.

CAP. XXI.

Of the signes prognosticating the raigne of Mauricius.

THere were signes which went before, and foreshewed that Mauricius should be crowned Emperour. As he offered frankencense very late in the night, within the chauncell of S. Maries Church, which the people of Antioche doe call the temple of Iustinian, the curteine or canapie was all sette on fire, and therewith he fell into such a dumpe, that he feared the vision exceedingly. Gregorie Bishop of that Citie standing by, sayd that without all peraduenture the vision was sent from aboue, and foreshewed the brightnesse of glory, and the great renowne that was to befall him. Christ moreouer appeared towardes the East, seeking vengeaunce on the en­nemies. In that vision also was the raigne of Mauricius plainely prognosticated. for of whom (I pray you) sought he that, vnlesse it were of the Emperour, and of such a man as serued him in holinesse? As I searched out the truth and certainetie of these things, his parentes tolde me o­ther things worthie of memorie and the knowledge of the posteritie in time to come. His father The dreame of Mauricius father. remembred that what time Mauricius was conceaued, he sawe in his sleepe a mightie Vine to burgeine out of his chamber, and that there hunge thereon infinite clusters of ripe grapes. Hys mother tolde, that when shee was deliuered, the earth breathed vppe of her selfe a redolent sa­uour, that was straunge, and varied it selfe by turnes. Also that a griesly ghost, commonly called a Goblin or a Hegge, tombled the infant from place to place, as though he would deuoure him, [...], that is, a Go­blin. yet had no power to hurt him. Symeon likewise that dwelt in a pillour not farre from Antioche, a [Page 501] man of great wisedome and experience, sufficiently adorned with all diuine giftes, gaue forth many tokens both in worde and deede, which plainely declared that Mauricius would be crow­ned Emperour, concerning which Symeon, if ought seeme expedient to be wrytten, the next booke shall performe it.

CAP. XXII.

The coronation of Mauricius and Augusta.

VVHen Tiberius was redy to yelde vp the ghost, and now come vnto deathes doore, he Mauricius was crowned Emperour, Anno Dom. 583. gaue vnto Mauricius, who then was proclaimed Emperour, his daughter Augusta in mariage, & the Empire for dowrie: who for all that his life during the terme of his raigne was prolonged but for a short space, yet because of his noble actes (which conueniently may not presently be committed to wryting) he left vnto the common weale both an immortall memorie of his name, and a passing inheritaunce, to witte, Mauricius whom he proclaimed Em­perour, neither only this, but he gaue them also his owne title, for he called Mauricius, Tiberius, and Augusta, Constantina. but what famous acts they did, the next booke God willing shal declare.

CAP. XXIII.

A supputation of the times, from Iustinus the second Emperour of that name, vnto Mauricius.

TO the ende we may diligently note the succesūon of the times, we haue to learne that Iu­stinus Frō the buildīg of Rome and the kingdom of Ro­mulus, vnto the raigne of Mauricius, there are 1148. yeres. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 29. the yonger raigned by him selfe alone twelue yeres, tenne moneths and odde dayes: together with Tiberius, three yeres and eleuen monethes, so that his whole raigne comes to sixteene yeres, nine moneths and odde dayes. Tiberius was Emperour by him selfe alone foure yeres, with Iustinus three yeres and eleuen moneths, so that if we number the yeres from Romulus vnto the raigne of Mauricius, they will appeare iust according vnto the supputation which went before, and this present rehearsall.

CAP. XXIIII.

Are [...]itall of such as continewed their histories one after an other from the beginning vnto his time.

AS touching the order and continewance of times agreeable vnto the Ecclesiasticall histo­rie, it is come to passe by the goodnesse of God, that we haue it at this day compendiou­sly deliuered vnto vs by the workes of such famous historiographers as haue wrytten the sayd historie vnto the posteritie following. for Eusebius Pamphilus hath wrytten from the birthe Eusebius. Socrates. Theodoret. Sozomenus. Euagrius. of Christ vnto the raigne of Constantinus Magnus: Socrates, Theodoret, and Sozomenus haue continewed the times from Constantine vnto Theodosius Iunior, of which Emperours doings, this woorke also of oures hath somewhat discoursed. As for the diuine and prophane histories from the beginning of the world vnto this day, they are orderly continewed by painfull wryters. And first of all Moises beganne to wryte (as it is declared of them which compiled these things toge­ther) Moises. of the things that were done from the creation of the world, euen as he had truely learned of God in mount Sina. Againe others folowed him, shewed the redy way to attaine vnto our religi­on, Esdras and the Prophets Iosephus. and committed to wryting, the actes done since his time. Moreouer Iosephus wrote a very large storie, full of euery kinde of good matter. What fabulous things so euer are reported to haue bene done either by the Grecians or Barbarians of olde time, who either were at ciuill warres with­in them selues, or waged battaile with foraine enemies, or if any other thing can be remembred Characes. Theopom­pus. Ephorus. Dionysius Halicarnas­saeus. Polybius. Appianus. since the first molde of man was cast, all I say besides sundry other wryters is laid downe by Cha­races, Theopompus and Ephorus. As for the Romaine historie, comprising in maner the artes of the whole world, or if any other thing fell out by reason of their ciuill discord, or of quarelles risen betweene them and foraine nations, it is exquisitely handled by Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, who be­gan hys story from the time of the people called Aborigines, and continewed it vnto the raigne of Pyrrhus king of Epitus. from thēce vnto the ouerthrow of Carthage, Polybius Megapolitanus hath excellently discoursed, all which treatises though occasioned at diuers and sundry times, Appianus [Page 502] with graue iudgement hath contriued into order and compacted together, adding thervnto of his owne, such things as were worthy of memorie after their dayes vnto his time. Diodorus Siculus Diodorus Siculus. Dion Cassiꝰ. Herodian. Nicostratus. wrote vnto the time of Iulius Caesar, Dion Cassius likewise continewed his storie vnto the raigne of Antoninus of Emesa, the like matter and order hath Herodian in maner folowed, ending with the death of Maximus. Nicostratus also a Rhetorician of Trapezus, began with the raigne of Philip, the successor of Gordianus, and wrote vnto Odaenatus of Palmyra, and the ignominious expedition of Valerianus against the Persians. Of the same things entreated Dexippus at large, beginning with Dexippus. the raigne of the Macedonians, and ending with the Imperie of Claudius, the successor of Galie­nus, the said author laid downe the warres of the Carpians, and of other Barbarians in Hellada, Thracia and Ionia. Eusebius continewed his storie from Octauianus the Emperours raigne, vnto Eusebius. Arianus. Asinius. the time of Traian, Marcus, and the death of Carus. Arianus and Asinius Quadratus, wrote somewhat also of those times. The times folowing, reaching vnto the raigne of Arcadius and Honorius the Emperours, Zosimus hath prosecuted, and of the things which happened since their Zosimus. Priscus Rhe­tor. Eustathius Epiph. times, Priscus Rhetor with others hath discoursed. All which hystories Eustathius of Epiphania, hath briefly runne ouer, but very excellently, and deuided the whole into two volumes: The first containeth the Actes from the beginning of the world vnto the destruction of Troie, and the Pal­lace of Priamus, the second contineweth the story from that time vnto the twelfe yeare of Ana­stasius the Emperours raigne. There beganne Procopius Rhetor, and ended with the dayes of Procopius Rhetor. Agathius. Iohn. Iustinian. What happened since vnto these our dayes, although Agathius Rhetor, and Iohn both my felow Citezen and kinsman, haue orderly wrytten of, vnto the time when Chosroes the yon­ger both fledde vnto the Romaines, and also was restored vnto his kingdom by Mauricius, (who went not therein faintly to worke, but courageously as it became an Emperour, and brought Chosroes into his kingdom with great treasure and armed souldiers) yet haue they not as yet pu­blished their hystories. Of whom hereafter by the grace of God we minde to speake as occasion shall serue.

The ende of the fift booke of Euagrius Scholasticus.

THE SIXT BOOKE OF THE ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE OF EVAGRIVS SCHOLASTICVS.

CAP. 1.

The solemne mariage of Mauricius and Augusta.

MAuricius being crowned Emperour, first of all made preparation for the solemnitie of his mariage: next celebrated such rites as became the Emperiall scepter, and coupled vnto him in mariage Augusta, otherwise called Constantina, with great pompe and royaltie: last of all made sumptuous feasts & costly bankets, with great glory and renowne. Theosebia and y Empresse came to this solenme mariage with [...]phia the [...]fe of Ti­berius. a portly traine and rich presents. The one brought with her not only the father and the mother of Mauricius (which was neuer seene to haue happened to any Emperour before) for to honor the mariage with their comely horenesse and reuerend wrincles, but also his brethern of goodly stature & proportion to set forth that royall solemnitie: the other presented a garment all cloth of gold, garnished with purple and pearles of India, she brought also crownes couered wyth gold and precious stones of diuers sorts and sundry colours, together w t all the nobilitie, as well such as were renowmed for Martiall prowesse, as they that were made of, for their honourable [Page 503] order of the haule and pallace. all they bare in their handes burninge torches, stoode verye ma­iestically in the sight of all men, vpholding the glory of that gorgeous spectacle, so that there was neuer sene among men a more excellent, & a more roial shew. Plutarchus Chaeroneus (saith Damo­philus a Romaine historiographer) said very well, that the puisance & prosperous successe, the fa­uor & fortune of Rome ioined hands together, but I had rather say, that true piety & felicity so met together in Mauricius alone, that true piety forced felicity to be present, & would in no wise suffer her to be foyled & ouerthrowen. These things being finished, Mauricius couered not onely his head with the crowne, & clad not onely his body in purple, but also his minde with precious ornamēts. for in maner he alone of all the Emperours fell a gouerning of his owne person, and so became an Emperour in deede: first he droue from his minde the popular state of affections, next placinge the order of his peeres and nobilitie in the seate of reason, he made him selfe a liuely paterne of ver­tue for his subiects to immitate and followe after. Neither doe I report this of him to thende I might sooth him with faire words and flattery (to what purpose I beseech you should I doe so, see­ing he knoweth not of the things which I doe write) but because the gifts which God hath so boū ­tifully bestowed vpon him, and the affaires which at sundrye times enioyed suche prosperous suc­cesses, doe manifestly proue it to be most true. All which will we, nill we, we must confesse and ac­knowledge to be the goodnesse of God.

CAP. II.

Of Alamundarus the Saracen and his sonne Naamanes.

THis Emperour besides all other men, was carefull ouer suche as had bene attainted of high treason, that none of them should be executed, and therefore he beheaded not Alamundarus captaine of the Scenetae in Arabia, who (as I mentioned before) had betrayed him, but was driuen out of one onely Isle with his wife and certen children, and banished for punishment into Sicilia. And moreouer Naamanes his sonne, who wrought infinite mischiefs against the common weale, who had destroyed the two Phoenicias and Palaestina, who last of all subdued the same re­gions with the helpe of the Barbarians rounde about him, yea at what time his father Alamunda­rus was taken, when all men craued his heade: he kept him onely in free ward, and enioyned him no other punishment. the like clemencie he shewed to infinit other persons, the which seuerally shal be spoken of when fit occasion is ministred.

CAP. III.

Of Iohn and Philippicus Romaine captaynes, and their doinges.

IOhn a Thracian borne, was sent by Mauricius to guyde the Easterne armie, who preuailinge but ill fauoredly in some battails, in some others againe patching that which was a discredit vn­to him before, did as trueth is, nothing that deserued any great commendation. Next after him Philippicus, one that was allied vnto y emperour (for he had maried one of the sisters) made a voy­age into foraine countreis, destroied all that lay before him, took great spoile, and slew many of the nobles and peeres of Nisibis, and of others on this side of the riuer Tigris. he fought hand to hand with the Persians, and geuing them a wonderfull sore battail, he ouerthrew many that were of the chiefest of Persia and tooke many aliue: a band also of speare men which fled into an hill, lying ve­ry commodious for them, he took not, but let them go vntoutched, which promised him they would send to their king with all speede to perswade him to peace. Other noble acts did he while he led the Romaine power, he brought the soldiers from riot and pleasure, & acquainted them with tem­perancie and diligent seruice, All which circumstances, we geue other men leaue (if them please) that either haue written, or are about to write, so farre to wade in them, as they haue learned by heresay, or conceaued by selfe opinion: who most commonly by reason of ignorance are deceaued and so halt, or through toe muche partialitie, or negligent, or by occasion of spite and hatred are so blinded that they can not vtter the trueth.

CAP. IIII.

Of captaine Priscus and the insurrection of the soldiers against him.

[Page 504] PRiscus succeeded Philippicus in the rowme of a captaine, and was so stately that none coulde speake with him, vnlesse it were about weightie and great matters. For he was of the opini­on, that if he vsed litle familiaritie, he might doe what him selfe listed, and that his soldiers vnderneath him woulde stand in awe of him, and the sooner obey his commaundement. But com­ming on a certaine time vnto his armie with high lookes, and hauty disdaine, with his whole body set vpon toe arrogant gestures, he made them an oration of soldiers patience in perill of warres, of fine and picked harnesse, and last of all, of the rewardes they were to reape of the common weale for their trauell and seruice: they knowinge of these thinges as well as he, beganne openly to re­ueale their wrath, and conceaued displeasure againste him, and rushinge in thither, where he had pitched his tent, as if they had bene Barbarians, They spoyled him of all his sumptuous store and precious treasure: not onely this, but without doubt they had also dispatched him, had not he with al speede taken horse, and fled vnto Edessa. Yet they besieged this citie, and commaunded that Priscus should be deliuered them.

CAP. V.

Of Germanus whom the soldiers made Emperour against his will.

VVHen the citizens of Edessa woulde not restore Priscus, the soldiers left him, and by force tooke Germanus captaine of the warefaringe soldiers in Phoenicia of Iabane­sia, and proclaimed him their captaine and Emperour. While he refused the office, and they vrged it vpon him, there rose great contention of either side, for he would not be constrai­ned, and they would needs compell him, they threatned to execute him, vnlesse he would willingly accept of the dignitie, he of the contrary protested openly he was neither affraide, neither woulde yelde one iote. At length they went about to lash him with whips, & to maime the members of his body: which torments they perswaded them selues verily he would not endure, that there was not in him more hardnesse to beare away stripes, then nature and yeares gaue them to vnderstande. they tooke him in hand, & knowing well inough what he was able to suffer, dealt very circumspect­ly, lest they wounded him sore, vntil in thend they forced him to condescend, and with anoth to pro­mise them his faith and fidelitie. Wherfore thus they compelled him whom they had ruled to rule, and whom they had gouerned to gouerne, and whom they led captiue to become their captaine. fur­thermore they displaced all other officers, as captaines, tribuns, centurions, decurions, and placed in their rowmes whom pleased them best, & reuiled the empire with railing speaches. And though they bore them selues towards such as were tributary milder then the common vse and maner is of Barbarians: yet were they altogether alienated from their companions, & members with them of one common weale. For they tooke not their wayfaring vittailes by weight and measure, neither were they pleased with suche lodginge as was appointed for them, but tooke their owne lust for lawes, and pleasure for prescribed order.

CAP. VI.

The Emperour sent Philippicus againe among the soldiers, but the armie refused him.

WHen the Emperour sent Philippicus to redresse the aforesaide enormities, the soldi­ers not onely reiected him, but menaced and conspired the deaths of suche as seemed to take his part.

CAP. VII.

Of Gregorie byshop of Antioch, how he proued the report that was raised of him to be a meare sclaunder.

THe affaires of the common weale lying at this poynt, Gregorie byshop of Antioch returned from Constantinople, after the ending of a bitter conflict the which I am now about to de­clare. when Asterius was lieuetenant of the east, & contention risen betweene him & Gregory, first, all the head citizens tooke part with Asterius, next the artificers stuck vnto him, sayinge that Gregory had iniuried them euery one, last of al it was permitted for the common people al to reuile [Page 505] Gregory. both high and low conspired together, and ceassed not either in the streat or on the theatre to raile very contumeliously at byshop Gregory, neither was their scaffold and enterludes without skoffs. Therefore Asterius was deposed of his Lieuetenantship, and Iohn elected to succeede him, whom the Emperour charged diligently to examine the circumstances of that seditious controuer­sie. This Iohn was a man vnfit for the hearing of trifling causes, much more for the examining of so weighty a matter, & the executing of so worthy a function. wherefore when he had set the whole Gregorie B. of Antioch i [...] fal [...]ly accused of incest. city on tumults, & published an edict, where it was lawful for him that could say any thing to come forth & accuse the byshop: a certen exchaunger presented him y he had companied with his owne sister whom he maried vnto an other. Againe others of y kinde of people charged him that he had disturbed the quiet and good estate of the citie, and that not once but very oft. But Gregory purged him selfe of that sclaunder, and appealed vnto the Emperour, and to a councell for the hearinge of the other matters. I was my self in his company, and present when he purged him of these crimes at Constantinople. And when as al y patriarchs either by them selues, or by their substitutes were The punish­ment of one that accused Gregorie b. of Antioch of incest. at the hearing of Gregories purgation, and the cause heard of the holy Senate and of many holy bi­shops▪ after great sturre and much adoe the sentence went with Gregory, that his accuser should be racked▪ carted about the citie, and banished the countrey. After all this Gregory returned vnto his byshopricke againe, & in the meane while the soldiers ceassed not from raising of sedition, for Phi­lippicus the captaine made then his abode about Beroea and the citie of Chalcis.

CAP. VIII.

Howe Theopolis otherwise called Antioch, was againe tossed with earthquakes.

FOure moneths after the returne of Gregorie from Constantinople in the sixe hundred thirtie and seuenth yeare after Antioch was so called, and the threescore and firste yeare after the earthquake whiche went next before, when as I my selfe the last day of September had ta­ken to my wyfe a virgine of tender yeares, and the citye therefore kept holiday, and flocked wyth great pompe and solemnitie to my wedding ca [...]ber & feasting house, about the third houre of the night, there rose such an earthquake that with the violence thereof it shooke together the whole ci­tie. It so tossed the fundations that all the buildinges about the most holy Churche were turned downe to the ground, except onely the hemispherical rouf that Euphraemius had made of baye trees which also was sore hurt of the earthquake in the time of Iustinus, and so tossed also by other earth­quakes, after that againe, that it leaned very muche into the North, and thrust out of their place the mightie wodden beames whiche fell with a marueilous great crackinge, and immediatly the he misphericall roufe shrinked to his owne place, and stood perpendicular wise as it did before, without bowing to either side. Manye peeces of Ostracina and Psephium (mentioned before) all the places called Brisia, and moreouer the buildings of S. Maries Church were quite ouerthrow­en, saue one middle porche that was marueilously saued. All the turrets that stoode on the playne grounde came tumblinge downe, when as the rest of the buildinge (the battlements of the wall ex­cepted) stoode still. yet the stones of the battlements were driuen backe and notthrowen downe. O­ther Temples moreouer, and both the publique baths that were vsed at seuerall times were also partakers of that calamitie and came to ruine. The people perished confusely one with an other (as it was cōiectured by the bread which was spent in that citie) about a threescore thousand per­sons. But the byshop escaped very straungely when the whole lodginge he sate in came to ruine, & 60000. persons were slaine with the ruine o [...] buyldinge [...] in the earthquake at An­tioch. al that were about him were only saued, otherwise none, for they lifted him vp with all spede, when the earthquake the seconde time shooke the place, and as it were opened the lodginge, so that they let him downe by a rope, and deliuered him out of daunger. It fared very well with the citye, notwithstandinge all that infortunate successe. For it came to passe by the goodnesse of our mer­cifull God, mittigatinge his furie, and correctinge with the rodde of pitye and mercies, the sinnes of his people that no fyre followed after, When as great flames flashed vp out of herthes, and lightes both pudlyque and priuate, out of kitchens, baths, and infinite other suche lyke places in compasse of the whole citie. There dyed in this earthquake manye noble and famous personages, and so did Asterius: but the Emperour repaired with money this lamentable ruine of the citie.

CAP. IX.

The Barbarians seeing the Romaine armie falling to rebellion set vp them selues, but they were foyled by Germanus.

AS toutching the armie spoken of before, it stood in maner at the same stay, that the Barba­rians perswaded them selues verily, none would withstande them, but that after their won­ted maner they might destroye and inuade the Romaine dominions. But Germanus met them with his power, and so foyled them by force of armes, that there was not one left to bring the Persians tidings of their slaughter.

CAP. X.

The Emperours clemencie towardes the soldiers which rebelled and forsooke their captaine.

THe Emperour gaue moneye vnto the armie, but Germanus and others he arrained, and al­though they were all condemned to dye, yet woulde not he haue them executed, neyther o­therwise punished, but gaue them rewardes. When these thinges went in this sort the peo­ple Abari came twise, as farre as the Longe wall, inuaded the countrey before them, subdued Singedon, Anchialus, al Hellada, with other cities and castels, destroyed all with fire and sworde, yea for all the Romaines had a great armie in the East. Wherefore the Emperour sent Andreas captaine of his garde for to perswade the armie to take againe such officers and captaines as they had ouer them before.

CAP. XI.

Gregorie byshop of Antioch is sent to reconcile the armie that refused their captaine, and of the oration he made vnto them.

WHen the soldiers woulde not geue eare vnto Andreas exhortation, the commission was directed vnto Gregory, not onely because he was the man that could bring weighty mat­ters about, but also that the armie of right and duety owed him great honor, for he had liberally bestowed vpon diuers of the soldiers great summes of money, vpon others apparell, re­lieued others, some with food when they were admitted by him, and matriculated in the catalogue of soldiers. wherefore he sent posts into euery place, & warned all the chiefe of the armye to meete him at Litarbis, out of Antioch about three hundred furlongs: when he came vnto thē downe he fel vpon his knees, & made them this oration. I had determined with my self now a good while ago (O ye valiant Romains which worthely deserue this name) to make a voiage vnto you, partly to The oration of Gregorie b. of Antioch [...]nto the sol­diers which rebelled and sooke of [...]heir captain [...]nd Empe­rour. confer of presēt affaires, & partly also to cōsult together with you, bringing you in remēbrance (that you neede not suspect my dealing) how of mine owne free accorde, & harty good will the which I am sure you are fully perswaded of, I founde you commodious reliefe & necessary pro­uisiō, when you fought by sea, & were driuē by tempest here & there to shift for your selues. But hitherto my cōming hath bene diferred, peraduenture by the prouidēce of God which permit­ted me no licence, that both the Persians may haue sufficient triall of the Romaine power and fortitude which foiled thē, yea without a captaine & guide, & your sincere & faithfull mind also borne vnto the cōmon weale, may in time be throughly knowen, by your deeds be approued & confirmed in all respectes. For you haue made manifest this one thing vnto the whole worlde, though you were offēded & cōceaued high displeasure against your captains, yet esteemed you nothing more thē the good estate of the cōmō weale. & seing it goeth so happely with vs, let vs now cōsider what it stands vs vpō to do. The emperour greets you wel, & gladly would see your reconciliation, he promiseth to forget all that is amisse and nowe past, he thinketh the good will you owe vnto your countrey, the valiaunt courage and noble mindes ye haue in waginge of battaile to be spokesmē good inough for your pardon. & all these sure & certaine tokens laieth he wide open before you that ye may assure your selues of forgeuenes at his hands, & of his law­full fauour. He saith againe, I wil vse his owne words: If God estemed so highly of the loue you bear vnto the empire of Rome, & therfore brought to passe that after the remitting of your falts there raigned in you no lesse fortitude and courage then was sene in times past (which verily is an euidēt argumēt that all old iniury is forgottē) how can we possibly chuse but yeeld vnto that [Page 507] which the holy spirite leadeth vs vnto. VVherefore (O ye Romaines) condescend with all speed Occasion a slippery thig. vnto my friendelye aduise, let vs not loose the presente occasion that is offered vnto vs, let not this opportunitye throughe our negligence slip out of our handes. For when she pas [...]eth by, she detesteth delay, & being offended that we tooke her not vp as she came by, she puts vs euer af­ter without hope of obtaining her againe. VVherefore succede your fathers & auncestors in o­bedience, take possession of the loyall patrimony they bequeathed vnto you, let me (your poore Bishop) obtaine this at your handes, as your are valiant and shewe your selues in all respects no lesse then Romaynes in deede, that no backebiter may haue occasion to blemish your same & renowne, sayinge you are bastardes and a broode that degenerateth from theyr noble linage. For your fathers and auncestors beinge gouerned by Consuls and Emperours haue through o­bedience and noble prowesse, brought the wholl vvorlde subiecte vnto them. VVhat shoulde I bringe you in remembrance of Manlius Torquatus who executed his owne sonne (although he Manlius Torquatus. had done many feates and noble actes) for disobedience and rebellion? For notable and wor­thy deedes are most commonly wrought by the vvise counsaill of politicke captaines, and wil­linge obedience of souldiers. But when either of these two fayleth, the counsaill halteth, the en­terprise falleth vnto the ground & hath ilfauored successe: and no maruell at all, specially when two thinges which shoulde be linked together are loosed and parted asunder. Let there be no delay in you (I craue it vpon my knees) yeld vnto me foorthwith, let a Bishop this once pleade & preuaile betwene the Emperour and his armie, let all the worlde vnderstande that in you there is no signe of rebellion, but that you had good cause for a time to be displeased with your cap­taines which offended you. If it so fall out that ye embrace not in time this wholsome counsail, yet will I take vpon me the person of loue owed vnto the Empire of Rome and of friende­ship and harty good wil borne vnto you, and marke well what I haue to saye vnto you. Doe ye see what endes tyrantes and rebells moste commonly haue? Ponder I pray you with your selues howe ye can compasse suche thinges as ye goe about, seeinge (in my opinion) it is vnpossible, for you to continewe all together. For howe can either the foules of the aer, or fishe vvith other foode whiche the seae bringeth to land be transported vnto you vnlesse ye will shed the bloode of Christians in battaill and your selues be slaine to, which is both a great shame and reproche? And what I pray ye will become of you? Verily you will be scattered here and there and con­strayned to leade miserable liues, Immediatly after, vengeance will ensue, so that ye shall neuer be pardoned. VVherefore geue me your handes and let vs louingly consult together what shall be expedient for vs our selues & for the profit of the commō weale, specially seeing we haue the feaste of our Sauiours passion and of Christs most holy resurrection as it were in maner assisting and alluringe vs to reconciliation.

CAP. XII.

The souldiers after the oration of Gregorie Bishop of Antioch chaunged their mind and tooke againe Philippicus to their generall captaine.

WHen Gregorie had pronoūced his oration & shed infinit tears, all their minds vpon a sud daine were turned by diuine power & inspiration, in so muche they craued licence to de­part out of the assembly seuerally for to deliberate with them selues what was best for thē to do. This being done not long after they come againe, saying they would yeeld vnto the Bi­shops sute and requeste. And when Gregorie nominated Philippicus, whome he was destrous they should craue to their captaine, theyr answere was, that both they and the wholl army had solemnly made an oth, they would neuer doe that. Then sayd he immediatly the Prieste hath power and au­thority Math. 16. 1 [...] Iohn. 20. to bind and to loose in heauen and in earth and rehearsed vnto them the sayinge of Christ in the Gospell. When they replied that herein also they woulde yelde vnto him, he fell a pacifienge of God with prayers and supplications. He distributed vnto them the immaculate body of Christ, it was vpon maundy thirsday, the number of them was about a two thousand, he entertayned them all that night, made them couches in the greene grasse, returned home the next daye after, and de­creed they shoulde assemble together where it pleased them. Wherfore he sent for Philippicus who then abode at Tarsus in Cilicia, that with all speede he should repaire to Constantinople. He made the Emperour also priuey vnto these circumstances, and layde downe in his letters the requestes and demaundes of the armye as concerninge Philippicus. When Philippicus shortly after came to [Page 508] Antioch the souldiers mette him, they entreated the Christians to be a meane vnto him for them and they fell at Philippicus feete. He gaue them the righte hande, tolde them all olde iniurye was forgotten, and immediatly they followe him to warefare. Thus was that broyle taken vp.

CAP. XIII.

The winninge of Martyropolis.

SIttas one of the Decurions of Martyropolis, bearinge spite and hatred vnto one of the cap­taynes, betrayed the citye, and tooke opportunitye to worke this feate, when the garison was absente. Wherefore vnder colour of the Romaynes the Persians were broughte in, and tooke the citye, which lay wonderfull commodious for the Romaynes: many women that were in the prime of theyr flourishing yeares they kepte within the citie, all others (a fewe ser­uantes onely excepted) they droue out. Immediatly vpon this, Philippicus came thither and be­sieged the city. And although he wanted necessaries for the siege, yet he encountered with them, with such thinges as he had. He cast vp certaine ditches and ouerthrewe one of theyr turrets, yet coulde not he take the citye, because the Persians watched all nighte and repayred againe suche thinges as were battered to the grounde. When the Romaynes made many an assaulte and had the repulse (for the dartes were sore discharged at them from highe turrettes, and they them selues without had more harme, then they coulde worke vnto the enemye within) they raysed theyr siege, remoued a litle of and there pitched theyr campe, takinge diligente heede onelye to this, that no other Persians ioyned with them that were in the city. Gregorie by the commaunde­mente of Mauricius the Emperour wente to the campe and perswaded with them to returne to besiege the citye. But they coulde not preuaile, because they wanted engines of warre for the winninge of cityes. Therefore the armye was sente abroade to winter, leauinge manye garri­sons in the castells about, least the Persians came on a sodayne and stepte into the city. The next sommer followinge there was greate power gathered together, and a sore battaill foughte with the Persians about Martyropolis. And althoughe Philippicus had the vpper hande in that sielde and many of the Persians together with one of theyr captaines ouerthrowen, yet there escaped to many of them into Martyropolis, for that was one of theyr principall driftes to be sure of ta­kinge that citye vpon them. From that tyme the Romaynes despayred of winninge the citye by siege (it was possible that mighte woulde ouercome it) they wente a seauen furlonges of and buylt an other citye ouer againste it vpon the toppe of an hill well fortisied of it selfe, there to in­uente engines and to assaulte Martyropolis. This they did in sommer, but in winter they dis­solued the armie.

CAP. XIIII.

Of captaine Comentiolus and the winninge of Ocbas.

COmentiolus borne in Thracia was sente into the Easte to be captaine of the armye in the rowme of Philippicus: who thoughe he had prosperous successe agaynste the Persians, yet had he bene ouerthrowen horse and all, had not one of his garde gotte vp on a packehorse and caried him awaye out of the fielde. The Persians which were left aliue, hauinge loste all their captaines ranne away and tooke Nisibis vpon them. And because they feared to returne vnto their king (for he had told them they should loose their heades vnlesse they broughte theyr captaynes safe and sounde agayne) they fell a conspiringe againste Hormissda: Barames also a Persian cap­tayne who was newly come with his army from the warre against the Turckes, perswaded them to doe no lesse. In the meane while Comentiolus besieginge Martyropolis lefte there the grea­ter parte of his power and wente him selfe with certaine chosen souldiers to take Ocbas, a strong castell vpon the further banke ouer againste Martyropolis lienge vpon a steepe rocke, where he might viewe the wholl citye of Martyropolis. The which castell he besieged, lefte nothinge vnat­tempted that might seeme auailable for the winninge of it, battered downe certaine peeces of the walls with Catapeltes or brakes, entred in that way and tooke it by force. Wherevpon the Per­sians despaired thenceforth of keepinge Martyropolis any longer.

CAP. XV.

The murtheringe of Hormisda kinge of Persia.

WHile the aforesayde sturre was in handelinge the Persians tooke Hormisda the moste wicked and vniuste kinge, and slewe him because he had plagued his subiectes not one­ly with extortion, but also with sundry kindes of death.

CAP. XVI.

The flighte of Chosroes the yonger vnto the Empire of Rome.

AFter the death of Hormisda the Persians crowned Chosroes his sonne to raygne ouer them, againste whome Barames tooke armour with his wholle power. Chosroes wente forthe to meete him with no great army, & perceauing that his souldiers left him & droped away he fled, straight way (as he reported him selfe after he had called vpon the God of the Christians that his horse woulde beare him where he purposed to goe) vnto Circesium. When he came thither together with his wife, two yonge children and certaine of the Nobles of Persia whiche accompa­nied him of their owne accorde: he sente Embassadours vnto Mauricius the Emperour. He af­ter deliberation and aduisemente taken in that matter, pondering with him selfe the mutable race and variable course of mans life, the sodayne chaunge and alteration not onely of his state, but of other thinges in like sorte, accepted of his sute and Embassie, and made Chosroes in steede of a ba­nished man his gest, in steede of a sorowefull fugitiue his louinge sonne, and gaue him royall pre­sentes for to allure him to roote his loue in his breste. Neither did Mauricius only send him such bountifull giftes, but the Empresse also vnto the wiues of Chosroes, and the sonnes of Mauricius shewed the like humanity vnto his sonnes.

CAP. XVII.

The Emperour sent Gregorie and Domitianus to meete Chosroes and to geue him entertainment.

FUrthermore Mauricius sent all his garde and the wholl hoaste of the Romaynes with a cap­taine to meete Chosroes and to conducte him whithersoeuer it pleased him to goe. And to the ende he might doe him the more honor, he sent also Domitianus his kinsman that was By­shop of Melitina, a man that excelled for wisedome and pollicy, very fit both in worde & in deede to handle graue matters and to heare weighty causes. He sent againe Gregory which made Chosroes to haue him in admiration for the wise conference he had with him toutching all other matters for his bountifull presents, and the graue counsaile he gaue him concerning his trouble and molesta­tion.

CAP. XVIII.

Chosroes recouered againe the kingedome of Persia by the meanes of the Empire of Rome.

CHosroes comminge to Hierapolis the heade citie of Euphratesia returned homewardes. Mauricius vnderstandinge thereof, weyinge more the furtherance of Chosroes then his owne fame & renowne, holpe him to a great summe of money which was not seene before: made him an armye of Persians vpon his owne costs & charges, furnished Chosroes both with Ro­maynes & with Persians, & safe conduited him out of the Romayne dominiōs as farre as Martyro­polis. And first of all, Sittas the traitor was deliuered vnto him, next y people of Martyropolis sto­ned him & last of all they hanged him on the gallowes. The citye of Daras was also geuen vp vn­to him, after that the Persians had priuely stolen away, and after that the Romaines alone had foi­led Barames in one battaill and he fled awaye alone with greate ignominye, Chosroes was resto­red vnto his kingedome.

CAP. XIX.

The holy martyr Golauduch liued about this time.

[Page 510]ABout this time liued Golauduch amonge vs whiche suffered greate tormente and was pi­teouslye handeled by the Magicians of Persia, at the laste crowned with Martyrdome af­ter she had wrought many miracles. Stephan the first of that name Bishop of Hieropolis wrote her life.

CAP. XX. The wordes w [...]hos [...] hea­ [...]ng of P [...]a [...]ngra­ [...]ed in a [...]os and sent vn­to Sergius, the Marty [...]s temple. I [...] ought fauor of Idolatrye remember that a p [...]an hath written thē. He hath not in th [...]e [...]s not as much as one worde of God, yet by the testimo­ny of his owne mouth he had many wiues.

The presentes which Chosroes kinge of Persia beinge an heathen sente vnto Sergius the Martyr.

CHosroes beinge nowe restored vnto his kingedome sente vnto Gregorie a crosse curiouslye wrought of gold and precious stone, wherewith he would haue the honor of Sergius the re­nowmed martyr set forth & extolled. Theodora the wife of Iustinian had firste dedicated this crosse vnto him, after that, Chosroes the elder had taken it thence away (as I haue remembred be­fore) together with sundry other monuments. He sent an other crosse where he caused these words to be ingrauen in Greeke letters. I Chosroes king of kinges, the sonne of Hormisda haue sente this crosse. For when we were cōstrayned to flie vnto the * dominions of the Empire of Rome, through the deuelish procurement and false treachery of the most infortunate Barames and his [...] Cabballarij, and by reason of Zadespram the traitor his comming with an army to Nisibis, for to pull backe the Caballarij which tooke parte with the citizens of Nisibis: we sente Caballarij with a captaine as farre as Charchas for to withstande Zadespram & to abate his courage, tru­sting in holy Sergius, the most honorable and renowmed martyr, for we hearde in the first yeare of our raigne that he was wont to graunte such petitions as were made vnto him. The seauenth day of Ianuary we cried vnto him for helpe and made a vowe that if our Caballarij either slue Zadespram or tooke him captiue, we woulde sende vnto his temple a golden crosse garnished with pearles for to set forth his reuerend name, and to be short, about the beginning of Februa­ry next following the head of Zadespram was broughte vnto vs. VVherefore hauinge obtayned our request (that no man neede to doubt of the circumstance) we haue sent to holy Sergius tēple * [...] Happie is he that hath his name writ­ten in the booke of life but it is [...] ­noughe for a pag [...] to haue his name written in a platter. This king was fouly de ceaued in the martyr for it is not with the Christians as with the Magicians in Persia which at their [...]ight sacrifice coulde make his wife quickelye to conceaue. Statêr is a [...]oyne valu­inge 4. grots. for to honor his reuerende name this crosse, which we made our selues, together with the crosse which Iustinian Emperour of Rome, had sent to the same temple, yet was takē away & brought hither by Chosroes, kinge of kinges, the sonne of Cabades our great graundfather, at what tyme the Romaynes and Persians were at greate variance. VVe founde this in our treasory and sente it to holy Sergius temple. Gregorie receauinge these crosses with the consente of Mauricius the Emperour, caried them with greate solemnity into the Martyrs temple and there laid them vp. Shortely after Chosroes sent other giftes vnto this holy temple, namelye amongest others a dishe made of Gold, wherein these wordes were wrytten. I Chosroes kinge of kinges the sonne of Hor­misda caused these thinges to be wrytten in this dishe not for men to gaze at, neyther that the worthines of thy reuerende name shoulde be knowen by my wordes: but partely for the trueth therein contained, and partly for the manifold benefites and liberality receaued at thy handes. For I thinke my selfe happy that my name is ingrauen in thy holy vessels. At my beinge in Bera­mias I made humble sute vnto thee holye Sergius that thou wouldest come and helpe me and that Sira my wife mighte conceaue. And thoughe Sira were a christian and I a pagan and our lawe forbade vs to take a christian to our wife, yet for the singular loue I bare vnto thee, the law in this woman tooke no place, and I haue not ceas [...]ed neyther doe I ceas [...]e day & nighte to loue her entierelye amonge the reste of my wiues. VVherefore O holye Sergius I thoughte good to beseeche thy goodnes that she might be with child. And moreouer I made thee a vowe & pro­mised if Sira did conceaue, I woulde sende the crosse whiche she weareth vnto thy moste holye temple. Therefore I verily and Sira pondering this with our selues and purposing to keepe this crosse for a memoriall of thy name, O holy Sergius, haue thought good in st [...]ode of the crosse to send the price thereof, and because it exceedeth not foure thousande and foure hundred sta [...]rs, we haue augmented it and made it vppe fiue thousande. And from the time we made this pe­tition and determined this with our selues, vnto our comminge to Rhoson Chos [...]on, there were not expired past fourteene dayes: at vvhat time O holy Sergius, not that I my selfe was worthy, but of thine owne goodnes, thou didest appeare vnto me in my sleepe and toldest me the thirde time that Sira had conceaued. And I also in the same vision answered thee plainely the thirde time tha [...] whiche was conuenient and became my person. VVherefore because thou gra [...] ­test [Page 511] such petitions as are made vnto thee, from that daye forthe Sira felt not the common dis­ease of women. I of myne owne parte althoughe I caste doubtes with my selfe whether I were best to credit thy wordes or no, for all thou arte a graunter of requestes: yet seeing that Sira had not the womens disease, then was I sure of the vision and that thy wordes were true. VVhere­fore without any more adoe I sente this crosse together with the price thereof vnto thy moste holy temple, and commaunded that with the price, one dishe and one cup should be prouided for the celebration of the diuine mysteries: that againe there should a crosse be made & a cēsar both of golde to serue the holy table, and an vnicon open of either side and gilded ouer: last of all that the rest of the summe which remayned shoulde be put vp to minister necessaries for thy holy house, that thou O holy Sergius wilt helpe both me and Sira not onely in other things, but specially in this request, and that that which happened vnto vs through thy intercession, by thy They that like of this doctrine let them note that Euagri­us calleth the author there of Balaam, and for com­pany take Caiphas he was also such a prophete. mercy & goodnes may take prosperous successe and fall both vnto me & to Sira as we wish our selues. To the end both I & Sira and all others throughout the world may * put theyr trust in thy power & beleue in thee. These presentes of Chosroes seeme to vtter such things as are agreable with the prophecie of Balaam, whiche no doubt came to passe by the prouidence of God that pa­gans shoulde pronounce godly sentences.

CAP. XXI.

Of Naamanes the Saracen.

ABout that time Naamanes tribune of the people Scenetae, so wicked a person that he slewe men with his owne handes for sacrifice to Deuells, came to be baptised, caused the golden picture of Venus to be melted with fire and turned to the vse of the poore, he became so ze­lous that he perswaded as manye as belonged vnto him to embrace the Christian faith. Gregorie after the crosses were giuen by Chosroes, was commaunded of the Emperour to visite all the Mo­nasteries called Limeta throughout the wildernes, but specially where the wicked doctrine of Se­uerus raygned: so that he expounded vnto them the syncere & true faith, & conuerted many townes villages, Monasteries and wholl nations vnto the Church of God.

CAP. XXII.

The death of holy Symeon that dwelled in a pillour.

IN the meane space when moste holye Symeon was so daungerouslye sicke that there remayned for him no hope of longer life: Gregorie beinge by me certified thereof, made all the speede he coulde to be presente when Symeon gaue vppe the Ghoste. But he had not his desire. This Symeon for his rare giftes and excellente vertues passed all the men of his time: he led in a pillour a seuere life euen from his tender youth, in so muche that he chaunged his teeth in that mansion. He was perswaded to liue in a pillour vpon suche an occasion as followeth. Beinge of tender yeares, playinge, leapinge and skippinge to and fro about the toppes of hilles and greenes as the maner is of children, he lighted by chaunce vpon a Lybard, tooke his girdle and tyed him a­bout the necke, led the beaste whiche nowe had put of his fierce nature by the girdle as if it had bene a bridle, and broughte him home to his Monastery. His mayster who ledde his life in a pil­lour seeinge this, enquired of him what he had in his girdle, the boye answered it was a catte. His mayster gatheringe hereby, that he woulde proue hereafter a worthye man trayned him vppe to leade his life in a pillour. In whiche pillour together with an other also standinge v­pon the toppe of an hill he liued threescore and eyghte yeares, replenished with all graces from aboue: He caste out Deuells, he cured euerye disease and infirmitye, he sawe thinges to come as if they had beene presente. He foretolde Gregorie that he shoulde not be presente at his deathe and that he knewe full litle of the thinges which were like to ensue after his death. And when as I also muzed with my selfe after the losse of my children and examined what the cause was, whye the Gentiles whiche had children at will were not visited in like sorte: Symeon althoughe I vttered my secret [...]es to no man, wrote vnto me that I shoulde re­frayne from suche cogitations, that they were suche as offended God. Furthermore when the wife of my Scribe hadde her milke after shee was deliuered so stop [...]e in her breastes that there woulde not a droppe come forthe and therefore the infante was like to dye, [Page 512] Symeon tooke her husbande by the hande, bad him goe and laye it on his wiues brest. This beinge done, immediatly the milke came runninge out as if it had bene a streame and wet all the womans garmente. Vnto these that wente before we may adde this also, howe certaine trauelers in whose company Symeon was, lefte behinde them a childe about midnighte: a Lion came and tooke vp the childe on his backe and brought him to Symeons Monastery. Symeon bad the seruaunts go forth and take in the childe which the Lion had caried thither. He did many other notable actes, which haue neede of an eloquente tongue, leasure conuenient, and a peculiar volume, all which are well knowen and rife in euery mans mouth. There resorted vnto him of all nations not only Romains but also Barbarians and obtayned there sutes. This Symeon in steede of meate and drinke fedde v­pon certaine bowes of shrubbes that grewe in the mountaine harde by him.

CAP. XXIII.

The death of Gregorie Bishop of Antioch.

SHortly after Gregorie Bishop of Antioch being sore pained with the gowte tooke a certaine medicen made of Hermodactylus (for so was it called) the which a certaine phisicion mini­stred vnto him, and after the drinkinge thereof died immediatlye. He departed this worlde when Gregorie the successor of Pelagius was Bishop of Olde Rome, Iohn of Constantinople, Eu­logius of Alexandria, & Anastasius of Theopolis who after twenty and three yeares was restored vnto his Bishopricke, and also when Iohn was Bishop of Ierusalem which died shortely after and Euagtius en­deth his hi­story Anno Dom. 595. as yet there is none chosen in his rowme. Here doe I minde to cut of and make an end of wryting, to wit, the twelfe yeare of the raygne of Mauricius Tiberius Emperour of Rome, leauing such things as followe after for them that are disposed to penne them for the posterity in time to come. If I haue omitted ought through negligence or lightly runne ouer any matter, let no man blame me therefore: remēbringe with him selfe that I gathered and collected together a scattered and dispersed historie, to the end I might profitt the reader, for whose sake I tooke in hande so greate and so werysome a labour. I haue finished an other worke, comprisinge relations, Epistles, de­crees, orations, disputations with sundry other matters. The relations therein contayned are for the most parte in the person of Gregorie Bishop of Antioch. For the which I was preferred vnto two honorable offices. Tiberius Constantinus made me Quaestor, Mauricius Tiberius preferred me to be maister of the Rolles, where the Liuetenants and Magistrats were registred. The relations I compiled duringe his raygne at what tyme he broughte Theodosius to lighte, who was bothe vnto him and to the common weale a preamble or entrance to all kinde of felicity.

The ende of the sixt booke of the Ecclesiasticall historie of Euagrius Scholasticus.
DOROTHEVS, OF THE PROPHETS, APOSTLES AND SEVENTIE DISCIPLES.

THE LIVES, THE ENDS, AND THE MARTYR­DOMES OF THE PROPHETES, APOSTLES, AND SEVENTYE DISCI­PLES OF OVR SAVIOVR, WRITTEN IN GREEKE by Dorotheus Bishop of Tyrus aboue a thousand yeares agoe, and nowe translated by M. H.

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Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefriers. 1577.

THE LIFE OF DOROTHEVS GATHERED by the Translator.

DOrotheus vvas a rare and singular man, vvell seene in the Latine, Greeke and He­brevv tongues. He flourished in the time of Diocletian, Constantinus Magnus, Constā ­tius & Iulian the Apostata. Eusebius Pamphilus one that knevve him very vvell & heard Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 7. ca. 31 his gift of vtterance, vvryteth thus of him: Dorotheus minister of the Church of Antioch vvas a very eloquent and singular man. He applied holye Scripture diligentlye, he studied the Hebrevve tongue so that he reade vvith great skill the holy Scriptures in Hebrevve. This man came of a noble race. He vvas expert in the chiefe discipline of the Grecians, by nature an Eunuche, so disposed from his natiuitye. For vvhich cause the Emperour for rare­nesse thereof appropriated him, placing and preferringe him to be magistrate in the citie of Tyrus, and to ouersee the dieing of purple. VVe heard him our selues expounding holy Scrip­ture Democh. In­stit. Christ. religi. vvith greate commendation in the Church of God. So farre Eusebius. Antonius De­mochares saith of him, that he vvas exiled in the persecution vnder Diocletian, and that he returned from banishment after the death of Diocletian and Licinius, and recouered his Bishopricke againe, vvhere he continevved vnto the raygne of Iulian, about the yeare of our Lord 365. And because Iulian persecuted not the Christians openly him selfe, but se­cretly by his gouernours and Magistrates, Dorotheus vvas faine againe to flie vnto the city of Odissus, vvhere (as Petrus de Natalibus vvriteth) the officers of Iulian apprehended Petrus de na­talibus lib. 6. de Sanctis. him and tormented him to death for his testimony of Christ Iesus. There he died and vvas crovvned Martyr being a hundred and seuen yere old. An. Dom. 366. Of his vvorkes there is none extant saue this treatise contayning the liues and endes of the Prophetes, Apostles, and seuenty Disciples of our sauiour mentioned in the Gospell after Luke, the vvhich he en­titled [...], by translation a compendium or briefe tract.

THE TRANSLATOR VNTO THE READER TOVTCHING DOROTHE­VS AND THE LIVES HE WROTE OF.

BY this short treatise of DOROTHEVS (Christian reader) we may take occasion to beholde the prouidence of God ouer his Churche, scattered farre and nigh ouer the face of the earth, and to praise him therefore: in so much that of his great care and entire loue, the inhe­ritors of the kingdome of heauen, his chosen people, the Sainctes of God whose names were written in the booke of life, were neuer left desolate without guides and teachers. Adam in Paradise hearde the voyce of God Genes. 3. himself, there followed him such as called vpō the name of God, erected diuine wor­ship, and taught their posteritie the same, namely, Abel, Seth, Enos, Cainan, Mala­lael, Genes. 4. 5. 2. Pet. 2. Iared, Enoch, Mathusalem, Lamech, and Noe, whome Peter calleth the eight per­son after Seth the sonne of Adam, and a preacher of righteousnes. When as the olde worlde and the first age numbred from Adam to Noe, I meane as many as liued in his Genes. 7. time were drowned for the sinnes & iniquities of the whole world, yet saued he eight persons, to reueale his will vnto all nations, to vphold his Church to multiply and to 1. Pet. 3. encrease the world. In the secōd age of the world, after Noe there liued Sem, Arphax­ad, Genes. 11. Rom. 4. Genes. 21. 25, 35. 47. Sale, Heber, Phaleg, Reu, Saruch, Nachor, Thare, & Abraham, vnto whom God rekoned faith (as S. Paule saith) for righteousnes. In the third age of the world after Abraham li­ued Isaac, Iacob, otherwise called Israel, with the twelue patriarchs, Ruben, Simeon, Leui, Iuda, Zabulon, Issachar, Dan, Gad, Aser, Nepthali, Ioseph, & Beniamin. Threescore and fiue yeares after the death of Ioseph, Moses was borne. He gouerned Israel, he guided the Exod. 4. Exod. 20. Iudic. 3. 8. 9. 10, 12. 16. Act. 13. 3. Reg. 2. 11. 6. 14. 12. 20. 4. Reg. 8. 11. 12. 14. 15. 16. 18. 21. 22. 23. 24. people, God gaue him three signes from heauen to confirme his doctrine, & to assure him of his vocation▪ he receaued the ten cōmaundements, & the law of God in moūt Sina & deliuered it vnto the people. him succeeded Iosue, after Iosue captains & Iudg­es, namely Othoniel, Aod, Debora, & Barach, Gedeon, Abimelech, Thola, Iair, Iepthe, Abesan, AElon, Abdon, Samson, Heli the priest, & Samuel the prophet iudged Israel. After these came in the kings good & bad, Saule, Dauid, &c. In the fourth age of the worlde there raigned after kinge Dauid, Solomon ouer Israel, ouer Iuda Roboam, Abia, Asa, Io­saphat, Ioram, Ochozias, Athalia, Ioas, Amasias, Azarias, Ioathan, Achaz, Eze­chias, Manasses, Amon, Iosias, Ioachaz, Ioacim, Iechonias, Sedechias, vnder whome the captiuitie befell, both citie and temple were destroyed, & the people led into Babylō. Yet during the seuenty yeres of their captiuity, there wanted not such as taught them, such as prophecied vnto them of their deliuerance, 1. Esdr. 5. 1. Esdr. 2. & comforted them in their mi­sery. In the fift age of the worlde after the captiuitye the Israelites were gouerned by Zorobabel, Resa, Ioanna, Iudas, Iosephus, Abner, Semei, Mattathias, Aser, Maath, Nagid Arphaxad, Agar, Heli, Masbot, Naum, Amos, Sirach, Mattathias, Siloa, Ioseph, Arses, Ianneus, Hircanus, Iudas Machabaeus, Ionathas, Simon, Ionathas, Iohannes Hirca­nus, Aristobulus, Alexander, Hircanus, Antigonus, Aristobulus, and Herode the Aliene, in whose time Christe Iesus was borne in the fleshe. These are the suc­cessions of Magistrates and Gouernours of all sortes, as well of the vvicked to [Page 516] chastise, as of the godly to cherishe, whom God appointed to gouerne his people, to vpholde the trueth, to extoll vertue, to roote out vice, and to praise his holye name. From Aaron vnto the byrth of Christ there were priests ordained to offer sacrifice vn­to God, to pray for the sinnes of the people, and to preach the word of trueth. Whose names as I reade in the Ecclesiasticall history of Nicephorus are these. Aaron, Eleazer, Nicephor. Eccl. hist. lib. 1. phinees, Eliezer, Bochchi, Ozi, Heli, Achitob, Abimelech, Abiathar, Sadoc, Achimaas, Azari­as, Ioram, Iodas, Axioran, Sadeus, Phadaeus, Iculus, Ioathā, Vrias, Neri, Ioas, Selam, Helchias, Sareas, Iosedech, Iesus, Ioachim, Eliasib, Ioachaz, Ioannes, Iaddaeus, Onias, Simō, Eleazar, Ma­nasses, Onias, Simon, Onias, Iesus, Onias, Alcimus, Onias, the sonne of Onias, Iudas Macha­baeus, Ionathas his brother, Simon his brother, Iohannes Hircanus, Aristobulus, Iannaeas, Alexander, Hircanus, Antigonus, Anaelus, Aristobulus, Anaelus, Iesus, and Simon, in whose time Christe Iesus was borne. From the byrth of Christe (as it is to be seene in the Chronographie following) vntill the destruction of Ierusalem vnder Titus, there were these high priests: Matthias, Iosephus, Ioazarus, Eleazar, Iesus sea, Ananus, o­therwise Annas, Ismael, Eleazar, Simon, Caiphas, Ionathas, Theophilus, Simon, Iona­thas, Matthias, Elioneus, Ioseph, Ananias, Ionathas, Ismael, Iosephus, Ananus, Iesus Dannaeus, Iesus the sonne of Gamaliel, Matthias, and Phanes, in whose time the citie of Ierusalem was taken, the temple set on fire, and the high priests ceassed. There were also from the beginning of the worlde vnto the birth of Christ, prophets, foreshew­ing (as Dorotheus writeth) the promises of God made vnto the fathers, wherin he pro­mised to blesse all nations in the seede of Abraham, through the saluation that was to come by our Sauiour Iesus Christ. Iosephus in his Iudaicall Antiquities, writeth that Iosph. ant. Iud. lib. 1. cap. 4. Iude Epist Adam prophecied and foretolde his sonnes, the worlde shoulde be twise destroyed: first by water, afterwardes with fire. Iude in his Epistle speaketh of Enoch, the seuenth from Adam, that he prophecied, sayinge: ‘beholde the Lorde shall come with thou­sands of Saincts, to geue iudgement against all men, and to rebuke all that are vngod­ly among them, of all their vngodly deedes which they haue lewdly committed, and of all their cruell speakinges whiche vngodly sinners haue spoken againste him.’ Iacob prophecied that his posteritie shoulde be deliuered out of Aegypt: of the comminge Gen. 48. 49 of Christ, that the scepter should not depart from Iuda, and a lawgeuer from betweene his feete vntill Siloh, that is, the Messias came Ioseph foretolde likewise the children of Israell of their deliuerance out of Aegypt, sayinge: I die, and God will surely visit you, Gen. 50. and bring you out of this land, vnto the lande which he sware vnto Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob. God will not faile but visite you, and ye shall carie my bones hence. Moses the great worshipper of the high God, prophecied of the creation of the worlde, and of suche thinges as were done vnto his time, the space of two thousande yeares be­fore he was borne, againe of Christe he sayde (as Peter hath alleadged him in the Actes of the Apostles) A Prophete shall the Lorde your God rayse vp vnto you of Act. 3. your brethren lyke vnto me, him shall ye heare in all thinges, whatsoeuer he shall saye vnto you. Samuel was both a iudge ouer Israel, a priest and a prophet. Dauid & Solo­mon also is sayde to haue bene endued with the spirite of prophecie, though Dorothe­us be of the contrary opinion. Both olde and late writers doe thinke no lesse then that he was a prophet. Antoninus hath a tracte intitled, De prophetijs Dauid & Solomonis, Anton. Chronic. [...]art. 1. tit. 3, cap. 4. of the prophecies of Dauid and Solomon. There prophecied moreouer as we finde in holy scripture. Nathan, Gad, Ahias, Asaph, Idithum, Addo, Semeia, Ioath, Oded, A­zarias, Hanani, Iehu, Iehaziel, Eliezer, Elias, Zacharias, Elissaeus, Osee, Abdias, Mi­chaeas, Amos, Esaias, Ioel, Ionas, Sophonias, Ieremie, Hulda, Naum, Abacuk, Ezechiel, Daniel, Baruch, Vrias, Aggaeus, Zacharias, Malachias, and Iohn the Baptist. Whose [Page 517] liues this autor hath briefely runne ouer. These prophets in some places of holy scrip­ture are termed Seers, in some other places the men of God, againe in other places 3. Reg. 18. the seruāts of the most high God. In the time of King Acab, Obadias the gouernour of his house, one that feared God, hid an hundred prophets in caues, yet their names are not knowen. of al the prophets generally, Peter the Apostle writeth in this sort: ‘It is of 1. Pet. 1. the saluatiō of your soules that the prophets haue enquired and searched, which pro­phecied of the grace that should come vnto you: searching when or at what time the spirit of Christe which was in them shoulde signifie, whiche spirit testified before the passions that shoulde happen vnto Christe and the glorie that shoulde followe after. vnto which prophets, it was also declared that not vnto them selues but vnto vs, they shoulde minister the thinges which are now shewed vnto you of them.’ Such was the Heb. 1. goodnesse of God towardes mankinde, that in times past (as S. Paule saith) he spake at sundry times, and in diuers sorts vnto the fathers by prophets, also by the ministery of Angells sent forth for their sakes which shalbe heires of saluation. In these later dayes being the sixt age of the worlde beginning at Christ, and continewinge vnto the day of iudgement, that is vnto the seuenth age, and the Sabaoth of rest, we haue had the twelue Apostles, Peter, Andrevve, Iames, Iohn, Philip, Bartholomevve, Mathevve, Mat. 10. Ast. 1. Act. 9. Thomas, Iames, the sonne of Alphaeus, Iude, Simon, & Matthias, which was chosen in the rowme of Iudas the traitor. Paule is also termed an Apostle, and called to the function by our sauiour him selfe, cryinge vnto him from heauen after his ascention. VVe haue also the foure Euangelists, Mathevve, Marke, Luke, and Iohn. VVe haue moreouer here layde downe by Dorotheus, the catalogue of the seuentie disciples which our Sa­uiour ordained in the Gospell, and appointed to goe by two and two into euerye citie and place where he him selfe shoulde come. The first after Dorotheus, is Iames the bro­ther Euseb. ecc [...] hist. lib. 2. cap. 1. of the Lorde called Iustus, and the first Bishop of Ierusalem: yet Petrus de natali­bus, Volaterran, and Demochares, all which three wrote the catalogue of these disciples doe name no such one. Eusebius, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Paule himselfe doe call him an Apostle, and no disciple. The 2. is Timothee, whome the three aforesayde wri­ters doe not number. The 3. Titus. The 4. Barnabas, so doth Clemens Alexandrinus, and Eusebius call him: this is that Barnabas which in the Actes of the Apostles (as Anto­ninus Anton. chro. par. tir. 5. cap▪ 18. Part. 1. t [...] 6. cap. 11▪ writeth) was otherwise called Ioses, and hauinge land, solde it, and layde the price downe at the Apostles feete. The 5. Ananias. The 6. Stephan. The 7. Philip, Bishop of Tralleis in Asia. Volaterran sayth he was Bishop in Thracia, Demochares Petrus de na­talibus, doe say he was Bishop in Thracia, afterwardes in Scythia. Antoninus saith he dyed at Caesarea. The 8. Prochorus, whom Volaterran calleth Proculus. The 9. Nica­nor. The 10. Simon Bishop of Bostra in Arabia, Demochares, Volaterran, & Petrus de na­talibus, doe saye he was Bishop of Tyre and Sidon. The 11. Nicolas, Bishop of Sa­pria, yet say the aforesayd three autors it was Samaria. The 12. Parmenas. The 13. Cleo­pas. The 14. Silas. The 15. Siluanus. The 16. Crescens, bishop of Chalcedonia in Fraūce Volaterran calleth him Crisces, Bishop of Chalcedonia. Demochares, & Petrus de nata­libus, doe call him Chrysches, Bishop of Chalcedonia. S. Paule sayth he sent this Cres­cens into Galatia, Eusebius sayth the Apostle sent him into Fraunce, whereby it ap­peareth by some mens coniectures, that the Epistle vnto the Galatians was writtē by Euseb. li [...] 3. cap. 4▪ S. Paule vnto the French men. The 17. Epaenetus, yet Volaterran hath none suche. The 18. Andronicus. The 19. Amplias, Bishop of Odissa. Demochares & Petrus de natali­bus, doe call him Ampliatus, and Bishop of Edissa, Volaterran saith of Edessa. The 20. Vrbanus. The 21. Stachys, the aforesaide autors doe call him Stateus. The 22. Apelles, [Page 518] Bishop of Smyrna. Volaterran saith of Heraclea, Demochares & Petrus de natalibus doe say it was of Eradia. The 23. Aristobulus Bishop of Brettania, Volaterran saith Beta­nia, Demochares & Petrus de natalibus doe saye it vvas Bethania. The 24. Narcis­sus, Byshop of Patrae, Demochares & Petrus de natalibus doe call him Tarcissus Byshop of Athens, and Volaterran sayth he was Byshop of Athens. The 25. He­rodion, Volaterran hath none suche. The 26. Rufus. The 27. Asyncritus. The 28. Plegon. The 29. Hermes, Byshop of Dalmatia, Volaterran Demochares, & Pe­trus de natalibus doe saye he was Byshop of Philipolis. The 30. Hermas, but the other writers haue none suche. The 31. Patrobas▪ Byshop of Nepotiopolis, Demo­chares & Petrus de natalibus doe saye of the nation Peli. The 32. Agabus. The Ambrose in Epist. ad Rom. Origen in Epist. ad Rom. 33. Linus. The 34. Gaius, Byshope of Ephesus after Timothee, yet Origen sayth he was Byshop of Thessalonica. The 35. Philologus. The 36. Olympas, the asoresayde three autors haue none suche. Ambrose taketh this Olympas for the sister of Nereus, but Origen doth not so. The 37. Rodion, the other writers remember none of that name. The 38. Iason. The 39. Sosipater bishop of Iconium, Origen taketh him to be that Sopater of Berroea, mētioned in the Acts of the Apostles. The 40. Lucius whom Origē taketh to be Luke. The 41. Tertius bishop of Iconium, yet Demochares & Petrus de na­talibus doe say he was b. of Meiadum, Volaterran hath none such. The 42. Erastus bi­shop of Paneas, whom Volaterran calleth Erastes, b. of Meiadum, but Demochares & Petrus de natalibus, haue none such. The 43. Phigellus whom Volaterran calleth Phile­tus & Philegus. The 44. Hermogenes. The 45. Demas. The 46. Quartus. The 47. Apollos, b. of Caesarea yet Petrus de natalibus saith it was of Connia. The 48. Cephas, who as Dorotheus gesseth was he whom Paule reprehended at Antioch, but it is a fable as it is to be sene in the censure laid downe in Eusebius pag. 15. 16. the aforesaid latine writers haue none such among the disciples. The 49. Sosthenes. The 50. Epaphroditus b. of A­driana, as Demochares saith of Andriaca. The 51. Caesar. The 52. Marcus the cosin of Barnabas. The 53. Ioseph. The 54. Artemas whom Volaterran calleth Antomas. The 55. Clemens. The 56. Onesiphorus, or Onesimus, yet by the words of Paule they should not be one. The 57. Tychicus b. of Chalcedō in Bithynia or as the former autors doe write, of Colophonia. The 58. Carpus Bishop of Berhoea, Petrus de natalibus saith of Beronia, and Volaterran saith of Cheronea. The 59. Euodius. The 60. Philemon. The 61. Ze­nas. The 62. Aquila, the aforesayde Latine writers doe remember none suche. The 63. Priscas, whome the Latines doe call Priscus. The 64. Iunias, Origen and Am­brose doe call him Iulias. The 65. Marcus otherwise called Iohn. The 66. Ari­starchus. The 67. Pudas or Pudens. The 68. Trophimus. The 69. Marke the E­uangeliste, Act. 13. 15 [...]8. 19. 20. [...]1. [...]. Cor. 16. Philip. 4. Coloss. 1. 4. [...]. Tim. 1. [...]. Tim. 4. Epist. ad [...]ilem. and the 70. Luke the Euangeliste. Besides these 70. I finde others also in holye Scripture vvorthye the notinge, namelye, Symeon Niger. Mana­hen, Iude, othervvise called Barsabas, Crispus, Alexander, one that behaued him selfe verye stoutlye at Ephesus, Secundus, Mnason of Cyprus an olde Disciple, Mercurius, Nereus, Fortunatus, Achaicus, Syntiches, Epaphras, Nymphas, Ar­chippus, Eubolus, the Eunuche Baptized of Philippe in the Actes vvhome Euse­bius calleth a Disciple, vvyth others. Other vvryters as Vincentius, and Anto­ninus haue founde out more: namelye Sauinianus, Potentianus, Altinus, Cis, Maximinus, Iohannes Senior, Aristion, Zozimus, Euphrates, Martialis, Sidonius, Lazarus, Vrsinus, Iulianus, and no maruayle, for Sayncte Paule vvitnesseth that [...]Cor. 15. Christe vvas seene after his resurrection of moe then fiue hundred brethren. These be they whom God raised vp to plant the principles of his Gospell, and the sounde [Page 519] of their feete was heard throughout the world. these be they which fedde with An­gelles, and became themselues foode for wilde beastes, they spared not their liues vnto the death, they quenched the heate of fire, they turned the edge of the sworde, they stopped the mouthes of furious beastes, they confounded the tyrants, and foy­ledde the ennemies of the truthe. I may say of them, as Cyprian speaketh of the true Christians and Martyrs, occidi poterant, sed vinci non poterant. Well they might be slaine, but it was vnpossible to ouercome them. And yet when the ennemie tri­umpheth, that at lest wise he seemeth to haue brought his purpose about, we may comfort our selues with this saying: Sanguis martyrum, semen Ecclesiae, the bloude of the Martyrs is the seede of the Churche. Christ him selfe foretolde that whosoeuer woulde be his disciple, must take vppe his crosse and followe him. These Prophets and these Apostles, and these Disciples haue done no lesse. Abel was murthered by Cain. The children of Israel were oppressed vnder Pharao. Elias was persecuted by Iezabel. The Prophet Ioath was threatned by Ieroboam, and slaine of a Lion. Zacharie the sonne of Iehoida was stoned to death. Micheas was throwne downe, and his necke broken. Amos was smitten with a clubbe on the temples of the heade, and so brai­ned. Esaias was sawed asunder in two partes with a wodden sawe. Ionas was in the whales bellie, yet hauing escaped that daunger, was he not without miserie. Ieremie was persecuted oftentimes, imprisoned very sore, throwne into the deepe dungeon where he stoode in mire vnto the eares, at length stoned to death in AEgypt. Eze­chiel was slaine at Babylon by the Duke of the people. Daniel was throwne among the hungrie Lions, yet God preserued him. The three children were throwne into the firie fornace, but the fire did them no harme. Baruch was faine to flie away to saue his life from king Ioachas handes. The Prophet Vrias was slaine with the sworde by king Ioacim. Iohn the Baptist was beheaded of Herode the Tetrarche. Steuen was sto­ned to death. Iames was beheaded by Herode Agrippa. Peter was crucified at Rome vnder Nero, with his heade downewardes. Paule was likewise beheaded at Rome vn­der Nero. Andrevv was crucified by AEgeas king of Edessa, at Pataras a Citie in A­chaia. Iames Alphaeus, that was Bishop of Ierusalem, was throwne downe from an high, and brained with a fullers clubbe. Thomas was slaine at Calamina, a Citie in India: the Painims ranne him through with a dart, the which some doe call a speare or iauelin. Philip was crucified at Hierapolis in Asia. Bartolomevv was flaine aliue in India: his skinne pulled ouer his eares, and after all, beheaded. Mathevv vvas runne through vvith a naked sworde in AEthiopia. Simon was crucified. Iude vvas slaine. Iohn was scurged, and often persecuted, it is saide that Domitian the Emperour caused him to be throwne into a tunne of hotte skalding oyle, yet tooke no harme. Matthias was knockt on the heade with an axe, and immediatly beheaded. Marke the Euangelist had a rope tied about his necke, and by that dravvne throughe the strete of Alexandria, that his flesh vvas rent in peces, the stones coloured with blud, and in the ende he vvas burned to ashes. Barnabas had a rope about his necke, and there vvith pulled to the stake and burned. This is to beare the crosse of our Sauiour, this is to drinke of one cuppe vvith Christ, this is it which S. Paule sayth: Whosoeuer liueth godly in Christ Iesu, shall suffer persecution. for through many tribulations vve haue to enter into the kingdome of heauen. This present treatise of Dorotheus hath moued me thus to vvryte, and the matter it selfe is so copious, that I can hardly holde my penne, yet I hope the reading of these briefe stories vvil not seeme tedious vnto any. As for the liues following, I would haue thee (gentle reader) to know that where Dorotheus seemed vnperfect, and to haue ouerskipped certen liues worthie [Page 520] the noting and the knowledge of the posteritie, I haue either borowed the same of some other auncient vvryter, or gathered it my selfe out of holy scripture. This is the marke to discerne the one from the other. Where anyone life is altogether of Romaine letters, the same is none of Dorotheus. If thou thinkest I haue done vvell, geue the praise to God, if in thine opinion it seeme othervvise, suspende thy sentence, and be not singuler in reprehending that, vvhich peraduenture after aduisement taken, may frendly be interpreted. Farevvell.

[Page 521]DOROTHEVS, OF THE PROPHETS, APOSTLES AND SEVENTIE DISCIPLES.

Samuell.

SAMVEL was both a Prophet, a Priest, and a iudge ouer Israel. He liued Samuel liued about the yere of the vvorld▪ 2940. afore Christ was borne 1030. yeres. 1. Reg. 1. 2. 3. 7. 8. 9. 10 13. 15. 16. 25. in the dayes of Heli, Saule and Dauid. His father was called Elkana, his mother Henna. she was of a long time barren, and praying vnto God, made a vowe that if she bare a man childe, she woulde dedicate him to the Lord all the dayes of his life. She conceaued, bare a sonne, and called his name Samuel, who being a childe was girded with a linnen Ephod, and mi­nistred vnto the Lord. All Israel knew him for the true Prophet of God, he rebuked the sinnes of the people, he exhorted them to turne vnto the Lord, he tolde Heli the high Priest, that God would plague his house. VVhen the people cried vnto him for a king, he vsed all meanes to perswade them to the contrary, and seeing they would not be answered, he tooke Saul, and anoynted him king to raigne ouer them. This Saul was a wic­ked king, and because of his impietie the Lord sent Samuel vnto him, for to tell him that his raigne should not last long, but Samuel was sorowfull, and mourned so long ouer Saul, vntill the Lord was angrie with him for it. Afterwardes God sent him to anoynt Dauid king ouer Is­rael. In the ende this Samuel waxed olde, and died in the time of Dauid king of Israel, and was buried at Rama.

Nathan.

NAthan was of Gabaon, in the time of king Dauids raigne. He instructed this king in the law of the Lord, and fore­saw that Dauid would offend with Beer­sabea. when he made speede to admonish the king, Belial staid him. for as he went, he found by the way a dead horse all bare, and because of that, continewed there a while. This Nathan died, and was buried in Gabaon his owne land.

Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, who liued Anno Dom. 401. wryteth thus of Nathan.

THe Prophet Nathan, of the house of Thock born He liued Anno mundi 3009. afore Christ was borne. 960. yeres. 2. Reg. 7. 12. 3. Reg. 1. 1. Paral. 17. Eccles. 47. in Gabath a Citie of Galilee, liued in the time of Dauid, and taught him the lawe of the Lord. he fore­saw that Dauid was too farre in loue with Bersabea, and therfore immediatly left Gabath, and gotte him towardes Ierusalem, for to staie the king from com­mitting so hainous an offence. And beholde Beliar stopt him. for when he found him dead, and lying all bare on the high way, he stayed as long as he was a buryinge of him, leste the carkasse of man shoulde vnreuerently be torne in peeces of brute beasts and rauenously deuoured. In the same night vn­derstoode Nathan that Dauid had committed that horrible offence, wherefore he mourned out of measure, and went backe againe to Gabath with great lamentation. VVhen Vrias, the husbād of Bersabea, was slaine by the procurement of Dauid, the Lord sent Nathan vnto him, that he should rebuke him sharply for his offence. Then at length Dauid remembring him selfe, was a­stonied and trembled for feare of the Lord, because he perceaued plainly that the Lorde was highly displeased with him for his adulterie. Dauid knew moreouer that the Prophet Nathan was inspired with the holy Ghost, he honoured the man and reuerenced his person as the true messenger of God. This Nathan became olde, and died, and was buried at Gabath his owne land.

Gad.

THe Prophet Gad liued in the dayes of king Dauid, and told him what he should doe when 1. Reg▪ 22. 2. Reg. 24. l. 21. he fledde from the face of Saul. After Dauid had numbred the people, he brought a mes­sage [Page 522] vnto him from the Lord, and badde him chuse of three plagues. VVhether he would haue seuen yeres hunger, or flee before the ennemie three moneths, or endure three dayes pestilence.

Ahias.

THis Ahias was of Silon, 3. Reg. 11. 14. where the tabernacle out of the Citie of Heli was. He died, was buried nighe the Oke in Silon. He is called al­so Adonias.

Epiphanius wryteth thus of Ahias.

AHias the Selonite, born in Selom, of the tribe of Iuda, where the old tabernacle of the Arke, out of Armathen, the towne of Heli the Priest was to be seene. This is that Prophet which prophecied of Salomon the sonne of Dauid, that he woulde fall from the Lord. He rebuked Ieroboam, saying, that when he came to be king, he woulde deale vnfaithfully with the Lord. He sawe in a vision a yoke of oxen destroying the people, and assaulting the priestes. He prophecied vnto Solomon, that women woulde withdrawe his minde from the Lord. This Ahias became so olde that his sight was dimme, he died not farre from the Oke in Silo, and there was buried.

Asaph.

ASaph was a fear, that is a Prophet in the time of Dauid. He appoynted him chiefe of those 1. Par. 16. 2. Par. 29. 35. that praised the Lorde in Psalmes.

Idithum.

IDithum was one of king Dauids Prophets, and appoynted by him to prophecie with harpes, 1. Par. 25. 2. Par. 35. psalteries and cymbals.

Addo.

ADdo, of some called Iddo, was a prophet in the time of Solomon, Roboam, and his sonne Abia. 2. Par. 9. 12. 13 He liued in the yere of the worlde. 3069. he di­ed afore Christ about 900. yeres. 3. Reg. 12. 2. Par. 11. 12. The doings of Solomon are said to be wrytten in his visions. he is sayde to haue wrytten the genealogie of Roboam. The maners and sayings of Abia the sonne of Roboam, are sayde to be wrytten in the storie of the prophet Iddo, which is not extant.

Semeia.

SEmeia prophecied in the dayes of Roboam king of Iuda. and whē Roboam would haue fought with Ieroboam, the word of God came vnto Semeia, saying: speake vnto Roboam the sonne of Solomon, king of Iuda, and vnto all the house of Iuda and Beniamin, and to the remnaunt of the people, ye shall not [...]ight against your brethern. &c. VVhen Roboam forsooke the lawe of the Lord, Semeia was sent vnto him with this message: Thus sayeth the Lord, ye haue left me, and therefore haue I also left you in the handes of Sesac king of Aegypt.

Ioath.

THis Ioath was of 3. Reg. 13. y land of Samaria. A Lion smote him y he died, and was bu­ried in Bethel, nighe y false prophet which deceaued him.

Epiphanius wryteth thus of Ioath, whom he calleth Ioam.

THe Prophet Ioam was of Samaria, a Lion mette him by the way, and slewe him. This is he that reprehended Ieroboam for the goldē calues he erected, that tooke away also that wicked oblation and sacrifice. VVhen Ieroboam stretched forth his hand against him, his hand was wi­thered. Immediatly after, an olde prophet deceaued this Ioam: for when he had constrained him to eate breade, and to drinke water otherwise then the Lord had commaunded Ioam, a Lion met him and killed him, without any harme done to his asse. He was buried in Bether, harde by this olde false prophet. VVhen that shortly after this false prophet died, he requested of the priests he might be buried where Ioam was laide, because he had deceaued him, and that either of them was to receaue at the resurrection, according vnto their doings. VVherefore they were both laide in one sepulchre.

Oded.

ODed the prophet, and father of Azarias the prophet, liued very long vnto the time of Achas 2. Par. 15. king of Iuda. his abiding was in Samaria. when the host of the king of Israel had taken great spoile, and made great slaughter of the tribe of Iuda, Oded the prophet went forth before the host that came to Samaria, and sayd vnto them. Beholde, because the Lord God of your fa­thers 2. Par. 28. is wroth with Iuda, he hath deliuered them into your hand, and ye haue slaine them with crueltie that reacheth vp to heauen. And nowe ye purpose to keepe vnder the children of Iuda and Ierusalem, and to make them bondmen and bondwomen: and doe ye not lade your selues with sinne in the sight of the Lord your God? now heare me therefore, and deliuer the captiues againe, which ye haue taken of your brethren, for els shall the great wrath of God be vpon you.

Azarias.

THis Azarias was of Synatha & put away frō Israel the cap­tiuity of Iuda. he died & was bu­ried in his owne countrie.

Epiphanius writeth thus of Azarias.

AZarias the prophet was of the house & linage of Sympha­ta. He liued in the time of Ala king of Iuda. 2. para­lip. 15. this is he that took away by his prayers the captiuitie that was threatned in Ierusalē to light vpon Iuda. he prophe­cied somewhat of the comming of the Lord. he rested in the Lord in his owne countrey, where he was also buried.

Hanani.

THe prophet Hanani prophecied in the daies of Asa, king of Iuda. when Asa for fear of Baasa 2. Paralip. 16. king of Israel ioyned in league with Benhadab king of Syria, Hanani the prophet came to A­sa and said vnto him. because thou hast trusted in the king of Syria, & not rather put thy trust in the Lord thy God. therfore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand, had not the Aethiopians & Lubin an exceeding great host with many chariots & horsemen? and yet because thou didest trust in the Lord, he deliuered them into thine hand. for the eies of the Lord behold all the earth, to strengthen them that are of perfect heart toward him: herein thou hast done fo­lishly, & therefore from henceforth thou shalt haue war. & so Asa was wroth with the prophet, and clapt him in prison, for he was displeased with him because of his prophecie.

Iehu.

IEhu the son of Hanani the prophet, liued in the daies of Iosaphat king of Iuda. he prophecied a­gainst 3. Reg. 16▪ 2. Par lip. 1 [...] 20. He liued Anno mundi. 3134 afore Chris [...] about 840▪ yeres. Baasa king of Israel, that god wold root him out with al his posterity, for murthering of Nadab the sonne of Ieroboam. when Iosaphat tooke part with Achab king of Israel against the king of Syria. Iehu went forth to meete him & saide vnto him. wouldest thou helpe the vngodly & loue them that hate the Lord? therfore is wrath come downe vpon thee frō before the Lord. neuertheles there are some good acts founde in thee, in that thou hast hewen downe the groues out of the land, & hast prepared thine heart to seek God. this Iehu is said to haue noted the acts of Iosaphat in the book of the kings of Iuda.

Iehaziel.

IEhaziel prophecied in the daies of Iosaphat king of Iuda. when all Iuda stood in great feare of 2. Paralip. [...] the host & multitude of enemies that came against them, the spirit of the Lord came vpon Ie­haziel in the mids of the congregation, & he said: hearken al Iuda & ye inhabitors of Ierusalem, & thou king Iosaphat, thus saith the Lord vnto you. be not affraid, nor faint hearted by reason of this great multitude: for the battel is not yours but Gods. to morow go ye'downe against them, behold they come vp by the clift of Ziz, and ye shall finde them at the end of the brooke before the wildernes of Ieruel, ye shal not neede to fight in this battel, but step forth & stande, and be­hold the helpe of the Lord which is with you. feare not, nor let your hearts faile you, O ye of Iu­da and of Ierusalem, to morow go out against them for the Lorde will be with you. when they came to the enemies they found them all dead karkasses.

Eliezer.

ELiezer prophecied vnder Iosaphat king of Iuda. After that Iosaphat ioyned him selfe with A­hazia 2. Paralip. 20. king of Israel, whose minde was to doe wickedly and together with him to prouide a Nauie to saile into Tarsis: Eliezer prophecied against Iosaphat saying. because thou hast ioy­ned thy selfe with Ahazia, the Lord hath broken thy workes. And the shippes were broken, that they were not able to go to Tarsis.

Elias.

THis Elias was the first man y t shewed men the way to heauen, he was the first man y t shewed the Elias liued Anno mundi 31 [...]. and was transla­ted afore Christ about 850. yeres. way to be one for men & angels. He dwelling somtimes vpō earth entred also into the heauens, being mortal. herein the world had his conuersatiō with immortal creatures, he which walked vp­on earth, liueth now like a spirit with the angels in heauen: this is he y gaue his spirit to rest duble vpon his disciple Elisseus, this is he though he continue a man, yet waxeth he not old, this is he that is reserued for a captaine of war against Antichrist, this is he that will withstand him and rebuke his pride & falshood, this is he that in the end of the world wil turne al men from his lying & deceit vnto God, this is he y t receaued the gift of God to be the forerunner of the second & glorious com­ming of the Lord. although his seruice was among the basest sort, yet is he now in company with the angels. he was a Thesbit of Arrhabia, of the tribe of Aaron, his dwelling was in Galaad. for Thesbis was an habitation dedicated vnto priests. afore his mother was deliuered of him, his father saw in a vision the angels saluting of him all in white, wrapping him with flames of fire as [Page 524] it were swathing bandes, and nourishing him with fire, as it had bene vsuall foode or pappe. To Ierusalem he went and tolde his vision, aunswer was made he should not feare his dreame at all, for it would come to passe that▪ the childe his wife was great of, should dwell in great light, that what so euer he sayd should be of great force, and that he should iudge Israel with sword and fire.

Zacharie the sonne of Iehoida.

ZAcharie the sonne of Iehoida, Prophecied in the time of Ioas king of Iuda. when the tribe of 2. Paral. 24. Iuda serued groues and Idolles, the wrathe of God came vpon them for their trespasses. He sent Prophets vnto them to bring them againe vnto the Lord, but they would not heare. The spi­rite of God came vpon Zacharia, the sonne of Iehoida the Priest, and he sayde vnto them. Thus sayeth God, why transgresse ye the commaundemēts of the Lord, that ye can not prosper? because ye haue forsaken the Lord, he hath also forsaken you. and they conspired against him, and stoned him with stones at the commaundement of the king, euen in the court of the house of the Lord.

Elissaeus.

ELissaeus was of Abelbuel, the lande of Rubim. And because of him there came a straunge thing Eliss [...]us died about. 750. yeres afore Christ was borne. to passe. What time he was borne in Gargalis, the golden cowe in Selom bellowed so lowd y she was heard at Ierusalē. Herevpon a certen Prophet said: there is borne in Ierusalem a prophet, which shall ouerthrow their carued Images & molten Idols. He died and was buried in Samaria.

Osee.

OSee the Prophet, spake by diuine inspiration of our Lord Christ in this sort. In theyr ad­uersitie He liued An­no mundi 3286 & died before Christ about. 630. yeres. Osee. cap 6. 1. Cor. 15. they shall early seeke me, saying. Come, let vs turne againe vnto the Lorde, for he hathe smitten vs, and he shall heale vs, he hath wounded vs, and he shall binde vs vp againe. Af­ter two dayes shall he quicken vs in the thirde day, he shall raise vs vp, and then shall we haue vn­derstanding. &c. It was by occasion of this Prophecie that S. Paule sayd to the Corinthians. I haue deliuered vnto you first of all that which receaued, howe that Christ died for our sinnes agreeing to the scriptures. and that he was buried, and that he rose againe according vnto the Scriptures. For this it is that the Prophet sayth here, and the third day he shall raise vs vp. there can no more be founde in any other place of the thirde day throughout the olde Testament. A­gaine this Prophet wryteth that which may be applied vnto our Lord Christ, my flesh is of thē ▪ Againe. Ephraim compassed me about with lies, and the house of Israel with deceite, but Iu­de Osee. 11. yet ruleth with God, and is faithfull with the sainctes. Because the Lord Christ is sayde to haue come of this tribe, therefore sayeth he that this tribe of Iuda is faithfull with the sainctes. Againe in the same Prophet. I will redeme them from the power of the graue, and deliuer them Osee. 13. 1. Cor. 15. from death. ô death where is thy victorie, ô hell where is thy sting. S. Paul reasoning of the re­surrection, alleaged this Prophecie. This Osee was of Belemoth, of the tribe of Isachar, and was buried in peace in his owne countrey.

Abdias.

THe grace of God gaue vnto this Prophet power and knowledge to speake of the mysterie of Christ. for thus he sayeth. The day of the Lord is neere vpon all the Heathen. This Prophe­cie seemeth as if it had bene spoken against the Scythians, that is, against Gog and Magog, yet is it more certen and more properly applied to the Lord Christ. a litle after he sayeth. Vpon mount Sion there shalbe deliueraunce. This Abdias was of Sychem, and the towne Bethacharam, he was the disciple of Elias, and hauing endured great vexation for his sake, yet was he preserued. He was the thirde of the fiftie sonnes of the prophets whom Elias pardoned. He went vnto Ocho­ [...]as. and afterwardes left his kings seruice, and gaue him selfe to the gift of Prophecie. He dyed and was buried with his fathers.

Micheas.

MIcheas was also endued from aboue, that he Prophecied of the coming of our Lord Christ in this sorte. And thou Bethlem Ephrata, art not the lest among the thousandes of Iuda. Out of Mich. cap. 5. thee shall he come forth vnto me which shalbe the gouernour in Israel, whose outgoing hathe ben from the beginning, and from euerlasting. This was the Prophecie which the high priests & scribes of the Iewes brought forth, when as after Herode had demaunded of them where Christ should be borne, they said: In Bethlehem. Herevpon Herode sent the wise men into Bethlehem. A­gaine Math. 2. Mich. 7. sayth the Prophet. He shall turne againe and be mercifull vnto vs, he shall put downe our wickednesses, & cast all our sinnes into the bottom of the sea. He wil perform to Iacob the truth, and mercy to Abraham, as he swore vnto our fathers in old time. This Micheas was of Marathi▪ [Page 525] of the tribe of Ephraim, and after he had much ado with Achab, Ioram his sonne threw him downe for to breake his necke, because he had rebuked him for the sinnes of his fathers. He was buried in his owne land, in the common buriall in Ephraim.

Amos.

AMos was the father of the prophet Esay, God gaue him of his spirite to prophecie of Christes Amos. 4. Cap. 9. comming in this sort. For beholde I frame the thunder, and create the winde, reuealing my Christ among men. Again, In that day wil I raise vp the tabernacle of Dauid that is falne down, and close vp the breaches therof, and I will raise vp his ruines, and I wil build it as in the dayes of old. that they may seeke the Lord which are the remnant of men, & all the heathen vpon whom my name is called, sayth the Lord which doth this. Iames made mention of this Prophecie in the Act. 15. Acts of the Apostles. This Amos was of Thecna. Armasias king of Iuda persecuted him very oft chastized him many times, at length the sonne of Amasias tooke him with a clubbe on the temples of the head, and killed him. while as yet he drew breath after his wound, they brought him to his owne countrey, and within two dayes after he died, and was there also buried.

Esaias.

THis great Prophet Esay, the sonne of Amos foresaw in a figure the mysterie of Christ when Esay was be­fore the in­carnation of Christ about 600. yeres. Esay. 6. he sawe the Lord sitting vpon an high and glorious seate, where (sayeth he) the Seraphines stoode about him, whereof one hadde sixe wings, and an other hadde sixe wings, wherewith they couered their faces, and cried one to the other in this maner. Holy, holy, holy is the Lorde of hostes, the whole earth is full of his glory. Then was there one of the Seraphins sent, which tooke of the altar an hotte cole with the tongs, and touched his lips, saying: this taketh away thine vn­righteousnes. He was so fully instructed by the vision he sawe, and perswaded of the type and fi­gure, that he foreshewed the mysterie of Christ. Againe, he was so endued with grace from aboue, that he prophecied of the mysterie of Christes passion in this sort. He was ledde as a sheepe to be Esay. 53. slaine, yet was he as still as a Lambe before the sherer, and opened not his mouth. The Eunuche of Ethiopia, reading this Prophecie, requested Philip to expound it vnto him, who immediatly de­clared Act. 8. that the Prophet had said this most truely of Christ our Lord. againe he saith. He is suche a man as hath good experience of sorowes and infirmities. And againe. He did none euil, neither was there guile found in his mouth, yet the Lord will clense him of his wound, and shewe light vnto him. Againe. Thus sayth the Lord: Behold I lay in Sion for a foundation a stone, euen a tri­ed Esay. 28. 1. Pet. 2. Esay. 61. Luke. 4. stone, a precious corner stone, a sure foundation. and who so beleeueth on him shall not be confounded. Againe. The spirite of the Lord is vpon me, therefore hath he anoynted me. &c. When the Lord readd this in the synagogue on the Sabaoth, he sayd. Verely I say vnto you, this day is this scripture fulfilled in your eares. This Esay was of Ierusalem. He died at Ierusalem vn­der king Manasses, being sawed a sunder in two partes, and was buried vnder the Oke, nighe the The martyr dom of Esay. well of Rogel, hard by the place where the waters ranne which king Ezechias dammed vp. It was by this Prophet that God wrought the monument, and memoriall of the place called Siloam, for when breath failed him before death came, he called for a litle water to drinke, which was imme­diatly sent vnto him out of this brooke, & therfore the place is called Siloam, which is by interpre­tatiō as much to say as sent. In y time of Ezechias before this lake or pond was made, there came VVhen the Iewes came for water, it ranne, when their enne­mies were a thirst, and sought it, it woulde not runne. The prayers of Esay while he liued, wer auaileable before and after his death. out a litle water at y prayer of Esay. for the people were then in the plaine coūtreys of y Moabites, who were aliens. and left y citie perished through want of water (for the enemies enquired where they might drinke, the Citie being beset, they besieged also the brooke Siloam which was drie vn­to them) there came forth water when the Iewes prayed together with Esay. Therefore it runneth continewally after a secret sort vnto this day for to reueale this great myracle. And because this was done by Esay, the Iewes for memorial therof, buried him with great care and honor nigh Silo­am, that by his holy prayers they might in like sort enioy the benefite of this water after his de­parture out of this world. for he had an aunswere from aboue to doe as he did. His sepulchre is nighe where the kings are buried, behinde the buriall of the Iewes, towardes the Southe. Solomon builded the tumbe of Dauid vnto the East of mount Sin [...], hauing an entraunce to goe in from the way which cometh out of Gabaon, out of the Citie about a twentie furlongs. He made it so croo­ked and so awrie, that it can hardly be perceaued, so that many Priestes, and in maner the whole nation of the Iewes coulde not vnto this day finde the way that goeth in. King Solomon had laide vp there, golde that came out of Aethiopia and spice. And because Ezechias shewed and dishonored the bones of his fathers, therefore God badde him assure him selfe it woulde come to passe that [Page 526] his seede should serue his ennemies, and he made him baren and frutelesse from that day forth.

Ioel.

GOd gaue of his spirite vnto the Prophet Ioel, that he foreshewed the mysterie of Christ. For Ioel. 2. he sayeth. And it shall be in the last dayes sayth the Lorde. Of my spirite I will poure out vpon all flesh: your sonnes & your daughters shall prophecie: your yong nien shall see visions, and your old men shall dreame dreames. On my seruauntes & on my handmaidēs I vvill poure out of my spirit in those dayes, and they shal prophecie. I wil shew wonders in heauen aboue, & tokens in the earth beneath, bloud & fire, and the vapour of smoke: the sunne shalbe turned in­to darknes, and the Moone into bloud, before that great & notable day of the Lord come. And it shall come to passe, that whosoeuer shal cal vpon the name of the Lord shalbe saued. S. Peter rehearsed this Prophecie in the Acts of the Apostles, that it was euen then fulfilled whē as the ho­ly Act. 2. Ghost came downe from heauen and rested vpon the Apostles on the day of Pentecost. This Ioel was a neighbour vnto the citie Bethomeron in Rubim, where he died, & was also buried in peace.

Ionas.

IOnas hath not barely in word, but truely in deede foreshewed the mysterie of our sauiours resur­rection. For Christ sayth in the gospell: Euen as Ionas was three dayes and three nightes in the bellie of the whale, so shall the sonne of man be three dayes and three nights in the bowelles of the earth. Euen as the whale cast vp Ionas vncorrupt, so hathe the sepulchre restored the Lorde to the better life. This Ionas was of Cariathmaus, nigh Azotus, a Citie lying on the sea coaste to­wardes the Gentiles. After he came out of the whales bellie, and taken his way to the Citie of Niniue, he taried not in that lande, but tooke his mother, and so [...]orned in Assur a foraine soyle. He thought with him selfe, by this meanes I shall take away the infamie which I haue purchased vn­to my selfe by prophecying falsely against the Citie of Niniue. Elias hauing propheried in those The widowe of Sa [...]ep [...]a was the mo­ther of Ionas and he him selfe was the childe that Elias raised from death to life, so sayth Epi­phanius. dayes against the house of Achaab, and called for famine to light vpon the earth, fledd away, and being come to a widowe which had a childe, he taried there (for he coulde not abide among the vn­circumcized) & blessed her. When Ionas died, God raised him to lif by Elias, for he would haue him then know that he coulde not flie from the hand and power of God. After the famine was ended, Ionas left that countrey, and gotte him to the land of Iuda, and when his mother died by the way, he buried her by mount Libanus. He died also him self in Saar, and was buried in the caue of Cen­zeum, who had bene made iudge ouer one tribe in his countrey, what time the lande wanted a Prince. This Prophet gaue straunge tokens vnto Ierusalem and the whole land. to witte, a stone crying very lamentably that the end was at hande. that when Ierusalem were troden and frequen­ted of all nations, then the Citie should be destroyed.

Sophonias.

SOphonie was also thought worthy to prophecie of y Lord Iesus Christ. For thus he saith: the lord Sophon. 2. shalbe terrible vnto them, & destroy all the gods in the land, & al the isles of the heathen shal worship him euery man in his place. And again. I wil clense the lips of the people that they may Sophon. 3. euery one cal vpon the name of the Lord, & serue him vnder one yoke. from beyōd the riuers of Aethiopia will I take my dispersed, and they shall bring me an offering. And againe. Reioyce O daughter Sion, be ioyful o Israel, reioyce and be glad from thy whole heart o daughter Ierusalem, for the Lord hath wiped away thy vnrighteousnes, he hath redemed thee from the hand of thine enemies, the Lord him selfe wil raigne in the middest of thee, so that thou shalt no more see any mischiefe befall vnto thee. These things do properly appertaine vnto the Lord Iesus Christ. This Sophonias was of the tribe of Simeon, and the lande Sabarthatha. He prophecied of the Citie, the ende of Israel, and confusion of the wicked. He died and was buried in his owne land.

Ieremie.

IEremie receaued grace from aboue, to prophecie of the mysterie of Christ. For he sayeth. And Ieremie was before the incarnation about. 510. yeres. Math. 27. they tooke thirtie peeces of siluer, the price of him that was valewed, whom they bought of the children of Israel, and gaue them for the potters fielde as the Lorde appoynted me. Mathew remembred this prophecie in the gospell, as then fulfilled in the passion of Christ. Againe sayeth the same prophet. Behold, the dayes will come saith the Lord, and I will make a new couenaunt with the house of Israel, & the house of Iuda, not such a couenant as I made with their fathers, what time I brought them with a mightye arme out of Aegypt. For they kept not my couenant, and therfore I haue despised thē saith the Lord, but this is the couenant which I will make with the house of Israel. After those dayes sayeth the Lorde, I will set my lawes in their mindes, and [Page 527] I will write them in their hearts, and I wil be their God, and they shall be my people neither shal euery one then teach his brother, or his neighbour saying: knowe the Lord. for euery one shall know him from the lowest to the highest. because I will haue mercie on their iniquities & their sinnes will I remēber no more. S. Paule writing to the Romains put them in remembrance of this The martyr­dome of Ie­remy, he was very oft per­secuted by Ioachas the sonne of Io­sias, and im­prisoned by Sedechias before his going into Aegypt. Ierem. 36. 37 38. Dorotheus talked with some of the posteritie [...] Antigonus. A propheci [...] of the birth of Christ, [...] the ouer­throw of a Idols. A custome i [...] A Egypt to worship a virgine and an infant. This Arke was a cosse [...] made by M [...] ses in the d [...] sert. 5. cubi in length 3. in bread [...] therein we [...] put the table of the olde law, the ro [...] of Moses part of Ma [...] na. 2. Paralip. 3▪ 4. Reg. 22. prophecie. This Ieremy was of Anathoth, the people stoned him at Taphnis in Aegypt, and so he dyed and lyeth buried there where Pharaos pallace stoode. The Aegyptians beinge greatlye bene­fited by him, did him that honor. For he had prayed for them when certayne Adders and beastes that were bred in the water molested them sore, such as the Aegyptians called Menephoth, and the Grecians, Crocodils. And at this day also the faithful thereabouts do praye in that place, & take vp duste from thence for to cure suche as are hurte of those beastes. Manye of them also doe vse therewyth to chase away these venemous creatures into other waters. We our selues haue learned of some that were of the line of Antigonus and Ptolomaeus, auncient and elderlye men, that Alexander king of Macedonia, comming vnto that place where the Prophet was buried, and hearing of the misteries therof, translated his tumbe & reliques into Alexandria, placed them there with great pompe & glory on euery side, & so that kinde of serpent was banished that land also, and that water in like sort. thus were the serpents whom they call Argolai, that is Lisards put away, being brought out of Peloponnesus, so that the people there are called Argolai, that is lasy loubers. their speach is nice & fine, but altogether infortunate. This Ieremy gaue the priests in Aegypt, war­ning that their Idols must be broken and throwen to the grounde by a sauiour, that was a babe that shoulde be borne of a virgine and layde in a Manger. And therefore at this day they sette a virgine in bed, and an infant in a Manger, and adore them. And when as of old, king Prolomaeus de­maunded of them why they did so, their aunswere was that their auncestors had deliuered them that mystery, and receaued it of the holy prophet. before the temple was taken this prophet tooke out the Arke of couenant & all that was laid vp therin, and hid it in a certen rocke, saying vnto such as were present. The Lord from Sinai is gone vp into heauen, & againe the lawgeuer shall come out of Sion with great power, and the signe of his comming shalbe vnto you when all nations shal honor a tree. he said moreouer, no man shall take away that Arke except Aaron, and no man shall see the tables laide vp therein, be he priest or be he Prophet, except Moses the chosen of God. And at the resurrection the Arke shall firste rise and come forth out of the rocke, and it shall be layde on mount Sina, and thither vnto it will all the Saincts assemble together lookinge for the Lord, and flying from the enemy which would haue destroyed them comming vnto this rocke. he sealed vp this Arke with his finger writing thereon the name of God, the forme of it was like the ingrauing of iron, and a light cloud ouer shadowed and couered the name of God, neither knew any man this place, neither could any man reade the sealinge vnto this day, neither shall vnto the end. This rock is in the desert where y Arke was made at the first, betwene two mountains where Mo­ses & Aaron lie buried. And in the night time a cloude muche like fire couereth this place euen as it did of olde. The glory of God can neuer be awaye from the name of God. Therefore God gaue vnto Ieremy the grace that he should finish his mystery, & become companion with Moses & Aaron who are ioyned together vnto this day. For Ieremy came of the line of the priests.

Hulda.

HVLDA a prophetesse, the wife of Sallum dwelled in Ierusalem in the time of Iosias. The king sent Helkia the priest with many others vnto her for to vnderstand what the will of the Lord was toutchinge their doings. she aunswered in this sort. Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, tell ye the man that sent you vnto me. Euen thus saith the Lorde, beholde I will bringe euell vpon this place and vpon the inhabiters thereof, euen all the curses that are written in the booke which they haue read before the king of Iuda: because they haue forsaken me and haue offered vnto other gods to anger me with, all manner workes of their hands: therefore is my wrath set on fire against this place and shal not be quēched. And as for the king of Iuda which sent you to enquire of the Lord, so shall ye say vnto him. thus saith the Lorde God of Israel, concerning the words which thou hast heard, because thine heart did melt, and thou didst humble thy selfe be­fore God whē thou heardest his words against this place, & against the inhabiters, & humbledst thy self before me, & cariedst thy clothes & didst weep before me: I haue heard it also saith the lord. behold I wil take thee to thy fathers, & thou shalt be put in thy graue in peace, & thine eies shall not see all the mischiefe that I will bringe vpon this place, and vpon the inhabiters of the same.

Naum.

GOd endued Naum with his spirit that he prophecied of the resurrection of our Lorde Christ. Keepe thy festiuall dayes O Iuda, pay thy vowes vnto the Lord, for the wicked shal passe no more through thee, the wicked is vtterly cut of, he that rid thee out of trouble, riseth vp, brea­thing in thy face. This Naum was of El [...]esis. ouer Bethabara and of the tribe of Symeon. After Io­nas he prophecied straungely of Niniue, that they shoulde all be destroyed by sweete waters and fire vnder grounde, whiche came so to passe. for the meare or lake which compasseth the citie, at a certen earthquake, drowned and destroyed all, and fire that came out of the desert consumed the vp­per part of the citie. This Naum died in peace, and was buried in his owne land.

Abacuk.

Abacuk. 1. Act. 13. An Angel tooke Aba­cuk by the he [...]e of the head as he had meate & [...]ottag [...] in his hand, and caried him into Babylon where Dani­el the pro­phet was in the dungeon among Ly­ons: after he had sed and relieued Da­niel, the An­gell ca [...]ed him home the same day. Dan. 14.THe spirit of God came vpon Abacuk that he prophecied of the resurrection of Christe, his wordes are these. Beholde ye despisers, and wonder, and perishe ye▪ for I doe a worke in your dayes, a worke whiche ye shall not belieue though a man declare it you. S. Paule applyed this prophecy very well at Antioch in Pisidia, to haue bene spoken of the resurrection of our Lord Iesus Christ. This Abacuk was of the tribe of Simeon, and the land Bithicuchar. he foresaw the ta­king of Ierusalem before the captiuity, and therefore lamented greatly. And when Nabuchodono­sor came vp against Ierusalem, he fled into Ostracina, and dwelled in y e land of the Ismaelites. whē as such captiues as were in Chaldaea returned againe, & such as were left in Ierusalē went downe to Aegypt, he dwelled in his owne land. And when on a certen time he ministred foode vnto y rea­pers of his land, & took po [...]tage▪ he prophecied vnto his seruants saying▪ I will go into a far coun­try but I will returne quickly againe. [...]f ye see y t I tary to long, geue you vnto y e reapers their mea [...]. when he had bene in Babylon & geuen y prophet Daniel his dinner, immediatly he was by the rea­pers as they sate at meat, neither made he them priuie to any thing y t was done. he knew y the peo­ple would shortly returne out of Babylon▪ & two yeares before their returne he dyed & was buryed in his owne land he prophecied also of the destruction of the temple, that a nation should come out of the west & destroy it. then (saith he) the Cipres silke robe of the inner temple shalbe set abrode & the pinacles of the two pillours shalbe taken away, & no man shall know where they shalbe laide. they shalbe caried by an Angell into the desert, where the Arke of couenant went at the first. And about the end the Lord shalbe knowen in them, and he will lighten them that sit in darkenes, and suffred persecution of the serpent as he did from the beginning.

Ezechiel.

THis Ezechiel prophecied in Babylon & was endued with grace from aboue, to prophecie of the Ezechiel was [...]ore the in­ [...]ion a­bout 500. yeres. mystery of Christ. for he saith▪ I will deliuer them out of all their trouble and iniquities, and I will clense them, and they shalbe my people and I will be their God▪ As formy se ruant▪ Dauid he shalbe a prince in the middest of them▪ and there shalbe one sheperde ouer them all. for they will walke in my commaundements And againe. These waters flowe [...] out into the sea, tovv­ards the east, and runne dovvne into Arabia, and come into the sea comming thither, the vvater Ezech. 47. shalbe wholsome. yea it will come to passe that all which liue and moue where this riuer com­meth The martyr­dome of [...] ­ [...]c [...]l. shalbe preserued. This Ezechiel was of the countrey Sarira & the line of priests▪ he dyed in Chaldaea in the time of the captiuity, after he had prophecied very muche vnto the inhabitants of Iudaea, the Duke of the people of Israel slewe him at Babylon, because he reproued him of I [...]la­trye, and the people buried him in the fielde Maur, in the sepulchre of Sem and Arphaxad, the progenitors of Abraham. that monument is a duble caue. for Abraham built in Chebron a se­pulchre vnto Sara after that fashion. It is called duble, because it is made of turninges and win­dinges, standinge vpon the playne grounde, yet hanginge in a certaine rocke. He gaue the peo­ple a straunge token, that they should note when y riuer Chobat dried vp, then perswade thēselues that the hook or sieth of destruction was at hand, euen to the bounds of the earth, againe when it o­uerflowed the city of Ierusalem, y their returne was at hand. for the holy Prophet dwelled at that riuer. and thither it was that many resorted vnto him. It fell out that when there was a great mul­titude of people about him, y Chaldaeans stood in great fears of y Hebrews lest they molested thē, & when they set vpon them for to slay thē, the prophet caused the water of y e riuer to deuide itself, & to geue them passage to flie vnto the further banke, & that as many of the Chaldaeans as putsued after them y fled should be drowned. The same prophet praied vnto God in the time of scarsity and dearth, & in so doing procured vnto the people great store of fish, & againe when many of them died he en reated the Lord for them, that they were restored to life. when the people was in maner de­stroyed, he wrought such wonderfull miracles y he discouraged their enemies, and that God smote [Page 529] them from aboue. when the people saide vnto him, we perishe, there remaineth no hope for vs, he Ezech. 38. perswaded them by prophecying of dead bones that there was comfort inough left for Israel, both for the present, and for the time to come. This Prophet Iudged Israel, and shewed what shoulde become both of Ierusalem and the Temple. He was taken from Babylon that he came to Ieru­salem He was cari­ed to Ierusa­lem in a vi­sion. the same houre to rebuke suche as beleeued not in God. This Prophet sawe euen as Moses did before him, the fygure of the Temple, the Wall, and what was thereabout, and the gate through the whiche the Lorde was to enter in, and toe goe out, and that it woulde come to passe that the same gate woulde be shut, and that all nations shoulde put their trust in the Lorde. In Babylon he iudged the tribe of Dan, and of Gad, because they wrought wickednes in the sight of the Lord, in persecuting them that kept the [...]awe, and he gaue them a terrible token, for Ad­ders destroyed their children, and all their cattell for their sinne and iniquitye. He prophecyed also that for their sakes the people shoulde not returne vnto their owne countrey, but shoulde re­mayne in Media vntill they had repented them. One of these was he that slewe this Prophet.

Daniel.

THe prophet Daniel prophecied in Babylon, and was accepted of, as one that was fit to prophe­cy Daniel liued afore the in­carnation of Christ about 500. yeres. Daniel. 9. of Christ. Know therefore & vnderstand (saith he) that frō the going forth of the cōmaun­dement to bring againe the people, and to build Ierusalem vnto Messias the prince, there shalbe seuen weeks and threescore & two weekes &c. Againe in an other place. There vvas a s [...]one cut vvithout hands, & the stone smote the image, it became also a great mountaine and filled the vvhol earth. Againe. And behold, there came one in the clouds of heauen like the sonne of man vvhich vvent vnto the auncient of dayes, & vnto him there vvas geuen honor & povver, wyth o­ther things that ther are laide downe. This Daniel was of the tribe of Iudah, a noble man borne, being a yong childe he was led into captiuity out of Iudaea, into the land of the Chaldees: he was in the vpper Betheron, & so chas [...] [...] man that the Ievves thought he had bene gelded. he bewayled verye muche both the people and the holye citie Ierusalem. He brought him selfe verye Iowe, and weake by fastinge and abstayninge from delicate foode, feedynge vpon the fruite of the earth. In forme of bodye he was drye and leaue, but in the fauour of God he was moyste and of good likinge. At the request of Balthasar the kings sonne, this prophet prayed very much for king Nabuchodonosor, who was transformed into the figure of a monstrous beast, that his father should not be cast away. In the fore partes, and the heade he was like an Oxe, the hinder partes with the feete resembled the Lyon, his heares were as Egles feathers, and his nayles lyke byrdes [...] ▪ It was reuealed vnto this holye man that the Kinge for his brutishe sensualitye and stif­neckednesse▪ shoulde be transformed into a beaste. That is to saye, he shoulde be made subiecte vnto Belial lyke an Oxe vnder yoke, and resemble a Lyon for his raueninge, tyrannye and cru­eltye. These are the propertyes of Potentates in their youth, vntill at length they are become bruite beasts, rauening, slaying, practising tyrauny and all kinde of impie [...]y, and in the end they re­ceaue of the iust iudgment of God, the reward of their wickednes. The spirit of God gaue this ho­ly man to vnderstand that like an Oxe he woulde [...]eede vpon hay which was his food. Wherefore Nabuchodonosor after he had digested this meate, he recouered the sense and vnderstandinge of Daniel. 5. man, he wept, he made supplication vnto the Lord day & night, he prayed vnto y e Lord forty times. And being come vnto him self, yet forgate he that he had bene made a man. The vse of his tongue was taken away that he could not speak, and vnderstanding of that, immediatly he fel a mourning. His eyes by reason of his continuall lamentation gaue forth a dead look. Many went out of y e citie to see him, yet only Daniel would not go. for al▪ y while he was so transformed Daniel ceassed not to pray for him his saying was, he wil become a man again, & thē wil I see him, but they gaue no cre­dit vnto his words. Daniel by praying vnto y most highest brought to passe y t the seuen years whō he called seuen times, were turned into seuen moneths, & that y e mystery of y e seuen times should in thē be finished. within y space of [...]enen m [...]eths he was restored vnto him selfe, y e sixe yeares y t were behind, & the fiue moneths he prostrated him self before the Lord, confessing his sinnes, & iniquity. And when he had obtained remission of sinne, he gaue his kingdome vnto y e prophet, he eat neither bread neither flesh, nor dronk wine, but cōfessed his sinnes vnto y e lord. For Daniel had cōmaunded him to feed vpō pulse & herbs, & so to please y e Lord▪ wherfore he called Daniel Balthasar & would haue made him cahere w t his sonnes▪ but as toutching the kingdome, the holy prophet would none of it, his aunswere was, be fauourable vnto me O Lorde, that I forsake not the inheritance of my fathers, and become heire vnto the vncircumcised. He wrought many straunge wonders in the [Page 530] presence of the other kings of Persia whiche are not written. Daniel dyed in Chaldaea, and was Epiphanius writeth of this prophe­cie without any great differēce be­tweene Do­rotheus and him. Ierem. 36. 45. Baruch. 1. honorably buried alone in a princely sepulchre. he gaue a terrible token as toutchinge the moun­taines ouer Babylon saying. When ye see them smoke of the North side, the destruction of Baby­lon is at hand. When ye see them burne, then the whole worlde is nigh to an ende. If out of these mountaines in time of calamitie, there shall flowe out water, then the people shall returne into their owne lande, if blood doe runne out, there will be greate slaughter throughout the worlde. After all, this holy man of God rested in peace.

Baruch.

BAruch liued in the time of the prophet Ieremy, he was his scribe. he wrote out of Ieremies mouth & read it before Ioachas the sonne of Iosias king of Iuda, & after he had read it he was faine to flye awaye and hide him selfe together wyth Ieremy, for the booke was burned. It appeareth after this [...]light he was verye timorous, God sent Ieremye to reproue him for it. Beinge ledde captiue into Babylon, when Ieremye went downe to Aegypt he wrote that booke which beareth his name, the which was sent from thence to Ierusalem to be read in the temple vpon high dayes.

Ʋrias.

VRias was of Cariath-iarim, the sonne of Semei, he prophecied against the citie of Ierusalem, Ierem. 26. and the whole lande of ludaea euen as Ieremye did. Ioacim the sonne of Iosias kinge of Iuda sought to kill him therefore. Ʋrias hearing of it was very much affraide, fled away, and got him into Aegypt. but king Ioacim sent mē after Ʋrias which brought him out of Aegypt, so that in the end king Ioacim smote Vrias with the sworde and killed him and threwe his carkasse where the common sort of people were buried.

Aggaeus.

Ioh. 6. Epiphanius sayth, he first at that time songe Alelu­ [...] & Amen. the which was after­wardes retai­ned in the church be­inge the hymne of Aggaeus & Za­charie. Zachar. 9. 13. AGgaeus was endued with grace from aboue to prophecy of the Lord Christ, & vnder the person of Zorobabel he spake that which agreeth with the Lord Christ, that is to say: I wil make thee as a signe [...], for I haue chosen thee saith the Lord of hosts. euen as Iohn the Euangelist speaking of the sonne of man saith: for him hath God sealed. This Aggaeus being a yong man came from Ba­bylon to Ierusalem, and prophecied very plainly of the returne of the people, and as toutching the temple, he saw with his eyes the buylding againe of it. he dyed and was buried nigh the sepulchres of the priests, with the accustomed honor done at the buriall of priests.

Zacharias.

THe spirit of God came vpon Zachary y he prophecied of the cōming of Christ. for he saith. Re­ioyce thou greatly O daughter Sion, be glad O daughter Ierusalem, for lo, thy king cōmeth vnto thee euen the righteous & sauiour, lowly & simple is he, riding vpon an Asse, and vpon the foale of an Asse. Litterally he spake this prophecy of Zorobabel▪ but y e trueth of it in the end tooke place in y e Lord Iesus Christ. Againe he writeth. And I wil say vnto him, how came these wounds in thine hands? he shal aunswere, thus was I wounded in the house of mine owne friends. And a litle after, I wil smite the sheperd & the shepe wil be scattered abrode. The Lord him selfe was Math. 26. mindfull of this prophecy about the time of his passion, alleaging it & applying it to him self when he should be betrayed. This Zacharie being very aged came out of Chaldaea, & there prophecied vnto y e people of many things, & for confirmation therof wrought straunge things, he executed al­so at Ierusalem the priestly function, he blessed Salathiel, & his sonne, and called him Zorobabel. he gaue by his prayer & seruice which he made at Ierusalem, vnto y Persians vnder Cyrus, the victorie, he prophecied of him & blessed him exceedingly. As toutching his propheticall visions he saw thē at Ierusalem. he entreated of the end of y Gentils, of the temple, of idlenes, of prophets & priests, and of a double iudgement. he dyed being a very olde man, and was buried nigh Eleutheropolis, a forty furlongs of in the field Noeman. but in the time of Ephidus the bishop he was reuealed to be Malachie was before the incarna­tion of Christ about 412. [...]eares. Malachie. 1. Malach. 3. Math 11. [...]uc. 7. that Zacharie the sonne of B [...]rachie, whom Esay spake of, the land where he lyeth is called Betha­ria out of Ierusalem a hundred and fifty furlongs.

Malachias.

MAlachie euen as the rest haue done, prophecied of our Lord Iesus Christ, for thus he saith. Frō the rising of the sonne vnto the going down of the same, my name is great among the Gē ­tiles, & in euery place incense shalbe offered to my name and a pure offringe. for my name is great among the very heathē saith the Lorde of hostes. And againe he saith. Behold I will send my messenger, & he shall prepare the way before thee. Iohn Baptist & our sauiour also applied [Page 531] this Prophecye vnto him selfe. Agayne sayth the same Prophete. Vnto you that feare my name shall the sonne of righteousnes arise & health shalbe vnder his wings & ye shall goe forth Malach. 4. like farte calues. Ye shall treade downe the vngodlye for they shalbe duste vnder the soles of your feete, in that day that I shall doe this sayth the Lorde of hostes. And beholde I will send you Elias the Thesbite before the comminge of the greate and glorious daye of the Lorde. Euen as the Lord spake of Iohn vnto the Iewes. And if ye vvill receaue it, this is Elias vvhich Matth. 12. was for to come. This Malachie was borne in Supha after the returne of the people out of Babylon. Beinge a very yonge man, he tooke wonderfull straunge and diuine foode to nurishe him, he led a godly life. And because all the people reuerenced him, as an holy man & Saincte of God, they called him Malachias whiche is by interpretation, an Angel. He was a well fauo­red and bewtifull yonge man. What so euer he prophecied of, the Angell of the Lord was seene then to instruct him▪ euen as it came to passe in the days of old when there was no Prince as it is wrytten in the booke of Iudges. He died in the prime of his florishing yeares and was laid to his fathers in his owne field.

Iohn Baptist out of Epiphanius.

IOhn Baptist the sonne of Zacharie and Elizabeth, was of the tribe of Leui. This is he that she­wed vs the lambe of God, the sonne of the father whiche taketh away the sinnes of the worlde, by poyntinge at him with the finger. This is he that shewed mortall men the waye and sette the dores of the kingedome of heauen wide open. There was neuer any that was borne of a woman greater then Iohn the Baptist. He died beinge beheaded by Herode the tyrante for Herodias the wife of his brother Philip.

The censure Dorothe us geueth of the Prophetes and theyr workes.

AMonge these Prophetes some wrote, and some haue not wrytten, There are twelue of them called the lesse, Osee, Amos, Micheas, Ioel, Abdias, Ionas, Naum; Abacuk, Sophonias, Ag­ga [...]s, Zacharias and Malachias. There are also foure called the greate Prophetes, Esay, Ie­remie, Ezechiel, and Daniel. All the Prophetes prophecyed vnto the levves, and admonished them of the promises of God made vnto the fathers, wherein he promised to blesse all nations in the seede of Abraham through the saluation that was to come by our Lorde Iesus Christ: a­gayne howe he with a mightie and out stretched arme broughte them out of theyr bondage in Aegypt and gaue them the land of promisse: Last of all howe they were led captiues into Ba­bylon by Nabuchodonozor and thence broughte backe agayne with honor. Moreouer howe they were afflicted by Antiochus and the nations founde aboute them, yet for all that, by the prouidence of God they proued conquerours in the end. And to shutte vppe the wholl in fewe wordes, holde he shoulde come accordinge vnto the promises whiche wente before of him, that was looked for and promised of the seede of Abraham to be the Sauiour of the wholl worlde. And this was the common drifte of all the Prophetes. Of whiche number some wrote bookes namelye Dauid, who compiled the booke of Psalmes. And Daniel who was The boo [...] of Psalmo▪ Daniel. The Scrib [...] as Baruch suche other wrote the bookes of the Pro­phetes. commaunded in the tyme of captiuitie, to wryte such things as were reuealed vnto him by visi­ons, with certayne others also. As for the reste they wrote not theyr owne Prophecyes, but the Scribes which were in the temple wrote euery Prophets sayings, as it were with supputation of the dayes. And when so euer anye Prophete was sente of God to entreate either of the captiuitie of Ierusalem, or of Samaria, or of other places, either of theyr re­turne or of Antiochus, or of the borderinge nations, or else of Christ him selfe, looke what he prophecyed euerye daye the same was wrytten seuerallye as the Prophete vttered it. He preached of some certayne matter, and againe when as at an other tyme he prophecyed of an other thinge it was againe wrytten. And suche thinges as were spoken followed after the cha­piters that went before and had theyr titles layd downe in the beginings, and thus the wholl and perfect booke was made of the diuerse and sundry sermons of that Prophete. By this meanes it cometh to passe that we finde in the bookes of the Prophetes the chapiter noted and applied either vnto the captiuitie in Babylon or else vnto the returne thence, and anone agayne an o­ther chapiter either toutching Christ, or concerning some other matter, immediatly againe of a [...] [Page 532] other thinge and by and by afterwardes of the former watter. And to speake the wholl in one A [...]o [...]e for t [...] readinge [...] the Pro­phetes. 4. bookes of the kinges. Pētateuchus worde, vnlesse a man will reade them with good aduisemente and graue iudgemente, he will thinke them confusely placed and out of order. They wrote not one lye the Prophetes workes in this order by peeces in the temple, but also the bookes of the kinges. Namelye such things as were from the dayes of Saul vnto his raygne, and in the tyme of Dauid, what happened vnder Saul vnto the raygne of Dauid, and thus they wrote the seuerall actes of euerye kinge at seuerall tymes, euen as the Chronicles are layde downe in the raygne of the kinges and so of the contrarye. Moses wrote the fiue bookes called Pentateuchus, to witte the historie of Iosue. Iudges. Ruth. Prouerbes. Canticles. Ecclesiastes. the thinges that were done before his time from the beginninge of the worlde, what happe­ned in his tyme, and what shoulde come to passe after his dayes. Iesus Naue wrote his owne booke. The bookes of y Iudges were wrytten in the temple that is to say in the tabernacle. Euen so was Ruth. Solomon him selfe wrote his owne Prouerbes the Canticle of Canticles and the booke of the preacher called Ecclesiastes. For when he had receaued of God the gifte of wise­dome, he exhorted all men to liue wisely in this world. An error. He had not the gift of prophecy. We haue rehearsed before such as were inspired from aboue to prophecye of Christ.

Of the twelue Apostles and Euangelistes.

1. Symon Peter.

THe firste is Simon Peter the chiefe of the Apostles. He as we are geuen to vnderstande by his Epistles preached the Gospell of our Lorde Iesus Christ in Pontus, Galatia, Cappado­cia, Bithynia and in the ende preached at Rome, where afterwardes he was crucified the thyrde [...]e that be­ [...]eaded [...] [...]nes is called [...]erod A­grippa. Act. 12. Calends of Iuly vnder Nero the Emperour with his heade downewards (for that was his desire) and there also buried.

2. Andrewe.

ANdrewe the brother of Simon Peter as our elders haue deliuered vnto vs, preached the Go­spell of our Lord Iesus Christ vnto the Scythians, Sogdians, Sacians, and in the middle Seba­stopolis inhabited of wilde Aethiopians. He was crucified by Aegeas kinge of the Edessaeans & bu­ried [...]ohn beinge [...] Asia w [...]o [...] [...]is reuelatiō [...] it appea­reth by the [...] cap. at Patris a citie in Achaia.

3. Iames the sonne of Zebedaeus.

IAmes the sonne of Zebedie a fisherman preached the Gospell of our Lorde Iesus Christ vnto the twelue dispersed tribes. He was slayne with the sworde by Herode the retrache of the Iewes in Iudaea, where he is also buried.

4. Iohn. [...] writeth [...]useb. lib. 3. [...]p. 16.

IOhn the brother of Iames who was also an Euangeliste, whome the Lorde loued, preached the Gospell of our Lorde Iesus Christ in Asia. The Emperour▪ Traian exiled him into the Isle Pat­mos for the worde of God, where he wrote also his Gospell the which afterwardes be published at Ephesus by Gaius his hoaste and Deacon of whome Paul the Apostle wryting to the Romaines hath testified saying: Gaius myne hoast and of the wholl Church saluteth you. After the death of Traian he returned out of the Isle Patmos and remayned at Ephesus vntill he had liued a hundred & twenty yeres. Which being expired, he liuing as yet (y Lord would so haue it) buried him selfe. There are some which wryte that he was not banished into y Isle Patmos vnder Traian, but in the time of Domitian the sonne of Vespasian.

5. Philip.

PHilip of the city Bethsalda preached the Gospell in Phrygia, he was honorably buried at Hie­rapolis with his daughters.

6. Bartholomewe.

BArtholomewe preached the Gospell of our Lorde Iesus Christ vnto the Indians, and deliuered vnto them the Gospell of Mathewe. He rested and was buried in Albania a citie of Arme­nia [...]on prea­ [...]ed to the [...]pores. [...]here he [...]ached is [...]e called [...]barie. the greate.

7. Thomas.

THomas as it hath bene deliuered vnto vs, preached the Gospell of our Sauiour Christ Iesus vn­to the Parthians, Medes and Persians. He preached also vnto the Caramans, Hircans, Bactri­ans and Magicians. He rested at Calamina a citie in India beinge slayne with a darte, which they [Page 533] call a speare or iauelin where he was also honorably buried.

8. Mathewe.

MAthewe the Euangelist wrote the Gospell of our Lorde Iesus Christ in the Hebrewe tongue and deliuered it vnto Iames the brother of the Lorde accordinge vnto the flesh, who was Bi­shop of Ierusalem. He dyed at Hierapolis in Parthia where he was also honorably buried.

9. Simon Zelotes.

SImon Zelotes preached Christ throughout Mauritania & Aphricke the lesse. At lengthe he was Simon prea­ched to the Moores. Where he preached is nowe called Barbarie. crucified at Brettania, slayne and buried.

10. Iude the brother of Iames.

IƲdas the brother of Iames called also Thaddaeus and Lebbaeus preached vnto the Edessaeans and throughout all Mesopotamia. He was slayne in Berytus in the time of Agbarus king of Edessa and buried very honorably.

11. Simon Iudas otherwise Iames the sonne of Alphaeus.

SImon syrnamed Iudas who succeeded Iames in the Byshopricke of Ierusalem (I take him to be Here Doro­theus is de­ceaued: for this Apostle him self was Iames Al­phaeus bi­shop of Ie­rusalem. Iames the sonne of Alphaeus) was crucified vnder Traian and slaine in Ostracina in Aegypt whē he had liued a hundred and two yeares.

12. Mathias.

MAthias beinge one of the seuentye Disciples was afterwardes numbered with the eleuen A­postles in y rowme of Iudas the traitor. He preached the Gospell in Aethiopia about y hauen called Hyssus and the riuer Phasis vnto barbarous nations and rauenours of fleshe. He died at Sebastopolis where he was also buried nigh the temple of Sol.

Paul.

PAul being called of the Lorde Iesus Christ him selfe after his assumption and numbered in the Catalogue of the Apostles beganne to preache the Gospell from Ierusalem and wente on still vnto Illyricum, Italy, & Spayne. His Epistles are extant at this day ful of all heauenly wisedome. He was beheaded at Rome vnder Nero the third Calendes of Iuly, so died a Martyr & lieth there buried with Peter the Apostle.

Marke the Euangelist.

MArke the Euangelist & the first Bishop of Alexandria, preached the Gospell vnto the people of Alexandria & all the bordering regions frō Aegypt vnto Pentapolis. In the tyme of Traiā he had a cable rope tied about his necke at Alexandria by the which he was drawen frō the place called Bucolus vnto the place called Angels, where he was burned to ashes by the furious Idola­trers in the moneth of Aprill and buried at Bucolus.

Luke.

LVke the Euangeliste of the citye of Antioch, by profession a Phisicion wrote the Gospell as he hearde Peter the Apostle preach, and the actes of the Apostles as Paul deliuered vnto him. He accompanied the Apostles in theyr peregrination, but specially Paul. S. Paul made mention of him wrytinge in a certaine place: Deare Lucas the Phisicion saluteth you. He died at Ephesus Coloss. 4. where he was also buried and after many yeares together with Andrewe & Timothee he was trās­lated to Constantinople in the time of Constantius the sonne of Constantinus Magnus.

Of the seuentie Disciples.

Toutchinge these seuentie Disciples I woulde haue thee vnderstande Christian reader that as Peter de Natalibus wryteth there were founde at Rome two olde copies, bothe wrytten by Dorotheus as he learned, the one in Greeke the other in Latine, his meaninge was to make bothe Romaynes and Grecians partakers of the fruites of his trauell, and as the drift of them was one, so the order diuerse, for they vary very much. The editions came to my hands and as I founde them so I minde to publishe them, placinge the trans­lation out of the Greeke on the lefte hande and out of the Latine on the right hand.

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After the Greeke edition. After the Latine edition.  
1. Iames. IAmes the brother of the Lorde after the flesh, called also Iu­stus, was the first Bishop of Ierusalē, the Iewes stoned him there to death and buried him in the temple nigh the altar.    
2. Timothee. Timothee was by Sainct Paul placed Byshop of Ephesus. He preached the Gospell of our Lord Iesus Christ from Ephe­sus vnto Illyricum and throughout Hellas in Acha [...]a where he dyed and was honorably buried.   Act. 16.
3. Titus. Titus was bishop of Creta, he preached the gospel of Christ there, and in all the countrey about. in the ende he dyed there, and was reuerently buried. Titus was Bishop in Crete, there he preached, & there he li­eth buried.  
4. Barnabas. Barnabas was a minister of the word together with Paule. he preached Christ first at Rome, afterwardes he was made bishop of Millayne. Barnabas. Act 4. 13.
5. Ananias. Ananias which baptized Paule in the Actes of the Apo­stles, was made bishop of Damascus. Ananias who baptized Paule, was after that Byshop of Da­mascus. Act. 9. 22.
6. Stephan. Stephan the firste martyr, and one of the seuen Deacons, was stoned by the Ievves at Ierusalem, as Luke testifieth in the Acts of the Apostles, and so dyed. Stephan was the first martyr, and the firste of the seuen Dea­cons. Act. 6. 7.
7. Philip. Philip who was also one of the seuen Deacons, baptized Simon Magus and the Eunuch, and was made bishop of Tral­leis in Asia. Philip one of the 7. Deacons who baptized Simō & the Eunuch, was Bishop in Thracia, after­wardes in Scythia. Act. 8.
8 Prochorus. Prochorus one of the seuen Deacons, was Bishop of Ni­comedia a citie in Bithynia. Prochorus one of the 7. dea­cons was bishop of Nicomedia in Bithynia. Act. 6.
9. Nicanor. Nicanor one of the seuen Deacons, was martyred in one day together with his fellowe Deacon, and first martyr Ste­phan, with two thousande other faithfull Christians. Nicanor one of the 7. Deacons suffred the same day that Stephan the firste martyr did, together with two others. Act. 6.
10. Simon. Simon one also of the seuen Deacons, was Byshop of Bo­stra
Act. 6.
in Arabia, and there by the heathen burned to ashes.
Simon one also of the 7. Dea­cōs was bishop of Tyre & Sidon.  
11. Nicolas. Nicolas was one of the seuen Deacons, and beinge made Bishop of Sapria, he followed after straunge doctrine, and fel together with Simon from the faith. Nicolas one of y 7. deacons was b. of Samaria, but he fel & became an heretick. of him sprāg the sect of the Nicolaits, whom Iohn re­prehended in the Reuelation. Apocalyp. 2.
12. Parmenas. Parmenas was one of the Deacons, as he ministred in the rowme of a Deacon, he dyed in the presence of the Apostles. Parmenas one of the 7. dyed at Nisibis. Act. 6.
13. Cleopas. Cleopas called also Simon, was the Lordes Cosingermaine. As he accompanied Luke, he saw the Lord after his resurrec­tion from the deade, and spake with him, as we reade in the Gospell. At length he was the second Bishoppe of Ierusalem. Cleopas. Luc 24. Euseb. eccle. hist. lib 3. cap 11. 19. 29.
14. Silas. Silas was a minister of the worde with Paule. he was made Bishop of Corinth. Silas was bishop of Corinth. Act. 15. 16. 17
[Page 935] 15. Siluanus. Siluanus was also minister of the worde together with Paule. he was chosen Bishop of Thessalonica. Siluanus preached together with Paule, he was bishop of Thessalonica 2. Cor. 1. 1. Thes. 1. 2. Thes. 1. 1. Pet. 5.
16. Crescens. Crescens whom Sainct Paule remembred in his seconde Epistle vnto Timothie, was Bishop of Chalcedona in Fraunce. he preached the Gospell of Christ, and was there martyred in the time of Traian and buried. Chrysches was Bishop of Chalce­donia. 2. Tim. 4.
17. Epaenetus. Epaenetus of whom S. Paule made mention in his Epi­stle to the Romaines was Bishop of Carthage. Epaenetus was bishop of Carthage. Rom. 16.
18. Andronicus. Andronicus whom S. Paule remembred in his Epistle to the Romaines was Bishop of Pannonia. Andronicus Bishop of Pannonia. Rom. 16.
19. Amplias. Amplias whome Paule saluted in his Epistle to the Romaines was Bishop of Odissa. Ampliatus Bishop of Edissa. Rom. 16.
20. Ʋrbanus. Ʋrbanus mentioned by Paule, writing to the Romains was Bishop of Macedonia. Vrbanus Bishop of Macedonia. Rom. 16.
21. Stachys. Stachys remembred of Paule writing to the Romains, the first Bishop of Byzantium, was by Andrewe the Apo­stle made Bishop of Argyropolis in Thracia. Stateus (Stachys) was of An­drew the Apostle made bishop in Ar­gyropolis of Thracia. Rom. 16.
22. Apelles. Apelles mentioned of Paule in his Epistle to the Ro­maines, was Bishop of Smyrna, before blessed Polycarpus. Apelles was Bishop of Eradia. Ampleius bishop of Smyrna before Polycarpus. Rom. 16.
23. Aristobulus. Aristobulus whome Paule saluted writinge to the Ro­maines, was Bishop of Brettania. Aristobulus was Bishop of Be­thania. Rom. 16.
24. Narcissus. Narcissus of whome Paule spake in his Epistle to the Romaines, was Bishop of Patrae in Achaia. Tarcissus (Narcissus) was Bishop of Athens. Rom. 16.
25. Herodion. Herodion named also by S. Paule in his Epistle to the Romaines was also Bishop of Patrae. Eradius (Herodio) was Bishop of Patrae. Rom. 16.
26. Rufus. Rufus one that is rekoned by the Apostle among others in the aforesaide Epistle was Bishop of Thebae. Rufus otherwise called Ruferius, was Bishop of Thebae. Rom. 16.
27. Asyncritus. Asyncritus rehearsed by the Apostle in his Epistle to the Romains was Bishop of Hircania. Asyncritus Bishop of Hyrcania. Rom. 16.
28. Plegon. Plegon whome Paule remembred when he wrote to the Romaines, was made Bishop of Marathon. Phlegontius (Phlegon) was bishop of Marathon. Rom. 16.
29. Hermes. Hermes of whom mention is made in the Epistle to the Romaines was Bishop of Dalmatia. Hermes was bishop of Philipolis. Rom. 16. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 3.
30. Hermas. Hermas whome Paule saluted in his Epistle to the Ro­maines, was Bishop of Philippos.   Rom. 16.
31. Patrobas. Patrobas of whom Paule made mention, was Bishop of Nepoliolis. Patrobas was bishop of the nati­on Peli. Rom. 16.
[Page 536]32. Agabus. Agabus of whome mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles, was endued [...]ith the gif [...] of prophec [...]e. Agabus who had the gifte of pro­phecie was one also of the 70 Dis­ciples. A [...] 11. 21.
33. L [...]s. I [...] is remembred of Paule. he was the first Bishop of Rome after Peter the chiefe of the Apostles. [...]nus was Bishop of Rome after Peter. 2. [...]m. 4.
34. G [...]us. S. Paul made mention of Gaius, he was Bishop of E­phesus after Timothee. Caius was Bishop of Ephesus. Rom 16. [...]: [...] 1. [...] [...]. [...]. I [...]. e [...]st 3. Rom. 16.
35. Philologus. The Apostle made mention of Philologus. Andrewe the Apostle made him bishop of Sinopa. Philologus was by Andrewe made bishop of Sinopis.  
36. Olymp [...]s. P [...] in a certaine place hath remembred Olymp [...]s. he w [...] [...]headed at Rome together with Peter the chiefe of the Apostles, and so dyed a martyr. Liphasius was bounde at Rome with Paule, and beheaded after his martyrdome. Rom 16
37. Rodion. S. Paule some where made mention of this Rodion, he was also beheaded at Rome together with Peter.    
38. Iason. Iason is remembred in the workes of the Apostle, he was bishop of Tarsus. Iason was bishop of Tharsus. Act. 7. Rom. 16.
39. Sosipater. Sosipater is remembred of the Apostle, he was bishop of [...]n [...]. Sosipater as saith Dorotheus was bishop of Iconium, but Origen in the firste Glossa saith, he was bishop of Thes [...]alonica. Rom. 16.
40. Lucius. Lucius is also remembred of Paule, he was bishop of L [...]dic [...] in Syria. Lucius was bishop of Laodicea in Syria. Act [...]. Rom [...].
41. Tertius. This Tertius wrote the Epistle of S. Paule to the Ro­maines. he was the second bishop of Iconium. Tertius who wrote the Epistle to the Romaines as Paule endited it, was Bishop of Meiadum. Rom [...].
42. Era [...]s. S. Paule made mention of Erastus in his Epistle to the Romaines. [...] he was stewarde of the Church of Ierusa­lem, afterwardes he was made Bishop of Paneas.   Act [...] Rom 16. [...]2. [...]o [...] 4.
43. Phigellus. S. Paule remembred this Phigellus as if he had taught false doctrine, and followed after Simon. he was bishop of Ephesus. Philetus or Phigellus was bishop of Ephesus. [...]. [...]. 1. 2.
44. Hermogenes. The Apostle made mention of this Hermogenes as one that brought into the church of God false doctrine, he was bishop of Megara. Hermogenes was Bishop of Me­gara. [...]2. T [...]m 1.
45. Demas. Paule wrote of this Demas that he fell from the faith. for of these three which went next before, he remembred in his second Epistle to Timothee, that Phigellus and Her­mogenes by sowing of straunge doctrine resisted his prea­ching: that Demas for loue of the present world for sook the trueth of the Gospell. This Demas became afterwards an Idole priest of Thessalonica. of these thinges also wrote Iohn the Apostle. They went (saith he) out from vs, but they were not of vs. Demas became an Apostata. Coloss 4. [...]. Tim 4. Epist. ad phi­ [...]m. [...]. John. 2.
[Page 537]46. Quartus. There is mention made of this Quartus in the Epistle to the Romaines. he was bishop of Berytus. Quartus was bishop of Berythus. Rom 16.1. Corin. 1. 3. 4. 16. Act. 18. 1 [...]. T [...]. 3. It was Peter the Apostle and not Ce­phas, as we reade in the Epistle to the Galathians that was re­buked. It ap­peareth this copy was corrupted, for in the other coppie there is no suche thing. Philip. 2. 4. Philip. 4. Coloss. 4.
47. Apollos. S. Paule made mention of Apollos in his first Epistle to the Corinthians. he was bishop of Caesarea. Apollo was bishop of Connia.  
48. Cephas. This was he whome Paule reprehended at Antioch, of one name with Peter. he was bishop of Cannia.    
49. Sos [...]henes. S. Paule remembred this Sos [...]henes. he was bishop of Colophonia. 1. Corinth. 1. Act. 18. Sosthenes was bishop of Colopho­nia.  
50. Epaphroditus. There is mention made in the works of S. Paule of E­paphroditus. he was bishop of Adriana. Epaphroditus was bishop of An­driaca.  
51. Caesar. Caesar also is remembred of Paule. he was bishop of Dyrrhachium. Caesar was bishop of Dyrrhachi­um.  
52. Marcus. S. Paule made mention of this Marcus. he was a Co­singermaine of Barnabas, and bishop of Apollonias. Marcus the Cosingermaine of Barnabas, so called because they came both of two sisters, as the Glossa saith. he was bishop of Apollonias.  
53. Ioseph. Ioseph who also is called Iustus, and Barsabas of whome Luke wrore in the Acts of the Apostles, that he was in e­lection with Matthias, was bishop of Eleutheropolis. Ioseph called also Iesus, was bishop of Eleutheropolis. Act. 1. 18. Coloss. 4.
54. Artemas. Artemas whome Paule also remembred, was bishop of Lystris. Artemas was bishop of Lystra. Titus. 3.
55. Clemens. Clemens of whom S. Paule said: with Clemens and the rest of my fellow labourers, was the firste of the Gentils and Greeks that belieued in Christ. he was made bishop of Sardice now called Triadi [...]za. Clemens the first that belieued of the Gentiles▪ was first bishop of Sar­dice, afterwards of Rome. Philip. 4.
56. Onesiphorus. S. Paule remembred Onesiphorus. he was bishop of Co­ronia. Onesimus, or Onesiphorus was bi­shop of Coronis. 2. Tim. 1. 4. Coloss 4. Epist. ad phi­lem. Act. 20. Ephes. 6. Coloss. 4. 2. Tim. 4. T [...]. 3. 2. Tim. 4.
57. Tychicus. There is mention made by S. Paule of this Tychicus. he was the first bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia. Ticicus (Tychicus) was bishop of Colophonia.  
58. Carpus. S. Paule made mention of this Carpus. he was bishop of Berrhoea a citie in Thracia. Carpus was bishop of Beronia in Thracia.  
59. Euodius. Euodius is remembred of Paule. he was the first bishop of Antioch after Peter the Apostle. Euodius was bishop of Antioch after Peter. Philip. 4.
60. Philemon. S. Paule wrote an Epistle vnto this Philemon. he was bishop of Gaza. Philemon vnto whom Paule wrote a peculiar Epistle was bishop of Ga­za. Epist. ad phi­lem.
61. Zenas. Zenas the Lawier of whom Paule made mention was bishop of Diospolis. Zenas was bishop of Diospolis. Tit. 3. Act. 18. 1. Cor. 16. 2. Tim. 4.
62. Aquila. The Apostle hath made mention of this Aquila. he was bishop of Heraclea.    
[Page 538]63. Priscas. Priscilla. S. Paule remembred this Priscas. he was bishop of Co­lophona. Priscus. 2. Tim. 4.
64. Iunias. The Apostle remembred also this Iunias. he was bishop of Apamia in Syria. Aristarchus bishop of Apamia. Rom. 16.
65▪ Marcus. Marke who also was called Iohn, of whom Luke wrote in the Acts of the Apostles, was bishop of Biblus. Marke called also Iohn, was bi­shop of Biblus. Act. 13. 15. 2. Tim. 4.
66. Aristarchus. S. Paule hath made often mention of this Aristarchus. A seconde Aristarchus mentioned in the Epistle to Philemon. Act. 19. 20. 27 Coloss 4. Epist. ad phi­lem. [...]. Tim. 4. Act. 20. 21. 2. Tim. 4.
67. Pudas. Pudens. The Apostle remembred Pudas also. Pudens.  
68. Trophinus. Trophimus. S. Paule likewise made mention of this Trophimus. these three last were partakers w t Paule in all his afflictions, & his dayly companions. last of all they were beheaded toge­ther with him at Rome vnder Nero, & crowned martyrs. Trophimus. These three were partakers of y Apostles persecutions, and beheaded at Rome after him.  
69. Marke the Euangelist. Marke the Euangelist who recea­ued at the mouth of Peter the Gospell as he preached at Rome.  
70. Luke the Euangelist. These two also are numbred in the catalogue of the se­uentie Disciples, the Eunuch likwise of Candace Queene of the Aethiopians preached the Gospell of our Lord Iesus Christ in Arabia Felix. the Isle Taprobana, and through­out all Erythra. It is reported also he was there gloriously martyred and buried. that his tumbe is an inuincible bul­werke for the faithfull, discomfeiting the wicked Barbari­ans, and curing diseases vnto this day. The Eunuch.  
The ende of DOROTHEVS.
Faultes escaped in the Printing.
  • Page 9. line 10. for maner, read man.
  • page 9. in the marge for 3963, read 3970.
  • page 10. liue 6. for consepuently, read consequently.
  • page 14. line 17. for Velerius, read Valcrius.
  • page 14. line 53. for thy, read they.
  • page 17. line 34. for fortwith, read forthwith.
  • page 22. line 51. the parenthesis should be after Christ)
  • page 23. line 2. for Olimp [...]ades, read Olympiades.
  • page 31. line 17. for thirteeneth▪ read thirteene.
  • page 56. line 6. for they, read the.
  • page 94. line 41. for ah, read an.
  • page 103. line 46. for and other, read an other.
  • page 111. in the marge, for Nazianzē, read Neocaesariens.
  • page 122. line 26. for darned, read darkened.
  • page 131. in the marge for Gregorie Nazianzen, reade Neocaesariens.
  • pag. 140. line 51. for depart read departed.
  • page 139 in the marge for Gregorie Nazianzen, reade Neocaesariens.
  • page 150. line 11. for frendas, read friendes.
  • page 150. line 40. for the and, read and the.
  • page 159. line 35. for violent, read violently.
  • page 175. line 16. for permoited, read permitted.
  • page 187. line 53. for alloweded, read allowed.
  • page 189. line 2. for berewed, read bereaued.
  • page 189. line 15. for wih, read with.
  • page 202. line 2. for beloued God, read beloued of God.
  • page 213. line 18. for two hundreth eight and twentie, read three hundred and fift.
  • page 236. line 12. for cause, read clause.
  • page 240. line 16. for leage, read league.
  • page 242. line 51. for sonne, read sunne.
  • page 246. line 43. for Mu [...]son, read Mursa.
  • page 248. line 40. for Is [...]hyas, read Ischyras.
  • page 256. line 2. for Constantinus, read Constantius.
  • page 284. line 24. for our, read your.
  • page 303. line 37. for not, read to.
  • page 383. line 32. for Alexander, read Alexandria.
  • page 411. line 48. for neither, read either.
  • page 427. line 32. for cogeled, read congealed.

The rest which thou findest (gentle reader) correct them thy selfe.

A CRONOGRAPHIE CONTI …

A CRONOGRAPHIE CONTI­NEVVED FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST (WHERE EVSEBIVS, SOCRATES, EVAGRIVS AND DO­ROTHEVS BEGINNE TO WRITE) VNTO THE TWELF YEARE OF THE raygne of Mauricius the Emperour beinge the full time of six hundred wantinge onely fiue yeares after Christ, and the purest age: containing the Acts of Christ: the yeares of the incarnation: the famous men, with the martyrs and fauorers of the trueth in all those times: the raygne of the Emperours: the kinges of Iudaea: the succession of high priestes in Ierusalem as longe as they lasted: after them, the succession of Bishops, specially in the moste famous Churches, as Ierusalem, Antioch, Rome Alexandria with others: The Councells within this time summoned, and the heretickes con­demned. All which are faithfully collected chiefly out of Eusebius, Socrates & Euagrius and where they seeme vnperfect out of other auncient writers, by. M. H.

[figure]

Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefriers. 1576.

THE PREFACE OF THE AVTOR to the Reader toutching his Chronographie.

SEeing that hitherto (gentle Reader) in the translation of these aun­cient Historiographers, Eusebius, Socrates, Euagrius, and Dorotheus, I haue imployed great labour and industrie, referring the paynes to myne owne person, and the profit to the furtherance of thy studie & knowledge: I haue determined yet once agayne to gratifie thy lo­uing minde with this Chronographie followinge, a worke which with more ease thou mayest runne ouer and peruse, and the sooner committe to memorie then the former, though my paynes herein were nothinge a­slaked, but aequiualent with the other trauayle. I hope the treatise will be acceptable, insomuch the Englishe tongue hath not at this day extant any Ecclesiasticall Chro­nographie continewed from so long a tyme. Well we may haue catalogues of kings, recitall of Bishops, pedegrewes of our gentries▪ with other priuate & particular sum­maries seuerally handled by sundry men: yet the generall Antiquitie, the ioynte con­triuing, the relatiō to the foūtaine, the searching of the original out of farr & foraigne countreyes (seeing the Gospell vvas not first preached heere in England) I find not extant in our mother tongue. Therefore orderly to proceede as the aforesayd learned vvriters haue layd dovvne their example I vvill beginne vvith the birth of Christ pē ­ning in the first colume such vvorthy actes as the Euangelists haue recorded of him during his abode here on earth, aftervvardes the yeares of his incarnation. The next Luk. 2. 3. rovvme is an abridgement of the raygne of▪ the Emperours. Luke the Euangeliste thought good euen in the very entrance of his discourse to laye dovvne the birth of Christ in the raygne of Augustus the Emperour, and the preaching of Iohn the bap­tist to haue begonne the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius Caesar. Socrates in the fift booke of Socrat. ec­cl. hist. lib. 5 proem. his ecclesiastical history tooke the catalogue of the Emperours to be one of his prin­cipall drifts, his reason vvas because the ecclesiastical affayres seemed alvvayes to de­pende very much of the Emperours and Princes. The thirde place contayneth the famous men vvith the fauorers of the trueth▪ the Martyrs and Sayncts of God. The gladsome tidings of the glorious Gospell vvas not first reuealed vnto Princes & Presidents, vnto the mighty & vvise of this vvorld (for God needed not their ayd & po­vver) but vnto the vveake, simple, ignorant, foolish and contemptible in the sighte of men, such as were sheperds, fishermen, tolegatherers and tentmakers. The fourth ri­glet contineweth the raigne of the kings of Iudaea. Mathevv and Luke beganne their Gospells vvith the raigne of Herode. But they lasted not very long. In the dayes of He­rode Christ vvas borne in the flesh, after him came Archelaus, the third was Herod the tetrach vvhich beheaded Iohn the baptist, the fourth vvas Herode Agrippa vvhich be­headed Iames the brother of Iohn vvith the svvord and dyed miserably him selfe. The last vvas Agrippa minor before vvhome Paul pleaded in the Actes of the Apostles, in Ioseph. In­tiq. lib. 18. cap. 11. Ioseph. An­tiq. lib. 20. cap. vlt. vvhose dayes Ierusalem vvas destroyed. Anno Dom. 73. Iosephus vvriteth that vvithin the compasse of one hundred yeares all the progeny of Herode vvas rooted out. The fift order is of high priests neither haue I omitted them seeing both the Euangelistes and the Historiographers mentioned such as vvere in the time of Christ. They ende [Page 2] likewise with the kings of Iudaea and the destruction of Ierusalem. I remember Iose­phus wryteth that frō Aaron which was the first highpriest vnto the last at the ouer­throwe & burning of the temple vnder Titus there were highpriests to the number of fourescore and three. The sixt diuisionis of councells, sometimes of the wicked as of the Pharises and heretickes, some other times of the godly as of the Apostles and Apostolickmen. where it appeareth manifestly vnto the wholl world that the bishop of Rome had as litle to doe therein as other bishops, for Emperours, princes, & som­times the bishops of some prouince or other within thēselues, haue summoned coū ­cells, called bishops together & decided such matters as were called into controuer­sie without the aduise of the bishop of Rome. For saith Socrates the chiefest councels Socrat. lib. 5. eccl. hist. proem. were summoned & are vnto this day called together by the commaundement & con­sent of the Emperours. Besides all the aforesaide I haue laid downe the succession of bishops in the foure most famous churches, as Ierusalē, Antioch, Rome, Alexādria. Though other writers addict them selues wholly vnto the Catalogue of the churche of Rome, omitting no not one, Ioan the she Pope onely excepted Some will maruell why I preferre Ierusalem and Antioch before the seae of Rome, the reason is be­cause Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 2. cap. 1. A [...]. 11. A [...]n. Chron▪ part [...]. 6. cap. 4. [...]. 1. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 1. 4. Ierem. Ca­talog. eccl. script. Eu­seb. eccles. hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. 16. those churches had their bishops before the church of Rome. Clemens Alexā ­drinus wryteth that Iames called the brother of Christ was immediately after the as­sumption of our Sauiour chosen bishop of Ierusalem by Peter, Iames and Iohn the A­postles. Againe as Luke reporteth the Antiochians were first called christians. Paul & Barnabas preached there one wholl yeare and if fame fayle vs not of the trueth Peter the Apostle was bishop there seuen yeares and spente seuen other about Ierusalem & the Easterne contreyes afore his comminge to Rome. He came to Rome the seconde yeare of Claudius the Emperour Anno Dom. 44, a great while after the seae of Ieru­salem and the bishoprik of Antioch were setled. Let no man muze why I lay downe­these foures [...]aes otherwise then all Chronographies in what language so euer vnto this day extant haue done, I doe it not of any singularitie for these auncient Historiographers Eusebius, Socrates, and Euagrius haue followed the same order though other Chronologers and Chronographers haue not imitated them. Last of all I haue pla­ced the hereticks by themselues so that the reader may easily see whē they liued, who they were, what they haue taught, by whome they were condēned & the end of most of them as farre forth as the lines might be contriued within the colume & the long tediousnes auoyded. Nowe drawing towards the birth of Christ where the Chrono­graphye beginneth I thinke best by way preface not as my principall drifte, briefly to runne ouer the yeares of the world that thereby we may the sooner learne when our Sauiour Christ Iesus appeared in the flesh and first we haue to beginne from Adam.

The yeare of the world Adam was the first man & made of the mould of the earth being
Genes. 1. 5.
a hundred & thirty yeare old he begate Seth, he liued in all nyne hundred and thirty yeares. Genes. 5. he was aliue vntill the fiftyeth and six yeare of Lamech the father of Noe and departed this life 126. yeare before Noe was borne.
The first age of the worlde from A­dam to Noe.
130. Seth was a hundred and fiue yeare old when he begate Enos he li­ued in all nyne hundred and twelfe yeares. Genes. 5. he departed this life in the yeare of the worlde on thousand forty and two, after the death of Adam one hundred and twelfe yeares, before Noe vvas borne 14. yeares.
235. Enos was fourescore and tenne yeare olde when he begate Cainan he liued in all nine hundred and fiue yeares. Genes. 5. he departed this life in the yeare of the worlde, one thousande one hundred and for­tieth yeare, he liued together with Noe fourescore & foure yeares.
[Page 3]325. Cainan liued threescore and tenne yeares and begat Malalael, he liued in all nine hundred and tenne yeares. Genes. 5. he departed this life in the yeare of the worlde 1235.
395. Malalael liued threescore and fiue yeares & begat Iared, he liued in all eight hundred ninety and fiue yeares. Genes. 5. he departed this life 366. yeares before the deluge, after Noe was borne 234. yeares.
460. Iared liued a hundred threescore and two yeares & begat Enoch, he liued in all nine hundred threescore and two yeares. Genes. 5. he departed this life in the yeare of the worlde 1422. he liued with Noe three hundred threescore and six yeares.
622. Enoch liued threescore and fiue yeares & begat Mathusalem, he liued in all three hundred threescore and fiue yeares & was transla­ted. Genes. 5. he was taken vp into heauen seuen & fifty yeares after the death of Adam.
687. Mathusalem liued a hundred fourescore & seuen yeares and be­gat Lamech, he liued in all nyne hundred sixty & nyne yeares and di­ed in the yeare of the deluge. Genes. 5.
874. Lamech liued a hundred fourescore and two yeares and begatt Noe, he liued in all 777. yeares & died fiue yeares before the deluge. Genes. 5.
1056.
1556.
Noe was borne in the yeare of the worlde one thousand fifty and six, in the 182. yeare of his father Lamech, after the death of Adam 126. after the death of Seth 14. yeares, being fiue hundred yeare old he begat Sem, and liued in all nine hundred and fifty yeares. Genes 9.
Genes. 9.
he liued with Enos 84. yeares, with Cainan 179. with Iared 366. with Mathusalem 600. with Lamech 595. with Sem his sonne 448.

1656. Anno mundi 1656. The deluge drowned the whole worlde in the six hundred yeare of Noe. Genes. 7 8.
Genes. 7. 8.
It was in the yeare of the worlde one thousande six hundred fifty and six, for so doth Augustine write de ciuitate Dei lib. 15. cap. 20. finding fault with the error of the Sep­tuagints
Augustine.
whome Eusebius in his Chronicon, & Beda haue followed, for they numbred 2262. yeares which can not be. Againe Augustine de ciuitat. Dei lib. 15. cap. 12. & 14. misliketh very much with such as doubted whether the yeares of olde were as long as we finde them of late, he proueth that there were so many houres in the day, so many dayes in the weeke, so many weekes in the moneth, & so many moneths in the yeare alike from the beginning of the worlde.
1658. Sem being an hundred yeare olde begat Arphaxad the seconde
Genes. 11.
yeare after the flood, he liued in all six hundred yeares. Genes. 11. he was borne nynety and nyne yeares before the deluge, he departed this life in the yeare of the worlde 2158.
The se­cond age of the world frō Noe to Abraham.
  Arphaxad being borne the seconde yeare after the deluge, liued thirty and fiue yeares and begat Sale, he liued in all 438. yeares Gen. 11. he liued with Noe 348. yeares, with Sale his sonne 403. with his nephew Heber 373. with Phaleg, Reu, Saruch, Thare, vntill the 148. yeare of Abraham the 48. of Isaac. he died after Isaac was borne 48. yeares, 12. yeares before Iacob was borne.
[Page 4]1693. Sale liued thirty yeares and begat Heber, he liued in all 433. yea­res. Genes. 11. he liued after the death of Abraham 3. yeares, with I­saac 78. and with Iacob 18.
1723. Heber of whome the Hebrewes are called liued foure & thirty yeares and begat Phaleg, he liued in all 464. the longest liued of all the fathers after the floode. Genes. 11. he liued after the desease of Abraham 64. with Isaac 110. with Iacob 80.
1757. Phaleg liued thirty yeares and begat Reu, he liued in all 239. yea­res. Genes. 11.
1787. Reu liued two and thirty yeares and begat Saruch, he liued in all 239. yeares. Genes. 11.
1819. Saruch liued thirty yeares and begat Nachor, he liued in all 230. yeares. Genes. 11.
1849. Nachor liued nine and twentie yeares and begat Thare, he liued in all 148. yeares. Genes. 11.
1878. Thare liued seuenty yeares & begat Abraham, he liued in all 205. yeares. Genes. 11.

1948. Anno mundi 1948. From the floode vnto the birth of Abraham 292. yeares. from A­dam and the creation of the worlde vnto Abraham. Abraham being a hundred yeare olde begat Isaac, he liued in all a
Gen. 21. 2 [...]
hundred seuentie and fiue yeares. Genes. 21. 25.1948.
the third age of the
Iudic. 3.
world frō
Iudic. 3.
Abraham to Dauid.
Euseb.
2048. Isaac beinge three score yeare olde begat Iacob, he liued in all a
Gen. 25. 35
hundred and foure score yeares. Genes. 25. 35.
2108. Iacob afterwards called Israell was a hundred and thirtye yeare olde when he went to Aegypt and presented him selfe before Pha­rao.
Genes. 47.
he liued in all 147. yeares. Genes. 47.
2238 Anno mundi when Israel with the 12. Patriarches (Ruben. Simeon. Leui. Iuda. Zabulon. Issachar. Dan. Gad. Aser. Nepthali. Ioseph. Beniamin) went into Aegypt. 2238.
2309. Ioseph died beinge a hundred and tenne yeare olde. Genes. 50. it was the foure and fiftieth yeare after the desease of his father Iacob.
Genes. 50.
2373. Moses was borne three score and fiue yeares after the death of Ioseph. The Israelites dwelled in Aegypt foure hundred and thirtye yeares. Exod. 12. which is not to be taken precisely betwene their incomming and outgoing, but as S. Paul Galat. 3. alleadgeth from
Exod. 12.
the calling of Abraham out of Haran. Moses was foure score yeare olde when he presented him self before Pharao for the deliuerance of the Israelits. Exod. 7.
2453. Anno mundi 2453. the Israelits came out of Aegypt after the deluge
Exod. 7.
797. yeares.
2493. Moses liued in all a hundred & twenty yeares. Deut. 31. 34. he ruled ouer the I­sraelits the space of forty yeares during their abode in the wildernes. Deuter. 29.
Deut. 29.
The highpriestes. The Pro­phets.
Deu. 31. 34.
    Aaron was the first highpriest. Exod. 28. 29.  
2510. Iosue ruled Israel 17. yeares, he was a hundred and tenne yeare olde when he died. Iosue 24.
[...]ue. [...].
   
[Page 5]2550. Othoniel of the tribe of Iuda was iudg 40. yeares. Iudic. 3. Eleazer.  
2630. Aod was captaine foure score yeares. Iudic. 3. Phinees.  
2670. Debora & Barach gouerned forty yea­res. Euseb. Chronic.
Iudic. 8.
Abiu.  
2710. Gedeon was captaine ouer Israel forty yeares. Iudic. 8.
Iudic. 9.
Bocci.  
2713. Abimelech was prince ouer Israel 3. yeares. Iudic. 9.    
2736. Thola iudged 23. yeares. Iudic. 10.
Iudic. 10.
   
2758. Iair iudged Israel 22. yeares. Iudic. 10.    
2764. Iepthe iudged Israel 6. yeares. Iudic. 12 Ozi.
Iudic. 12.
 
2771. Abesan iudged Israel 7. yeares. Iudi. 12    
2781. AElon iudged Israel 10. yeares. Iud. 12    
2789. Abdon iudged Israel 8. yeares. Iudi. 12.    
2809. Sāpson iudged Israel 20. yeares. Iu. 16.
Iudic. 16.
   
2929. —The iudges of Israel ceassed in Samuel. Act. 13. Heli the pri­est iudged I­srael 40. yea­res. 1. Reg. 4.  
2969. Saul was the firste Kinge of the He­brewes, he raigned 40. yeares. Act. 13. Achitob. Samuel in the daies of Heli & Saul,
Act. 13.
he was both priest & Prophet
3. Reg. 2.
& iudg of the peopl
3. Reg. 11.
Nathā in the raigne of Dauid.

3009. Dauid was king of Israel 40. yeares. 3. Reg. 2. Achimelec. Abiathar.   The fourth age of the world from Da­uid vnto the captiuitie in Babylon.
3049 Solomon was king of Israel forty yea­res. 3. Reg. 11. lest we shoulde be deceaued in the sup­putation of the yeares, it pleased the ho­lie Ghost in the Scriptures (3. Reg. 6.) to
3. Reg. 6.
lay downe the number of the yeares frō the departure of the children of Israel out of Aegypt vnto the 4. yeare of Kinge Solomons raigne, to witt: foure hundred and eightie yeares, for then he beganne to builde the temple.
Sadoch. Achimaas. Azarias.  
3066. Roboam raigned ouer Iuda 17. yeares. 3. Reg. 14. From Aaron vnto the building of the tēple vnder Solomō ther were 12. highpriests as Ioseph writeth Anti. lib 20. cap. 18. Gad in the daies of So­lomon.
3069. Abia raigned ouer Iuda 3. yeares. 3. Reg. 15. Iohanan. Ahias in the daies of Roboam. 3. Reg. 14.
3. Reg. 14.
3109. Asa raigned in Ierusalem 41. yeares. 3. Reg. 15. Azarias was highpriest at the building of the tēple. 1. paralip. 6. Addo in the daies of Abia
3. Reg. 15.
Iehu in the daies of Asa. Helias in the daies of Iosa­phat.
3. Reg. 22.
3134. Iosaphat raigned in Ierusalem 25. yea­res. 3. Reg. 22. Meraioth. Helizeus in
4. Reg. 8.
the daies of Ioram.
3142. Ioram raigned ouer Iuda 8. yeares. 4. Reg. 8. 2. paralip. 21. some learned writers doe thinke that he raygned 20. yeares more and that the holy Ghost because of the Kinges wic­kednes concealed it in his sonne Ochozias age saying 4. Reg. 8. that he was 22. yeare olde when he be­ganne to raygne, but in 2. Paralip. 22. that he was 42. yeare olde &c. Amaria.  
[Page 6]3143. Ochozias his sonne raigned one yeare. 4. Reg. 8. Achitob.  
3150.
Reg. 11.
Athalia his mother raygned 7. yeares. 4. Reg. 11. Sadoch. Abdias in the daies of Ocho­zia.
3190.
Reg. 12.
Ioas raigned 40. yeares in Ieru­salem. 4. Reg. 12. Sellum. Amos in the daies of Ioas.
3219.
Reg. 14.
Amasias was Kinge of Iuda 29. yeares. 4. Reg. 14. Ioddas otherwise Iohaida who li­ued 130. yeares. Ionas in the daies of Ama­sia.
3270.
Reg. 15.
Azarias raigned ouer Iuda 52. yeares. 4. Reg. 15. Axiora. Esay in the daies of Aza­rias or Ozias. Osee in the daies of Ioathā. Ioel in the time of Achaz.
3286. Ioathan was King in Ierusalem 16. yeares. 4. Reg. 15. Phadaeus.  
3302.
Reg. 16.
Achaz raigned 16. yeares ouer Iuda. 4. Reg. 16. Sadaeus.  
3330.
Reg. 18.
Ezechias raygned 29. yeares in Ierusalem. 4. Reg. 18. Iculus.  
3385.
Reg. 21.
Manasses raigned in Ierusalem 55. yeares. 4. Reg. 21. Ioatham.  
3387. Amon raygned two yeares. 4. Reg. 21. Vrias. Micheas in the time of Ezechia Sophonias in the time of Manasses.
3418.
Reg. 22.
Iosias was king of Iuda 31. yea­res. 4. Reg. 22. Neri.  
  Ioachas was king 3. moneths. 4.
Reg. 23.
Reg. 23.
Ioas.  
3429. Ioacim otherwise called Eliacim raygned ouer Iuda 11. yeares. 4. Reg. 23. Selam. Ieremie in the daies of Amon. Ezechiel in the daies of Iosia. Daniel in the daies of Ioachas Abacuk in the daies of Ioacim Nahum In the daies of Iecho­nias.
  Ioacim otherwise called Iecho­mas raigned 3. moneths. 4. Re. 24. Helchias. Virias in the daies of Sede­chias. Iere. 26. I woulde not haue the times of these Pro­phets so pre­cise taken but that they were also at other tymes.
3440.
Reg. 24.
Sedechias raigned in Ierusalem 11. yeares. 4. Reg. 24. vnder whom the captiuity befell, both city and temple were destroied & the peo­ple led into Babylon. Sareas.  
  Eusebius Chron. sayth that frō the first building of the temple in the 4. yeare of Solomon vnto the captiuitie vnder Nabuchodonozor there are 442. yeares the whiche I finde to be true if we attribute 28. yeares to king Iorams raigne. From the buyl­ding of the tēple vnder Solomō vnto the captiuitie vnder Nabuchodonozor in the time of Sedechias ther were 18. highpriestes as Iosephus writeth Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 18.  

[Page 7]3510. The captiuitie continewed 70. yeres Zacharie. 1. Ieremi. 25. 29. Euse. Chronic. Clemens Alexandrin. but some as Euseb. sayth begine to tell the yeares from the 3. of Ioachim vnto the 20. of Cyrus: some from the 13. of Iosias vnto the firste yeare of Cyrus. the fift age of the worlde frō the captiuity of Babylō vnto Christ.
  Nabuchodonozor raygned 26. yeares after he lead the people captiue. The eleuenthe yeare of Sedechias was the 19. of Nabu­chodon. Ierem. 32. Euilmerodach his sonne ray­gned 30. yeares. Regasar 3. yeares. Labarsadach 6. yeares. Baltassar 5. yeares. Iosedech with o­thers.
  • Daniel.
  • Sidrach.
  • Misach.
  • Abednago.
  • Zacharie.
  • Malachias.
  • Nehemias.
  • Aggaeus in the dayes of Zoro­babel.
The 70. yeares of the captiuitie.
3510. King Cyrus released the captiuitie and gaue them licence to build againe their temple in Ierusalem but they were hindred so that they coulde not beginne afore the 2. yeare of Darius the temple was fi­nished the sixt yeare of the raygne of Darius. 1. Esdras 6. the temple and the walls were a finishing vntill the 32. yeare of Darius 2. Esdr. 5.    
  Darius raygned 36. yeares Eu­seb. Chronic. Iesus the sonne of Iosedech was priest 56. yeares. Captaines of the Iewes.
  Darius Hystaspis called bothe Xerxes and Artaxerxes Assuerus raygned 20. yeares. Euseb. Ioachim in whose time (was Esdras) was priest 8. yeres. Eliasib was priest 21. yeares. Zorobabel was ouer the He­brevves 58. yeares.
  Artabanus was Kinge 7. mo­neths Euseb.   Resa 66. yeres.
  Darius Artaxerxes called [...] or Longimanus raigned 40. yeares Euseb. Ioachas was priest 48. yeares in his time were Hester and Mardocheus.  
  Xerxes 2. was king 2. moneths Sogdianus 8. moneths Euseb. Darius Nothus raygned 19. yeares Euseb. Ioaida 24. yeares.  
  Artaxerxes Memnon raygned 40. yeares Euseb.   Ioanna 53. yeares.
  Artaxerxes otherwise called Darius Ochus raygned. 26. Euseb. Ioathan 24 yeares.  
  Arses otherwise called Arsanes the sonne of Ochus raygned 4. yeares Euseb.    
  Darius the last Monarche of Persia in the sixte yeare of his raygne, was slayne by Alexander Magnus. Euseb. Iaddaeus 10. yeares. Iudas 14. yeres in his time the Persian monarchy ended.
The en [...] the mon [...] chie of I [...] sia.
3700. The Persian Monarchie lasted 191. yeares.
[Page 8] Alexāder magnus was Monarche. 5. yeares. he had gouerned 7. yeares before. Onias was highpri­est 27. yeares. Philo Iud. Iosephus became ruler ouer the Iewes the 1. yeare of Alexander magnus & continewed 7. yeares. in whose time
3724. The space of 12. yea­res after Syria was tossed.   Alexander did greate reuerence both vnto the temple and to the highpriest. Philo Iud.
3755. Seleucus Nicanor was the first king of Syria and Babylon, he raygned 32. yeares. Euseb. Simō highpriest 23 1. Machab. 13. 14. Philo Iud. Abner Semei 11. yea­res. in his time Ptolo­maeus ransacked Ierusalem. Philo Iud. Mattathias Eli 12. yeares.
3774. Antiochus Soter was king in Syria 19. yeares. Euseb. Chronic. Eleazar highpriest 20. yeares. he was enemy to Antiochus Theos in his time at the request of Ptolomaeus the Septua­gints translated the old testamēt out of hebrew into greek Philo Iud.  
3789. Antiochus Theos rayg­ned 15. yeares.    
3809. Seleucus Gallinicus was kinge of Syria 20. yeares. Euseb.    
  Seleucus Ceraunius raigned 3. yeares.    
3848. Antiochus magnus rai­gned in Syria 36. yeares. Euseb. Manasses highpri­est 27. yeares. he was a great friende of Seleucus Gallini­cus. Aser Maath 9. yeares. Nagid Arphaxat 10. yeares in the time of Eleazar the highpriest & the Septuagints.
  Seleucus Philopator rai­gned 12. yeares.   Agar Heli 8. yeares. Maslot Naum 7. yeares Amos Syrach 14. yeare Mattathias Siloa 10. yeares. Philo Iud.
3868. Antiochus Epiphanes raigned 11. yeares. Euseb. Simō Iustus highpriest 28. yeares. he was honored of Antiochus magnus. Onias highpriest 39 yeares he was spoi­led of Seleucus. Phi­lo Iud.  
  Antiochus Eupator was king in Syria 2. yeares.    
3878. Demetrius Soter rayg­ned 10. yeares.   Ioseph Arses 60. yeares he was honored of Ptolomaeus and Antiochus magnus. Philo Iud. Ianneus Hircanus 16. yeares. Philo Iud.
  Alexander raigned 5. yeares. Iason. Frō Antiochus Epipha­nes vnto Christ, the captaines of the Iewes became both Kings & highpriestes. Phil. Iud. Iudas Machabeus go­uerned the Iewes 5. yeares. he tooke ar­mour against Antio­chus Epiphanes, Antio­chus Eupator▪ & Deme­trius. Philo Iud.
  Demetrius Nicanor 2. yeares. Onias in whose time Antiochus Epiphanes plagued the Iewes. Nicephor.  
  Antiochus Sedetes 3. yeares. Alcimus.  
  Triphon 3. yeares. Onias the sonne of Onias. Ionathas his brother was both Priest and Prince 19. yeares. Philo Iud.
  Antiochus pius 12. yeares.   Simon Ionathas 8. yeares. Ioannes Hircanus the sonne of Simon 34. yeares.
  Demetrius Nicanor 4. yeares.    
  Alexander 2. yeares.    
3907. Antiochus Gryphius raigned 29. yeares.    
  Seleucus Gryphius to­gether with others stroue 10. yeares for the kinge­    
[Page 9] dome. Aristobulus his sonne one yeare.  
  The Syrians seeing that the princes contended among them selues for the crowne tooke it in ill parte and chose Tigranus king of Armenia to gouerne them, which ruled 18. yeares. Alexander was Prince and priest 27. yeares.  
  Pompeius the Romayne captaine conquered Syria ouercame Tigranus, brought all subiect vnto the Empire of Rome, led Aristobulus king of the Iewes captiue to Rome, made Hircanus high priest whome the other had deposed and appointed Antipater Liuetenante of Iudaea, Alexandria his wife gouerned the Iewes 9. yeares after her husbāds death Hircanus the sonne of Alexā ­der & A­lexandria was high­priest 9. yeares.
  Caius Iulius Caesar (17. yeares after) was Emperour of Rome and raygned 5. yeares. Hircanus after the desease of his mother was bothe priest and prince.  
  Augustus was Emperour 56. yeares in the 42. yeare of his raygne our Sa­uiour Christ Iesus was borne into the worlde. Aristobulus his brother de­posed him bothe of his priesthoode and princely power.  
    But Pompei ouertooke this Aristobulus and broughte him captiue to Rome.  
    Antigonus, Aristobulus and Hircanus raygned 34. yeres by turnes.  
3970.   Herode an aliene in the 10. yeare of Augustus the Em­perour was made kinge of Iudaea. In the 34. yeare of his raygne Christe Iesus was borne into the world.  

Toutching the yeare of the world when Christ was borne, diuerse men be of diuerse opiniōs. Eusebius. Ierom. Epiphanius Nicephorus Rabini. Ludouicus Carettus. Carion. Phrigio. Theodorus Zuinger. Cytreus. Luther. Eliot. Eccl. Tigurina. Democha­res. Pantaleon. Eusebius in his Chronicō, layd downe 5199. contrarye to the supputation of the Hebrewes as Ierom noteth reckoninge 2000. for one 1000. Ierom, 3965. Epiphanius aduers. heres. lib. 2. tom. 2. 5480. Nicephorus eccl. hist. lib. 1. ca. 10. 5505. The old Rabins 3759. Ludouicus Carettus a Iewe, 3760. Carion 3944. Phrigio 3962. Theodorus Zuinger 3964. Cytreus 3962. Luther 3960. Eliot 3962. The ministers of Tigurine 3974. Demochares 3959. but saith he there be some which coūt 3969. As I herein can gather by supputation of the yeares from Adam to Christ there are 3970. neither do I herein preiudice all the rest, neither arrogat singularity vnto my self, Pantaleō a lear­ned chronographer of this our age is of myne opiniō, & me thinkes it stādeth with goodreason. If ye referre the age of Iohn who beganne to preach whē he was 30. yeares old vnto the later nū ­ber to wit, 3970. it vvill rise iust to 4000. The receaued opinion namely of Augustine, Iustinus Martyr quest. 71. Irenaeus li. 5. Mūster, Ludouicus Carettus with others is that the vvorld shall last 6000. yeares, 2000. before the lavve, 2000. vnder the lavve, 2000. vnde [...] Messias that is Christ. Againe I reade that our Sauiour sayd in the Gospell the lavve & the Prophetes to haue ended in Iohn and if the common opinion is true then vvere the 4000. yeares expired. From thence let vs beginne vvith Christ as it is in the Chronographie follovvinge.

A Chronographie.

THe Hebrewes, the Israelits, the Iewes were gouerned first by captaines, beginning at Moses and his successor Iosua, next by Iudges, as Othoniel & Aod, afterwards by Kings beginning at Saul, whome Dauid succeeded. Last of all by Priests, who were also their Princes, vntill that Pompeye the Romaine captaine besieged Ieru­salem, and tooke captiue Aristobulus the Prince and Priest of the Iewes (which vnto that tyme had continewed the succession of Kinges from his progenitors) together with his sonnes to Rome, committing the office of Highpriesthoode to his brother Hyrcanus. From that tyme forth the Iewes became tributaries vnto the Romaines. Not longe after when Hyrcanus was taken of the Parthians, He­rode (34. yeares after their siege vnder Pompeye, Euseb. Chronic.) by father an Idumaean, by mother an Arabian, tooke of the Romaine Senate and Augustus Caesar, the gouernement of the Iewishe nation. Then the prophecie of Iacob written by Moses (Genes. 49.) was to take place and to be fulfilled, which sayde: The scepter shall not depart from Iuda, neyther a lawegeuer fayle of his loynes, vntill the Messias come. Then I say at that tyme vvas the scepter taken from Iuda, that is from the Ievvishe tribe, and geuen to Herode a straunger. Then vvas the Messias borne into the vvorlde, to vve [...]e our Sauiour Christ Iesu. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 7.

THE Acts of Christ and the yeares of his incarnation. THE raygne of the Empe­roures. THE famous men & fauorers of the trueth. THE Kings of Iudaea. THE highpriests of the Ievves in Ie­rusalem. SECTS and hereticks as vvell among the Ievves, as aftervvardes among the Christians.
The promi­sed MESSI­AS, the an­noynted of God our sa­uiour Christ▪ Iesus was conceaued in Nazareth, and borne in Bethleem, from the be­ginninge of the world the 3970 yeare. in the 42. of the raigne of Augustus Cae­sar. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 6. Cy­traeus in Ge­nes. Epiphan. lib. 1. tom. 1. AVGVSTVS CAESAR was in the 42. yeare of his raygne when Christ was borne. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 6. Epiphan. lib. 1. tom. 1. The shepheardes had the firste ty­dinges that Christ was borne. Luc. 2. The wise men commonly called the KINGES of COLEN, sawe his starre the same nyght in the East, Mat. 2. Ioh. Huss. HERODE was kinge of the Iewes, & went on the 34. yeare of his raygne when Christ was borne. Eusebius in Chronic. SIMON the sonne of Boethus, the father in lawe of kīg Herode, was Highpriest of the Iewes whē Christ was borne. whom Herode the laste yere of his raigne deposed, suspe­ctinge him to be of the conspiracie & treason practi­sed for the poy­soninge of the kinge. Ioseph. An­tiq. lib. 17. cap. 5. By that which S. Paul wrote vnto the Co­lossians cap. 3. (that in Christ Iesu there was neyther Iewe neyther Gentile, neyther Scy­thian, neither Barbarian) we gather that the nations of old were distinguished and noted one from an other, and that for sundry con­siderations. Some time in the good parte, as of Heber the Hebrewes were called: of Israel the Israelites: of the tribe of Iuda the Iewes: of Leui the Leuites: of Christ the Christians: so agayne in the ill parte and worse sense di­uers haue had theyr appellation, and were called Heretickes, after their names whose steps they followed, and whose opinion they maintayned. The which Epiphanius noteth very well lib [...]de haeresibus.
  Augustus rai­ned 57. yeares Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 10. Al­though o­thers doe write that he raygned but 56. yeares. ZACHARIE the prieste the father of Iohn Baptist, no highpriest but an inferiour, one of the 24. orders mē ­tioned in 1. Paral. 24. of the eyght lott called Abia, Lyra in Luc. Zacharie at the byrth of his sonne Iohn Baptist songe Benedictus. Luc. 1. Herode bur­ned the Ge­nealogies of the Hebrwes to make him selfe a gētle­man. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 8. MATHIAS the sonne of Theophi­lus is by Herode appointed to suc­ceede Simon. Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 5. Amonge the Iewes there were sundrie sectes, whiche continewed also the tyme of Christ. Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 4. cap. 21. alle­geth out of Egesippus, that in the tyme of the Circumcision there were sundrie sectes amonge the children of Israel, varyinge in opinions, and set opposite agaynste the tribe of Iuda, and Christ, namely these: the Ess [...] ­ans, the Galilaeans, Hemerobaptists, Ma [...]o [...]ha­ans, Samaritans, Sadduces, and Pharises. Epi­phanius besides these numbreth others▪ to were: the Gorthaeans, Sebuaeans, Dosithaeans, Scribes, Ossaeans, Nazaraeans, Herodians.
  In the tyme of Augustus there was a generall ta­xing. Luc. 2. Zacharias was slayne betweene the temple & the altare, as Basilias & Origen: in Mat. hom. 26. do write. The cause was as they sayde, in the defence of the virginitie of Ma­rie. The virgins had a seuerall place in the tēple to pray. Marie af­ter the was deli­uered & knowen to haue had a sōne, resorted thi­ther neuertheles. the Pharisies withstoode her. Zacharie affirmed she was a virgine, therefore was he flame. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 1. writeth that there was one Zachari­as the sonne of Baris, wrongfully slaine in the tem­ple by Zelotae, it is lyke it was he whome Christ did meane. Herode slewe his wife, his children, his neerest kins­folkes and most familiar friends. Euse. lib. 1. cap. 9. IOSEPHVS the sonne of Ellimus in the tyme of this Mathias exe­cuted the office of Highpriest­hoode for one daye & no more. The cause was that Mathias the Highpriest drea­med the nyght before, that he had the company of a woman. therefore the day folowing he could not playe the Highpriest. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 17. cap. 8. The Essaeans celebrate festiuall dayes not after the Iewes, but seuerallye at seuerall tymes. They thinke them selues purer then other people. Epiphan. de haeresib. The Es­saeans, sayeth Iosephus (Antiquit. lib. 15. cap. 13.) exercise the like trade of life as Pythae [...]o­ras deliuered amonge the Grecians▪ Agayn [...] (lib. 13. cap. 8.) they affirme all things to [...] gouerned by destinie. They marie no wiu [...] they thinke (bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 7.) that no woman will keepe her selfe to one man. they haue nothing proper, but all comon. They are in number aboue 4. thousand. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 2.

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The acts of Christ, & the yeares of his incarnation. The raygne of the Empe­rours. The famous men and fauourers of the trueth. The Kings of Iudaea. The Hygh­priests of the Ievves in Ierusalem. The councells some times of the vvic­ked, as of the Pha­rises & hereticks▪ some times of the godly a [...] of the A­postles & Aposto­like men. Sects and heretickes as vvell a­mong the Ievves as aftervvards among the Christians.
  Augustus Cae­sar during his raygne after the byrth of Christ sent these manie presidents to Iudaea. 1. Cyrenius. 2. Copinius. 3. Mar [...]us. 4. Annius Ruffus. Iosep. Antiq lib. 18 cap. 3. 4. ELIZABETH the wife of Zacha­rie the mother of Iohn Baptist, vtte­red a piece of the Hayle Marie, the angel Gabriel the rest.   [...]OAZARVS the sonne of Boethus is chosen high­priest by He­rode after that the sayd He­rode had de­posed also Mathias for suspicion of conspiracie. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 17. cap. 8.   There is a seconde sorte of Essaeans, sayeth Iosephus (bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 7.) which agree with the other in all thinges, mariage onely excepted. They commende maryadge for the maintenance of successiō, their maner is for three yeares space to behold the health & beha­uior of maydens, then if they see them healthie & fit for pro­creation, they marie them.
    IOSEPH a car­pente [...] to whome Marie was betro­thed. [...]uc. 1. MARIE the mo­ther of Christ the author of Magni­ficat.       The Galilaeans as I suppose, were they of whome certayne had shewed vnto Christ ( Iuc. 13.) that Pilate had myngled theyr bloode with their owne sacrifices. VVherevpō Ambros. in Luc. noteth their sacrifice to haue bene abhominable. Euse. Ecclesiast. hist. lib. 1. cap. 6. men­tioneth the here [...]ie of the Gali­laeans out of Iosephus, to haue spronge vp of one Iudas Gali­laeus in the tyme of Augustus, when Cyrenius was president of Iudaea, and vnder the sayd Em­perour, of an other called Si­mon Galilaeus vnder Copinius the Presidont. They exhorted the Iewes to a lawlesse and carnall libertie, affirminge that taxe and tribute was nothinge else, but slauishe seruitude. They misliked moreouer with the Iewes, that they suffred mortall men vnder God to raigne ouer them. Of the same opinion were the Galilaeans in the tyme of Pilate, vnder the Emperour Tiberius. VVhere­fore Iudas (as Iosephus wry­teth) was hanged together with his complices, Simon came to naught, and Pilate rewar­ded them vnder him as rebells deserued. Antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 5. Bell. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 7. Luc. 13.
Di [...] 8. Christ was the 8. daye after his birth cir­cumcis [...]d. Luc. 2.   THE VVISH men came 12. dayes after, & of­fred their giftes. Iohn. Huss. Anton. part. 1. tit 5. cap. 1. paragr. 3. Epiphan. lib. 1. tom. 1. lib. 2. tom. 1. haeres. 51. sayeth that it was the second yeare after Christs birth whē the wise mē came. the whiche I see not howe it can stande.       The Hemerobaptists were Iewes in all poynts. they affir­med that it was vnpossible for any man to attayne vnto euer­lastinge lyfe, vnlesse he were e­uery day purified and baptized. Epiphan. Prae [...]ac. lib. 1. de haeres.
Di [...] 13. Christ was presented in the temple 33. dayes after, [...]hat is the [...] [...]aye after his [...]irth▪ for that [...]as the tyme [...]f his mo­ [...]rs [...] Leuit. 12. [...] 2. Anton. [...] part. 1.   SIMEON a man that feared God, tooke the babe Iesus in his armes when he came to the temple to be presented, & song [...]. Luc. 2.     A COVNCELL of the chiefe p [...]iests & Scribes was gathered to­gether by Herod [...] to fifte out of the lawe & prophets where Christ shoulde be borne. which made aunsvvere that he shoulde be borne in Bethlem Iuda. Mat. 2. The Samaritans, as Iosephus Antiq. lib. 11. cap. vlt. denie the Iewes in aduersitie, in prosperitie they cal thē cosins, deriuinge ther pedegries from Ioseph, Ephraim, Manasses. &c. they onely receaue the 5. bookes of Moses, de­nyinge all the prophe­cies after him. they re­tayne all the Iewish [...] ceremonies, except the abhorring of the gen­tiles. They deny more­ouer the resurrection of the deade. Epiphan. prae [...]ac. lib. 1. de haeres.
[Page 13] Anno. 3. Christ was caried into Aegypt the 3 yeare after his birth. Epiphan. cō ­tra haeres. lib. 2. tom. 1. hae­res. 51. Anno. 44. of the rai­gne of Au­gustus. Eu­seb. chron. ANNA a prophe­tesse being a widowe of many yeare [...] continually geuen to fa­sting and praying in the Tem­ple at that instant praysed God and spake of Iesus Luc. 2. Herode comman­deth the infants to be slain [...]. lib. 1. cap. 9. Anno. Christi 3.     The Saduces calling them selues after the etymologie of theyre name, iuste men, affir­med as Iosephus writeth (lib. 2. bell. Iud. cap. 7.) that man had free will, that it lay in man to do good or badd. Mat. 22. & Luc. Act. 23. say [...] that they denyed the resur­rection, affirming there was neyther Angell, neither spirite.
      Herode when he had raigned, 37, yeares ouer the Iewes, dieth mise­rably. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 9. Ioseph. An­tiq. lib. 17. cap. 10. Euseb. chronic. ELEAZAR was appoin­ted hygh­priest by Ar­chelaus after that this Ar­chelaus had deposed Ioa­zar for suspi­tion of con­spiracie. Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 19.   The Pharises accor­ding vnto the etymo­logie of theyr name, were a sect deuided frō the rest of the people. Theophilac. in Luc. cap. 11. likeneth thē to the Monkes of his tyme. Ioseph. (Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 2.) saith they main­tayned fatall destinie.
Christ [...]aried in Aegypt 2. yeares Epip. lib. 1. tom. 1.     ARCHELAVS king of the Iewes succeeded his fa­ther Herod [...], Euse. li. 1. cap. 10. Euseb. chronic▪ IESVS the sonne of Sea succeedeth Eleazar. Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 19.   Our sauiour telleth vs in the Gospell Luc. 11. that they were wholly set vpon outward [...]ē ­singe, they washed the vtter side of the cupp, they bragged of their almes, they fasted twise a weeke, they washed their hands when they come from the mar­ket, before meate. they [...]y [...]hed mynte & re [...] their attyre was sup [...] ­stitious, they wore [...] ­ [...]acteries. Luc. 11. M [...] 7. Epiphan. prae [...]ac. lib▪ 1. de haeres.
Anno. 6. Christ the 6. yeare after his byrth came out of Aegipt. Ioseph hearing that Archelaus did raygne in his steede feared to go to Israel and went to Galile. Matt. 2. Anno 47. Augusti Euse. chronic.   Archelaus after­wardes is deposed by Augustus Cae­sar and appointed ruler ouer certain prouinces as Idu­maea, Iudaea, and Samaria, Euseb. lib 1. cap. 10. Ioseph. Antiqu. lib. 17. cap. 17. ANANVS otherwise called Annas was appoin­ted hygh priest by Cy­renius that was sent by Augustus in­to Iudaea af­ter the exile of Archelaus this Cyrenius first deposed Eleazar and substituted Annas, Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 3. belike Ele­azar was af­terwards ad­mitted and the 2. time deposed.   The Scrib [...] were th [...] doctors of the law [...] ▪ foolishe & superstiti­ous glossers, mayntay­ners of blind customes contrary to the trueth▪ Epiphan. de haeres.
Anno. 12. Christ being 12. yeare old went vp with his parents to Ierusalem at the feast of the Passouer & was found disputing a­mong the doctors. Luc. 2.     Archelaus last of all is banished by Augustus (as Eu­seb. in chronic. the 9. yeare of his rai­gne but as Ioseph Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 19. writeth the 10. yeare.) into Vienna a citie of Fraunce. ISMAEL the sonne of Baphus is placed high­priest, and Annas depo­sed by Vale­rius Gra [...]us who was sēt from Caesar into Iudaea. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 11. There vvas a councell of priests gathered together at Ierusalem a litle before Christ reuealed him selfe, to chuse a Prieste in the rovvme of one that vvas deseased. Looke hovv many letters there are in the Hebrevv tongue, so many priestes there vvere in the tēple: to vvere 22. the ma­ner vvas to register in a certaine boke reserued in the temple, the day of the election, the name of the elected, the name of his father, of his mother, & of his tribe. whilest that they thought some on one mā, some on an other, there stepped forth a priest one of the multitude, & sayd: My vvill is that IESVS the sonne of Ioseph the carpē ­ter be elected priest, vvho though he be yōg in yers, yet passeth he in vtterāce & vvisdome, & maners. I thinke truely there vvas neuer seene in Ierusalem such a one, both for elo­quence, & life, & maners, the vvhiche I am sure all that inhabit Ierusalem do knovve as vvell as I. The vvhich vvas no soner spo­ken, but vvas allovved of. & the partie, I meane Ie­sus, chosen to be a prieste. They doubt of his tribe, a­gayne they vvere therein resolued. They call for his parentes to register theyr names. The priest that fa­uored Iesus made ansvver that Ioseph his father vvas deade, yet Marie his mo­ther vvas alyue. She vvas brought before them, she affirmed that she vvas his mother, & that Iesus vvas her sonne, but she sayde moreouer that he had no father on earth, that she vvas a virgine, & that the holy Ghost had ouersha­dovved her. They sent for the midvviues & also for such as had ben present at the birth. She vvas founde to be a virgine, in the end they concluded vvith one voyce that he shoulde be registred Iesus the sōne of God, & of Marie the vir­gine. VVe remēber more­ouer Iosephus to haue said that Iesus sacrificed in the temple together vvith the priests. Heerevpon also it fel out that as Iesus entred into the synagogue of the Ievves, the boke vvas de­liuered vnto him vvhere he read of the prophet E­sai: vvhereby vve gather that if Iesus had not bene priest amōg the Iewes▪ the booke vvoulde not haue bene deliuered vnto him. Neither is it permitted a­mongest vs Christians for any to reade holye scrip­ture in the opē assemblie, vnlesse he be of the clear­gie. So farre Suidas as he learned of a Ievve.  
Anno. Chri­sti. 15. Anno. 56. August Eu­seb. cronic. TIBERI­VS succee­ded Augu­stus Caesar in the em­pire of Rome. VALERI­VS GRA­TVS was sent from Tiberius into Iudaea there to be president. and after him Pilate Iosep. Anti. li. 18. ca. 4. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 10.   Herode the Te­trarch king of the Iewes succeedeth Archelaus. Herode heard of the [...]ame of Iesu, yet belee­ued he not in him Math 14.      
      Herode maried Herodias the wife of his brother Phi­lip, his brother being aliue. Iohn Baptist reprehen­ded him for it, whiche cost him his heade. Math. 14.      
[Page 14] Anno. Do. 30. Christ was baptized the 30▪ yeare of his age, the 15. of Tiberi­us the empe­rour the 4. of the procu­ratorship of Pontius P [...] ­ [...]ate, Herode being Te­trarch of Galilee, Philip tetrarch of I­ [...]u [...]aea, Lysa­nias tetrarch of Ab [...]ene. Iuc. 3. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 11. Anno. 15. T [...]berij. About this time Iohn the Baptist preached in the wil­dernes of Iudaea, he pointed at ch [...]st with the [...]inger, he baptised Christ in Iordan, he reprehen­ded Herod for marying his brothers wife, he is beheaded in p [...]son by the cō ­mādemēt of Herode Math. 3. Iohn. 1. Math. 14. Iosephus geueth of [...]m a no­table re­port. Eu­seb. lib. 1. cap. 12. Herod had to wife the daughter of Aretas king of A­rabia, the which he dimissed and maried Herodias: for which cause Herode & Aretas warred on against the other, in the which battell He­rodes host was vt­terlye [...]oyled as it was thought, for a plague, for be­headinge Iohn Baptist. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 12. out of Iosephus. ELEAZAR the sonne of Annas not long after was placed by the same Gra [...]us and Ismael remo­ued. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 11.   The Gorthaeans were [...]ects celebrating theyr festiuall dayes at other tymes then the Iewes did. Epiph. prae [...]ac. lib. 1. de haeresib.
  VIT [...]L­LIVS the procura­tor of Sy­ [...]a, is sent from Tiberius to a [...]d Herode a­gainst Aretas. Ioseph. Antiq▪ lib. 19. cap. 7. 8     SIMON the sonne of Ca­mithus the yeare after was placed, and Eleazar deposed by the same Gratus. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 11.   The Sebuaeans were in their ceremonies cō trary to the Iewes and to the Gorthaeans. Epip. The Dosithaeans were such as in diuers cere­monies seuered them­selues from the Iewes▪ some of them woulde marrie, yet liue & con­tinue virgins, they fa­sted from al liuing cre­atures: they began of Dosithaeus who shew­ing his folowers an ex­ample of fasting fami­shed him self to death, & thereby proued him selfe a foole. Epiphan. lib. 1. tom. 1. heres. 13. The Ossaeans after the Etymologie of their name, signifie impudēt persons, they vsed o­ther scriptures besides the lawe, they reiected the greater part of the later Prophets. Epipha. prae [...]ac. lib. de heres.
Christ being baptized in the first yeare of his preaching, was led into the wildernes, and hauing fasted 40. dayes & 40. nights ( Mat. 4.) was seene of Iohn who pointed at him with the [...]inger and sayd: beholde the Lambe of God, the which when Andrewe hearde he followed him. Ioh. 1. The next day the Lorde found Philip and sayd: follow me. Ioh. 1. The third day there was a mariage in Cana of Galilee, there Christ wrought the firste miracle. Ioh. 2. The Iewes Passeouer was at hand, then Iesus went vp to Ierusalem & threwe the b [...]ers and sellers out of the temple. Ioh. 2. He came thence into Iudaea. Ioh. 3. He walked about the seae of Galilee. Luc. 5. He chose 12. Disciples whome he called Apostles. Math. 10. He appoynted also other 70. Luc. 10. Christ went about the contrey, preached many Sermons, wrought many miracles. About this time Iohn Baptist is imprisoned. Haec & alia Anno suae praedicationis primo. Iohn. Huss.           The Mazar [...]ans were such as vsed no liuing creatures, they abhor­red the eating of flesh▪ they allowed of Moses and of the lawe writtē by him, but they deni­ed that the 5. bookes vnder his name were written by him, affir­ming them selues to haue foūd other bokes Epiphan. lib. 1. tom. 1. heres. 18.
Christ in the 2. yeare of his preaching came to his owne contreye. Math. 13. Herode was desirous to see him. This Herode beheaded Iohn Baptist in prison, Math. 14. Iesus wētthēce into the wildernesse, he also & his disciples went into the land of Genazareth through Bethsaida, Mat. 14.           The Herodians were they of the Iewes which thought that Herode was Christ, and applied vnto him the prophecie of Iacob ( gē. 49.) the scepter shall not depart from Iuda, &c. which is verified in none other but in

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The Acts of Christ and the yeares of the incarnation. The Councells some­times of the vvicked, as of the Pharises & here­tickes, sometimes of the godlie, as of the Apostles and Apostolicke men. Sectes & heretickes as well among the Iewes, as afterwardes amonge the Christians.
He passed throughe the coastes of Tyre and Sidon. Mathewe. 15. This being done he wēt vp to Ierusalem at the feast of Pente­cost. Iohn. 5. Iesus went away thence and came neare vnto the sea of Galilee, from thence he tooke ship and came to the partes of Magdala. Math. 15. Afterwards into Caesarea Philippi. Luc. 9. af­ter 6. dayes, Math. 17. after 8. dayes. he transfigured him selfe in mount Thabor. Luc. 9. Thēce he went to Capernaum. Math. 17. After these thinges he came from Galilee into Iudaea. Math. 19. Againe he went to Galilee. Ioh. 7. They bid him go out of Galilee for Herode sought to slay him. Luc. 13. He vvent vp to the feast of Tabernacles although he told his brethren he vvoulde not. Ioh. 7. he preached many sermons, he wrought many miracles &c. Haec anno praedicationis suae 2. Iohn Huss. The Scribes & the Pharises gathered a councell at Ierusalem, & sent frō thē Scribes, Pharises and Leuites, vnto Iohn Baptist, to knowe who, and what he was. Iohn. 1. Christ. Epiphani. lib. 1. tom. 1. heres. 20.
Christ in the 3. yeare of his preaching vvent vp to Ierusalem to the feast of dedication, it vvas vvinter and he vvalked in the tem­ple in Solomons porch. Iohn 10. Thence he went beyonde Iordan, aftervvardes he came to Bethania where he raised Lazarus. Ioh. 10. Iohn Huss. The high priests & Pharises gathered a councell in the hall of the high priest, to ad­uise them what was best to be done tou­ching the doinges of Christ: if they let him a lone, then feared they lest the Romaynes came and tooke their place and nation: they decreed therein, that whosoeuer knewe the place of his abode, he should enforme them thereof: they decreed also, that whosoeuer confessed christ should be excommunicated, they consulted howe they might put Laza­rus to death, and howe they might take Iesus by subteltie, & kill him: then Iudas went into them, and sayde: what will ye geue me, and I will deliuer him into your handes, and they appointed him 30. pie­ces of siluer. Ioh. 1 [...]. 12. Math. 26. Iudas Gaulonites, and Sadochus a Pharise mayntained the here­sie of the Galilaeans. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 1.
In the beginning of the 4002. yeare of the worlde the 10. daye of the moneth March Christ came ouer Ior­dan into Bethabara. Ioh. 10. The 11. day hearing of the disease of Lazarus, he continewed there 2. dayes. Iohn 11. The 13. day La­zarus died and Christ tooke his iorney to goe and raise him. Ioh. 11. The 14. day he entreth into Iericho, and healeth the sonne of Timaeus. Marc. 10. The 15. daye he spendeth by the way. The 16. day he commeth to Bethania, where he raiseth Lazarus nowe 4. dayes dead. Iohn 11. The 17. daye he goeth to the desert into the citie of Ephraim. Iohn. 11. The 18. day he contineweth in the de­sert. The 19. day being 6. dayes before the passouer, he returneth to Bethania, and suppeth with Lazarus Iohn 12. The 20. day was Palme sonday, so called because the multitude tooke braunches of Palme trees, and went to meete Iesus comming to Ierusalem. Iohn 12. That euening he returned to Bethania. Math. 21. The 21. day comminge out of Bethania, he cursed the Figge tree. Math. 21. In the euening he goeth out of the citie. Marc. 11. The 22. day in the morning he passeth by the vvithered figge tree. Marc. 11. That nyght Christ supped in Bethania in the house of Simon the leper, & 2. dayes after vvas the feast of passouer. Mat. 26. Mar. 14. The 23. day Iudas couenaunted to betray him. Luc. 22. The 24. daye in the euening Christ celebrated the Ievves passouer. After­vvards his ovvne called the Lordes supper. He vvasheth the disci­ples feete: he goeth out into Mount Oliuet: he prayeth, he svvea­teth blood: he is taken: he is brought to Caiphas, Peter denyeth him. Math. 26. Marc. 14. Luc. 22. Iohn 18. Cytraeus in the 21. cap. Math. Iohn Huss.   Simon Galilaeus taught the heresie of the Ga­lilaeans aboue mentio­ned. Euseb. eccle. hist. lib. 1. cap. 6. Ioseph. bel. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 7.

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The Acts of Christ and the yeares of the Incarnation The raigne of the Emperors. The famous men and sauorers of the trueth. the Kings of Iudaea. The highpriests of the Iewes in Ieru­salem. The Coūcells some times of the wic­ked, as of the Pha­rises & hereticks, some times of the godly, is of the A­postles & Aposto­licke men. Sects & hereticks as well amonge the Iewes, as after­wards amonge the Christians.
Our sauiour Christ Iesus whē he had liued heere on earth, 33. yeares full & some what more, sust [...]ed death for the sal­uation of man kind the 25. days of M [...]h the 18 yer [...] o [...] the [...] of T [...], [...] [...]us P [...]te beinge presidente of Iu­daea, H [...] de the [...] king of the Iewes, [...] i [...] highp [...]est [...] in [...]1. cap. Math. [...]s [...]b. Chronic. [...] Chronic. Euseb. [...]l. hist li. 1. cap. 11. Anno 18. [...] [...]he­ [...] Euseb. Chro­nic. When Christ was on the crosse ther stode by, his mo­ther & Marie Cleopas his mothers sister, and Marie Magdalene & the disciple whome Christ loued. Ioh. 19. Herode the tetrarch whē he had moc­ked Christ (whome Pi­late sent vn­to him) sent him backe to Pilate againe [...]uc. 23. CAIPHAS other wise called Ioseph was high prieste when Christ suf­fred next after Si­mō placed by Cra­tus, Euseb. lib. 1. ca. 11. Ioseph An­tiq: lib. 18. cap. 4. The Scribes Pharises and el­ders hearing that Christ was risen from the dead, ga­thered a councell for to suppresse the rumor there­of, and concluded that a pece of money should be ge­uen to the soul­diers for sayinge that his disciples stole him away by night. Math. 28. Iudas Iscarioth being one of the 12. was the first Apostata that fell frō the trueth in Christ, he solde his master for 30. pieces of siluer. Math. 26.
  P [...]A [...] certifi­eth the emperour Tib [...]ius of the doinges of Christ his passion & re­surrection. Eseb. [...]. hist. li. 2. [...]a. 2. IOSEPH of Ari­mathia who was a disciple of Iesus but secretly for feare of the Iewes came to Pilate & begged the body of Iesus. Ioh. 19. NICODEMVS also came (who at the first came to Christ by night Io. 3. & brought pre­cious oyntments. Ioh. 19.   The holy Euā ­gelists doe re­corde Annas & Caiphas to haue beene highe­priests in the cōpasse of our Sauiours prea­ching and pas­sion, so they might very wel be both placed and displaced and placed againe within that time, these 5. Annas Ismael Eleazar Simon & Caiphas are sayde to haue bene within 4. yeares. The cause of so great a chaūge of priestes was the often alte­ration of Pre­sidents sent frō the Emperour into Iudaea. Euseb. lib. 1. ca. 11.    
Christ [...]ose frō the d [...]d the 3. daye being the 27. day of March the sam [...] day he shewed hī selfe diuersly 1. to Ma [...] Magdalene 2. to other womē 3. to the disciples as they went to Emaus 4. to Iames 5. to Peter 6 to all the Apostles whē the dores were shutt 7. to mo thē 500. brethrē. Mat. 28. Mar [...]. 16. Luc. 24. Ioh. 20. 1. Cor. 15. eyghte dayes after, that is the 3 of Aprill he ap­peared vnto Tho­mas afterwardes he shewed him selfe at the sea of Tiberias I [...]hn. 20. 21. Cytreus in 21. cap. Math. TIBIRIVS woulde haue had Christ to be cano­nized by the Senate of Rome, in the catalogue of the Gods: the Se­nate woulde not. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 2 The names of the 12. Apostles. Mat. 10. Marc. 3. Act. 1. Luc. 6.   IONATHAS the sōne of Anna suc­ceedeth Caiphas by the commaun­dement of Vitel­lius president of Syria who depo­sed Caiphas for his lewdnesse Io­seph Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 8.    
Forty dayes after that is the 5. of May he ascended into the heauens Act. 1. Math. 28. Mar [...]. 16. [...]u [...]. 24. C [...]treus in 21. cap. Math. MARCIIIVSIS lente into Iudaea in the towme of Pilate ( Ioseph. Antiq lib. 18. cap. 7.) by Vitellius Pre­sident of Syria.
  • 1. Peter called both Simon and Cephas.
  • 2. Andrewe Peter his brother.
  • 3. Iames the sonne of Zebedaeus the brother of Iohn the Euangelist.
  • 4. Iohn the Euan­gelist the brother of Iames.
  • 5. Philip of Beth­saida,
  • 6. Bartholomaeus.
  • 7. Mathewe the sonne of Alphaeus. Marc. 2. called Le­ui & a Publicane.
  • 8. Thomas called Didymus.
  • 9, Iames the sonne of Alphaeus called Iustus and Oblias, and the brother of the Lorde, tou­ching whome looke Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 23. & the cen­sure following. 10. Iude the bro­ther of Iames cal­led Lebbae­us & Thad daeus. 11. Simon the bro­ther of Ia­mes & Iude called the Cananite & Zelotes. 12. Iudas Is charioth who slewe his father, maried with his mother & betraied his maister in the ende he hanged himselfe. Chronic. Al bon.
  THEOPHILVS brother to Iona­thas is placed high priest & Ionathas remoued by the same Vitellius. Zuinger Theat. hu. vit.    

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The acts of Christ and the yeares of the in­carnation. The raigne of the Em­perours. The Fa­thers of the Church. The Kinges of Iudaea. The High-priestes of the Iewes in Ierusa­lem. The Coun­cells. The bishops of Ierusalem. The Bi­shops of Antioche. The bi­shops of Rome. The Bi­shops of A­lexandria. The H [...]tickes.
          The Apo­stles imme diatly after the ascen­tiō of our sauiour re­turned srō Mount O­liuet to Ie­rusalem, & there assē ­bled toge­ther for the election of one to suc­cede in the rowme of Iudas the traytor. wher they chose Ma­thias. Act. 1 IAMES cal­led the bro­ther of Christ, as Clemēs wri­teth, was im­mediatly af­ter the assum­ption of our sauiour chosē bishop of Ie­rusalē, by Pe­ter, Iames, and Iohn, the A­postles. Euse. lib. 2. cap. 1. he cōtinewed Bishop of that seae 30. yeares. Anto. chron. part. 1. tit. 6. cap. 8. paragr. 1. He was martyred an. Dom. 63. Euseb. chron. The Iewes, but especially Ananias the highpriest set him vp to preache vnto the people. when he had done, they threwe him downe head­long, & bray­ned him with a Fullers clubb. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 23. Iosephus thought that the destructi­on of Ierusa­lem was part­ly because of the martyr­dome of this Iames. The Anti­ochians as Iuke reporteth were first called Christians Paul and Barnabas preached there one whole yeare. Act. 11. Eusib. eccles. hist. lib. 2. cap. 3      
The 15. daye of mayhe sēt the holy ghost vpō the Apo­stles, on the day of pentecost. Act. 2. Cy­treus in 21 cap. Math.   Mathias is added to the eleuen in the rowme of Iu­das the traitor. Act. 1. Besides these 12. Christ ap­pointed o­ther 70. disciples ther names are founde in this volūe before this Chrono­graphy writen by Do­rotheus. Luc. 10. Seuen dea cons are chosen by the Apo­stles, Ste­phan, Phi­lip, Prochorus, Nica­nor, Timon, Parmenas, Nicolas. Act. 6.         PETER the Apo­stle was the first bishop of Antioch. He conti­newed there 7. yeres & 70. ther yeres about Ie­rusalem & the Ea­sterne re­legiōs An­ton. chron. part. 1. tit. 6. cap. 4. parag. 1. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 1. 4.     Ana [...] gethe [...] Saph [...] wife f [...] from faith hypo [...] & dis [...] latiō cons [...] toge [...] [...]or t [...] lude [...] holy [...] in re [...] back [...] part [...] sold [...] sion [...] espi [...] & a [...] ami [...] had [...] the [...] fall [...] dea [...] dow [...] his [...] Act [...]
Anno Christi 34. Eus. Chronic. Anno Tibe­rij 19. Eu­seb. in Chronic. Stephā was stoned to death Ac. 7     A councel is summo­ned of the Apostles & disciples of Christ at Ierusalē for the re­mouing of the tumult risen be­twene the Grecians & the He­brewes a­bout the contēning of their widowes wherein they chose 7. deacons. Act. 6.   EVODIVS one of the 70. disci­ples whom S. Paul. re­membred in his epi­stles was bishop of Antioch after Pe­ter. Euseb. eccles. hist. lib. 3. ca. 19.   MARKE the Euan­gelist be­ing the di­sciple and interpreter of Peter was the 1. bishop of Alexadria, being at Rome he was intreated of the brethrē to write a go spell. the which whē Peter herd of he allo­wed & cō ­mitted the said go spell with his autori­tie to be read in the churche. Marke was not al waies resi­ant at Alex andria, for he preched also in the contreyes about.  
[Page] [...] frō [...]encri [...]nto [...] as he [...] per­ [...]ing: [...] Saul, [...] perse [...]t [...] me? [...]9. When Ti­berius had [...]aigned 23. yeares he dyed. Paul is cō uerted to the [...]aith. The Eunuche cōuer­ted by Philip, prea­ched the Gospell to the Aethiopians his contreymē Act 8. Eu­seb. lib. 2. cap. 1.                
Chri Caius Cali­guia suc­ceedeth, Tiberius Pi­late which gaue the sentēce v­pon Christ fell into such mise­ry being a­cused for his cruel­ty that he slewe himselfe in the tyme of Caius. Eu­seb. lib. 2. cap. 7. Philo Iudae us flori­shed about this tyme, he is sent in embas­sie vnto Cauis from the Iewes in Alexan­dria Euse. lib. 2. cap. 5. he came first to Rōe vnder Cai­us. the 2. time vnder Claudius. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 18. Philo wrot a notable booke of the Christians at that time in Aegypt called worshipers Euseb. lib. 2 cap. 16. 17. his owne are to be sene. Euse. lib. 2. ca. 18 HERODE the tetrarche when he had bene king of the Iewes 24. yeres is banished by Caius the Empe­rour together with his har­lot Herodias. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 4. into li­ons a city in Fraunce. Eu­seb. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 14.              
Chri Euse. [...]c. Caius Cali­gula cal­led himselfe God. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 6. Caius whē he had rai­gned 3. yeres & 10. monethsis slayne of his gard in his pallace Euseb. li. 2. cap. 8. Eu­seb. in chronic.                  
Chri CLAVDI­VS succee­deth Caius Caligula: Anno Clau­dij. 2.   AGRIPPA the sonne of Aristobulus, nephewe to Herode the great brother to Herodias, by the com­maundement of Caius Cali­gula succee­deth Herode the tetrarche kinge of the Iewes. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 11 14. Bel. Iud. lib. 1. cap. 10. 11. SIMON otherwise called Can­thara is by the com­maunde­ment of king Agrippa placed highpriest & Ionathas depriued. Ioseph. An­tiq. lib. 19. cap. 5.            
Chr There was a great fa­mine. An 4. Claudij. Philo Iudae us talked at Rome with Peter the Apo­stle in the tyme of Agrippa be­headed Iames the brother of Iohn. Act. 12. IONA­THAS the sonne of Anna is nowe the            
44                    
[Page] Anno Christi 46.   Claudius. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 16. IAMES the bro­ther of Iohn is be­headed Act. 12. Peter cam to Rome in the time of Claudius Euseb. lib. 2 cap. 14. cō ­futed Si­mon Magus and prea­ched cap. 16. Agrippa whē he had ray­gned 7. yeres died misera­bly. Euseb. li. 2. cap. 10. Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 7. 2. time pla­ced & Si­mon Can­thara remoued by A­grippa. this Ionathas requested that his brother Matthias beinge the worthier & holyer mā might en­ioye his place A­grippa was entreated & admit­ted Mat­thias. Io­seph. An­tiq. lib. 19. cap. 6. The Apo­stles, elders & brethrē gathered a councel at Ierusalem. an. 4. Clau­dij, to de­termine what was to be done toutching the do­ctrine sow­ed by cer­taine bre­therne of the Phari­ses whiche came from Iudaea: af­firmīg that circūcision was neces­sarie & the obseruatiō of the law. this newes Paul Barna bas & Titus brought vnto thē. Galat. 2. where they decreed that the faithfull should ab­staine frō things of­fred to I­dols, from blood, frō that that is strāgled, & from for­nication, the which they publi­shed by their let­ters vnto the chur­ches of Antioche, Sy­ria, & Cili­cia, with Silas & Iudas, which accōpani­ed Paul &     PETER the Apo­stle. anno Do. 44. & the secōd of Claudins came to Rome, and as they say cōtinewed there By­shop 25. yeares 12, vnder Claudius, & 13. vnder Ne­ro. Ierom. catalog. ec cles. scrip. Euse. eccle. hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. 16. He foyled Simon Ma­gus in the citie of Rome, and in the pre­sence of Nero. He was cruci­fyed at Rome the laste yeare of Nero, with his head down wardes, whiche kinde of death he himselfe desired not presuming to haue his heade vp­wards, be­cause his maister Christ was so hādled. Euseb. hist. eccle. lib. 2. cap. 25. lib. 3. cap. 1. & in chron. The Christians vn­der him at Alexādria (as Philo Iudaeus writeth) vsed the like trade with thē of whome Luke reported Act. 4. they had al thinges cō mon Euse. Eccl. hist. lib. 2. cap. 15. 16. 24. Ierom cata. eccle. script. Dorotheus b. of Tyrꝰ sayth that in the time of Traîan he had a cable rope tyed about his neck [...] at Alexan dria by the which he was drawē from the place cal­led Bucolꝰ vnto the place cal­led Angels where he was bur­ned to a­shes & bu­ried at Bu­colus. but Philo saith it was the first yeare of Nero. Ierom saith it was the 8. yeare of Nero. Antoni. chron. part. 1. tit. 6 ca. 16. sayth it was An. Domi. 57. the 2. of Nero. Certaine Pha [...] after they bele [...] in Christ, taug [...] that circumci [...] was necessarie, the obseruatio [...] the lawe. Act. Gal. 2. 3. 4. 5. Simon Magu [...] sorcerer being Samaritane of village Gittō, baptized by P [...] the Deacon in maria. He wo [...] haue bought [...] Peter the gy [...] the holy ghos [...] him role the [...] Simonie. Act. 8. seb. lib. 2. cap. 1 came to Rome the time of C [...] us, he called [...] selfe a god, h [...] honored ther [...] a picture haui [...] this superscrip [...] Simôni Deo s [...] he had to his mate one Hel [...] whome Irenae calleth Selen, [...] witch & a co [...] harlott, whom called the pri [...] pall vndersta [...] Euseb. lib. 2. c [...] 13. 14. he said the Samarit [...] he was the [...] vnto the Iew [...] that he was t [...] sonne descer [...] from heauen the Gentils t [...] was the holy Irenaeus lib. 1. 20. Epiphan. [...] tom. 2. heres [...] ter foyled hi [...] Samaria, wh [...] shame he fle [...] leauing Sam [...] Iudaea he sa [...] East to Wes [...] king to liue [...] harts ease [...] to Rome vn [...] Claudius, wh [...] ter also bei [...] no doubt b [...] holy ghost [...] him. Euse. [...] li. 2. ca. 1. 14. 15. Peter had much to doe with him in the presence of Nero. as Anton. chron. writeth he had 3. conflicts with him, in the ende Simon seeing him selfe foyled and his witchcraft preuailing not at all, told them he would leaue their citie & flye vp vnto the heauens whence he came. Wherfore vpon a certaine day appointed, he clymed vp into the high Capitol whence he tooke his flight by the meanes of his witchcraft & the spirites which bore him in the ayre. the peo­ple at the sight hereof were amazed. But Peter fell downe and prayed vnto god that his witchcraft might be reueled vnto the worlde. he had no sooner prayed but down cometh Simon Magus & bruseth him selfe in peeces so that thereby he died miserab­ly. Abdias Babylō: Apost. hist. lib. 1. Egesip. lib. 3. cap. 2. Epiphan. lib. tom. 2. hae­res. 21. Anton. chron. part. 1. tit. 6. cap. 4.
An. Do. 47 Claudius commaū ­ded all Ie­wes to de­parte from Rome. Act. 18. be­cause a cer­taine Iewe seduced on Fuluia a noble ma­tron to be­leue in the ir ceremonies. Ioseph Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 7. Claudius after the dea the of A­grippa ma­ior sendeth Cuspius Fadus liue tenāt into Iudaea. Io­seph. Antiq lib. 19. cap. vlt. It may ve­ry well be that Peter at this time came to Rome, but that he staied there the full space of 25. yeares (as it is re­ported) I take it for a fable. I reade ( Act. 18.) that Agrippa the sonne of A­grippa maior called minor by the ap­pointemente of Claudius succeedeth his father in the kingdom ouer the Ie­wes being of the age of 17 when his fa­ther died. Eu­seb. lib. 2. cap. 19. Ioseph. An tiq. li. 19. ca. 8              
  Tiberius A lexader suc cedeth Fadus & Cu­manus suc­cedeth Tiberius Alexander. Anno 9. Claudius gaue com­maunde­ment that all Iewes should de part Rome Peter be­ing a Iewe he muste needes geue place or abide the daun­ger therof trouble I finde he suffered none his abscence stoode him in steade no doubte he wente away whē as also the Iewes nā [...] ­ly Priscilla & Aquila departed Rome and mett Paul at Corin­thus. Act. 18. Againe Eusebius writeth that he suffred martirdome at Rome together with Paul, vnder the Emperour Nero. so it may very well be, at his se­conde re­turne vnto Rome, so that the reader may count so many yeres that is 25. frō his first com­ming vn­der Claudi­us vnto the ende of his passion or martyrdōe vnder Ne­ro, & thus it were better to recō cile writers then statly to deny all or to saye he was ne­uer at Rōe   ELIONE­VS the sonne of Githaeus by Agrippa is placed and Matthias deposed Zuinger. Theat. hu. vit. Simon Can­thara a­gaine is placed. Zuinger. Ioseph the sonne of Cainus is made high priest, and Simon Can thara deposed by the commaun­dement of Herode kīg of Chalcis brother to Agrippa maior who receaued authoritye of Claudius (during the nonage of yong Agrippa) to con­secrate priests. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 1. Ananias the sonne of Nebedaeus (before whome Paul plea­ded in the Act▪) is by the said Herode placed highpriest and Ioseph remoued.            
  Claudij. Io­seph. antiq. lib. 20. ca. 5 Felix is sēt by Claudius into Iudaea after C [...]nanus. Antiq. lib. 20. ca. 9                  
[Page] This Felix trēbled at the prea­ching of Paul. Act. 24. Marie the mother of Christ (as it was reueled vnto some sayth Euseb. in Chronic.) about this time departed this life where tell who can. Agrippa mino [...]herd the plea­dinge of Paul, and Paul thought him self happy that he had li­cence to pleade be­fore him. Act. 26. This Ana­nias is sent to Rome together with Cumanus the president to rē der before Claudius an accōpt of his doings. Ioseph. Ant lib. 20. ca. 1. 5. bel. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 11 Ionathas (whome I suppose now the 3. time to haue bene placed be­ing high­priest and freely re­prehēding according vnto his duty is by the com­maūdemēt of Felix cruelly & spitefully put to dea­the. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 11. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 20. Barnabas. Act. 15. Be­da. Lyra.         Theudas a Sorcerer called him selfe a Prophet, he made the Iewes beleue the riuer Iordan woulde deuide it selfe at his com­maundement, he seduced many of them & drew many after him. But Fadus Liuetenant of Iudaea met him vnawares with great power, slewe many of his company, tooke many a­liue. Theudas him selfe he beheaded & brought his head to Ierusalem. Act. 5. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 11. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 4. Ananus the highprist was a Saducee. Euseb. li. 2. cap. 23.
[...]o. 56 Claudius when he had bene Emperour 13. yeares eyght mo­neths and twenty daies died. Euseb. lib. 2. ca 19. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 10.       Iames. b. of Ierusalem, Paul & the elders summoned a councel at Ierusalem for the re­mouing of the sclaun­der bru­ted by the Iewes of Paul, that he was no obseruer of the law, that he spake a­gainst Mo­ses, where­fore for the remouing of this sus­picion, & for the winning of the bretherne the coun­cel decreed that Paul shoulde cleare him and purifie him selfe according vnto the lawe yel­ding a litle for a time vnto the ceremo­nies of the lawe Act. 21         An Aegyptian Sorcerer who called him selfe a Prophet drewe after him vnto mount Oliuet as Io­sephus sayth 30. thousand, as Luke writeth 4. thou­sand Iewes. Felix met him with power which ouer­threwe the seduced Iewes, took many aliue, but the Sorcerer him selfe escaped away Act. 21. Euseb. lib. cap. 21. Ioseph. b [...] Iud. lib. 2. cap. 12.
  Nero succedeth Clau­dius in the empire o [...] Rome. Eu­seb. lib. 2. cap. 19.                  
[Page] Anno Christi 58. Euse. Chronic. Nero sent Portius Fe­stus into Iudaea to succede Felix two yeares after. Act. 25. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 13: Euse. lib 2. cap. 22. Paul com­meth to Rome now the first time being sent by Fe­stus. And cleareth him self, so that he es­caped the lions mouthe, mea­ning Nero. Act. 25. 2. Timoth. 4. Euseb. lib. 2 cap. 22.   ISMAEL the sonne of Siab is crea­ted highe­priest by A­grippa minor and beinge sent as legate vnto Nero he is stayed for a pleadge Iosep. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 13. and 15.           Elimas Bariesus [...] Iewe, being a fa [...] prophet and a so [...] cerer, went abo [...] to peruert & tur [...] from the faith Sergius Paulus the butie. Paul the Apostle reprehēd him, so that the sorcerer was sm [...] ten with blindn [...] & the debutie c [...] uerted of who [...] Paul borowed [...] name. Act. 13: B [...]
An. Do. 63 Euseb. chronic. Festus be­ing deade, & Albinus cōing frō Rome, A­nanus the highpriest in the va­cancie of the liuete­nantship martyreth Iames the brother of Christ bi­shop of Ie­rusalē. Eus. lib. 2. ca. 23 Iose. antiq. lib. 16. Iames the brother of Christ cal­led the Iust whom the Apostles had placed ouerscer of the faith full at Ierusalem, is at this time martyred by the Ie­wes, especially by A­nanus the highpriest who being a Saduce as Iosephus sayth was geuen to cruelty. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 23. Io­seph. lib. 20 cap. 15. 16.   IOSEPHVS called Gaddis is placed high priest in Is­maels rowme by Agrippa minor Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 15 Ananus the sonne of Ananus is by A­grippa placed & Ioseph dis­placed. This Ananus sto­ned Iames the brother of Christbishop of Ierusalem, wherefore when he had bene priest 3. moneths, he is by the same Agrippa de­priued. Antiq lib. 20. cap. 15 16. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 23. Iesus the sonne of Dannaeus is cho­sē highpriest. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 16.           Alexander the [...] per smith beca [...] an Apostata & sisted the prea [...] of the worde of God. 1. Timoth. 2. Timoth. 4.
An. Dom. 66. [...]LORVS succeedeth Albinus, a cruell liue­tenāt vnto the Iewes. Euse. lib. 2. cap. 26. Io­seph. antiq. lib. 20. cap. 17.     Iesus the sonne of Ga­maliel is pla­ced highe­priest by A­grippa and Iesus Dan­naeus deposed Antiq. lib. 20 cap. 16. After the death of Iames, the Apostles from euery where ga­thered thē selues to­gether at Ierusalem for the e­lection of a Bishop, & they chose Simeon Cleopas. Euseb. lib. 3. ca. 11 SIMEON CLEOPAS the lordes cosinger­mane one of the 70. disciples & which saw Christ with his eyes, was the se­conde Bi­shop of Ie­rusalem, being chosen of the Apostles them sel­ues to suc­ceede Ia­mes. This Simeon was crucified in the time of the em­peroure     Anianus was b. of Alexādria after Mark where he cōtinewed 22. yeares. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 13. & in chronic. Hymenaeus & T [...] letus sayd that resurrection we already past. 2. [...] moth. 2.
Anno. Dom. 68. Neronis an. 12. Flori praesidis 2. Iosep. an­tiq. lib. 20. cap. 18. the warres betweene the Ro­maines & the Iewes beganne.   Anno A­grippae. 17. Ioseph. Bel. Iud. lib. 2. cap. 13. MATTHIAS the sonne of Theophilus is chosen and Iesus the sonne of Gamaliel deposed by Agrippa in the time of this Mathias the warres be­twene the Romaines & the Ie­wes be­ganne. Io­seph. Antiq lib. 20. ca. 17.   Traian. An Dom. 110. being a hū dred and twentie yeare olde Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 11. 19. 29. and in Chronic.       Demas became Apostata, for [...] Paul and fell [...] the worlde. 2. [...] moth. 2.
[Page] An Do. 70 Euseb. Chr Nero sent Vespasia & his sonne Titus into Iudaea. who plagued the Iewes. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 3. cap. 1. Paul at his secōde cō ming to Rome was beheaded the last yeare of Nero. Euse lib. 2. cap. 25. lib. 3. ca 1. Epiphan. sayth 12. an. Neron. Agrippa entertayned Vespasian in the time of the warres at Ti­berias Io­seph. Bel. Iud. lib. 3. cap. 16.   The canōs of the A­postles a­greed vpō as they say by them in a certayne assemblie were published by Clemens af­terwards b. of Rome the perfect number of them is no wher soūd some re­ceaue them & some o­ther reiect them as inuented & forged by heretickes. Concil. tom. 1.   IGNATI­VS the di­sciple of Iohn, was the thirde bishop of Antioche. He wrote, as they say vnto Mary the mother of Christ, & Marie vnto hī againe, he wrote vnto Iohn the Euan­gelist, & to Polycarpus his disci­ple. besides he wrote sundry o­ther nota­ble epistles which are extāt both in Greeke & Latine. Last of all in the ele­uēth yeare of the Em­peroure Traian, an. Dom. 111. He was brought to Rome and torne in peeces of wild beasts Euseb. ec­cles. hist. lib. 3. ca. 19 32. & in chronic. Tritem. Linus one of the 70. disciples of whome S. Paul made mention, succeeded Peter in the Bi­shops seae of Rome, where he continewed Bishop 12. yeares. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 2. 13. 19. & in chronic.   Phygellus, & Hermogenes forsooke Paul & made shipwrack of their faith. 2. Timoth. 1. Ab­dias Babiloni­us sayth, that Philetus and Hermogeues sayde that Ie­sus was not the sonne of God.
  Nero whē he had rai­gned 13. yeres & 8. dayes died. Euse. lib. 3. cap. 5. [...]s [...]. bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 6 Peter was crucified at Rome the last yeare of Nero with his heade downe­wards, which kid of death hī self desired lib. 2. cap. 25. lib. 3. ca 1. Epiphan sayth 12. an. Neron. About this time Iosep. a Iewe flo­rished, one that first rebelled a­gainst the Romaines together with his contreymē he is taken by Vespasian & committed to Titus his sonne with whome he grewe in [...] [...]edit. bel. Iud Agrippa is sente to Rome by Vespasian to Galba the Empe­roure, he wēt also to Otho. Io­sep. Bel. Iud lib. 5. cap. 6           Nicolas one of the 7. dea­cons is by S. Iohn abhor­red. Apocal. 2. He was accu­sed of Ielou­sie ouer his wife, and to cleare him self of this crime, he brought forth his wife and bid marie her who woulde. This fact of his is excused by Eusebius. His followers by occasion here of do practise their wande­ring lust with­out respect of wife or maide Euseb. ecclesi. hist. lib. 3. cap. 26.  
  GAIBA succeeded Nero, this Gaiba ray­gned but 7 moneths & 7. dayes, but he was beheaded at Rome. Euseb. lib. 3 cap. 5. Iose. bel. Iud. lib 5. cap. 6. Euse. chro. Otho succeded Galba this Otho cōtinewed but 3. mo­neth [...] & he was slayne. Ioseph. bel. Iud. lib 5. cap. 6. Euse chronic. Vitellius succeeded Otho, this Vitellius was Emperour but 8. moneths & he was [...] [...]. be [...]l I [...] lib. 5.     PHANES the sonne of Samuel of the vil­lage Apa­thasis of the t [...]be Eniachim a contreye            

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Anno Do­mini. The raigne of the Em­perours. The Fathers of the Church. The Kinges of Iudaea. The Highpriests of the Iewes in Ierusalem.
  cap. 6. Euseb. chronic. lib. 5. cap. 12. he exhorted his owne contreymen to yeld vn­to the Romaynes with many orations he gaue a notable te­stimony of Iesus of Iohn bap­tist. He attributed the cause of the destruction of Ierusalem to haue bene for the death of Iames. He was presente in the warres. He wrote the warres & came to Rome in the time of Titus, and Vaspasian, she­wed them his bookes they were commended of Titus, Vespasian & Agrippa they were chayned in the library and he him selfe honored with a pi­cture. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 12. lib. 2. cap. 23. lib. 3. cap. 9. 10.   fellowe is taken from the carte, and arayed in priestly attire, as it were a stage play­er, and by lott chosen high­priest, he knewe nothinge that belōged thervnto. The seditious persons called Ze­lotae (as though they were zealous for that which good was) chose him as an in­strument for theyr practises in those troublesome times. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 4. cap. 5.
An. Do. 72 Euseb. chronic. VESPASIANVS (after the death of Vitellius) beīg generall captaine againste the Iewes, is proclaymed Emperour, he leaueth Iu­daea, cōmittinge the warres vnto his sonne Titus. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 5.   Agrippa sawe the bookes whiche Iosephus wrote of the warres of the Iewes, and commended them. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 10. Iosephus sayeth this Agrippa was a good mā, he was learned, he wrot 62. epistles. Eufeb. lib. 3. cap. 10. Ioseph. bel. Iud. li. 2. ca. 17. From Aaron which was the firste highpriest vnto the last at the ouerthrow & burning of the temple vnder Titus, ther were 83. highpriests. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. vlt.
An. Do. 73 fortye ye­res iuste after the passion of Christ Eu­seb. chro­nic. Ierusalem was destroyed the 2. yeare of the raigne of the Emperour Vespasian the 8. day of Sep­tembre as Ioseph. writeth bell. Iud. lib. 7. cap. 18. and Euseb. eccles. hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. vvhereby vve vve gather that although God vvinked a longe vvhile at their sinne and iniquitie, yet at length he payd them home for the villany they practised against his sonne in putting him to death, for per­secuting and stoning and martyringe and murthering of his Apostles, Disciples, Sainctes, & such as serued him. afore his passion he beheld Ierusalem and vvept ouer it and sayd that there should not one stone be left vpon an other, that shoulde not be destroyed. the signes prognosticatinge the destruction thereof, thou maist see gentle reader in the Euangelists and in Euseb. eccle. hist. li. 3. cap. 7. 8. alleadged partly out of the Gospell, and partly also out of Iosephus a Iewe vvho vvas present at the vvarres. all vvhich signes vvere in number many, and in shevve most terrible and dreadfull, yet the Ievves had not the grace to repent. VVherefore the lamentable ouerthrovv, the vtter ruyne, the ransacking of the citie, the burning of the temple, the prophaning of the sacred scriptures, the slaughter of the Priestes, the dissention of the people, the death of all & the famine vvorse then death it selfe, thou maist revve, and reade vvith vvett cheekes and vvatrish eyes layde dovvne at large by Iosephus and Eusebius eccle. hist. lib. 3. cap. 5. 6. 7. 8. &c. Novve therefore the tē ­ple being spoyled and ouerthrovven their highpriestes ceased the contrey also being subdued & ouerrunne, their Kinges fayled, as many Ievves as vvere left vvere dispersed. Their vvickednesse no doubt hath deserued that from the passion of Christ vnto this day the name of a Ievve is be­come very odious.      
        The Heretickes.
  Vespasian the Emperour af­ter the ouerthrowe of Ieru­salem, commaunded that all suche as were of the lyne of Dauid, should diligently be sought out. He raygned 10. yeares, and dyed of a laske in the 69. yeare of his age. Euseb. lib. 3. ca. 12. 13. Eutrop. lib. 7. Euseb. chronic. D [...]ONYSIVS AREOPA­GITA was by S. Paul placed bishop of Athēs. There are extant sundry workes vnder his name, but suspected not to be his and sundry epistles, of the which one to Iohn the Euan­geliste beinge in the Isle Pat­mos, an other vnto Polycarpus he was martyred as Tritemius writeth Anno. Dom. 96. Act. 17. Euse. lib. 3. cap. 4. lib. 4. cap. 22.   Cerinthus or Merinthus beinge a Iewe, taught throughout Asia wicked doctrine, he preached circumcision: he taught that the prophetes and the lawe was geuen by Angells, and that the worlde was made by them. Cerinthus moreouer sayd, that Iesus was not borne of a virgine, which was im­possible, but of Marie & Ioseph. that Iesus was not Christ, but that Christ came vpon him in the forme of a Doue. that Iesus suf­fred & rose againe but not Christ. For Christ sayd he, did flie away from him before his passion. Epiph. haeres. 28. Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 25. He dreamed that the kingdome o [...] Christ shoulde become earthly, that after the resurrection Christ should raygne oue [...] vs heere on earth one thousand yeares. H [...] lusted after the satisfying of the bellie, an [...] the thinges vnder the bel­ly, with meate, drinke, ma­riage. Iohn the Apostle is said to haue abhorred the presence of Cerinthus. Eu­seb. lib. 3. cap. 25. lib. 4. cap. 14. lib. 7. cap. 24. Epipha. hae­res. 51. sayth that certaine heretickes called Alogoi, affirmed Cerinthus to haue bene the autor of the re­uelation.

[Page 24]

Anno Do­mini. T [...]e raygne of the Empe­rours. The Fathers of the Church. The Coū ­cells. The bi­shops of Ierusa­lem. The Bi­shops of Antio­che. The Bishops of Rome. The Bi­shops of A­lexandria. The Heretickes.
81. Titus the son­ne of Vespa­sian succeded his father in the empire, he raigned 2. yeares and 2. moneths, & died the 42. yeare of his age, leauing his brother Domitian to succeed. Eu­seb. li. 3. cap. 13. & in chro. Europ. lib. 7. IOSEPH of Ari­mathra together with his compani­ons came into En­glande, and there preached. Polydor. lib. 2.       3. Anacletus was b. of Rōe after Linus in the 2. yeare of Titus the Emperour. Anno Domi. 81. he conti­newed there 12. yeares. Eu seb. lib. 3. cap. 13. 14. 19. & in chronic. There be sōe which next vnto Linus doe place Cle­mens & so Cletus, thē Anacletus, some o­ther be­fore Cle­mens doe place Cle­tus, but we following the aunci­ēt wryters next vnto the Apo­stles, to wete Ire­naeus, Euse bius, Epi­phanius do place thē thus: Peter. Linus. Anacletus. Clemens. yet Epipha nius cal­leth this Anacletus Cletus.   Menander a sorcerer and the disciple of Simon Ma­gus, a Samaritane, sayde that he was the great po­wer of God come downe from heauen, that the wor­lde was made by Angels, he called him selfe a Saui­our, he sayd saluation was to be purchased by his ba­ptisme & that such as wer therewith baptized should neuer die, no not in this worlde. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 23 Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 21. Epi­phan. haeres. 22. Saturninus of Antioch cal led also Saturnilius, bud­ded out of Menander, and preached throughout Sy­ria in maner the like do­ctrine as Menander did be­fore him. he sayd moreo­uer that mariage and pro­creation was of the deuill. Ireneus lib. 1. cap. 22. Euse. lib. 4. cap. 6.
83. Domitian the sonne of Ve­spasian succe­ded Titus. he was the se­conde after Nero which persecuted the Christiās he exiled ma ny noble per sonages, in the ende he was slayne in his pallace, and after his death igno­miniously v­sed, whē that he had raig­ned 15. yea­res. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 13. 15. 16. 17. 18 Eu­trop. lib. 7. IOHN the Euan­gehst preached in Asia, he was bani­shed into the Isle Patmos in the time of Domitian, where he wrote his Reuelation. In the first yeare of Nerua he returned from Patmos, and dwelt agayne at Ephesus. He ruled the chur­ches of Asia after the death of Domi­tian. Euse. lib. 3. ca. 16. 18. Iren [...]us lib. 2. cap. 39. lib. 3. cap. 3. Of him is repor­ted a notable hi­storie in Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 20. Iohn saw the three Gospells of the Euangelists published and al­lowed of them. af­terwards wrote his owne to the con­sutation of Cerin­thus, Menander, & Ebion the heretiks. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 21. Abdias sayeth, he was throwen into a tunne of hot scal­ding oyle, yet toke no harme, Ierome sayeth he dyed the 68. yeare after the passion of Christ. anno Dom. 99. Do­rotheus sayeth he went aliue into his graue, & there dy­ed being 120. yeare olde.       Clemens was b. of Rome af ter Anacletus in the 12. yea re of Domitiā Anno Domini 93. he wrote from Rome a worthy epi stle vnto the Corinthians the which was vsed to be read in the church he was thought to haue tran­slated the epistle vn­to the He­brewes frō hebrew in to the grek tongue, there is fa­thered vpō him an o­ther epistle with cer­taine dia­logues tou tching Pe­ter and Ap pion. he go uerned the church 9. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 3. cap. 14. 19. 31. 33. Abilius was b. of Ale­xandria af­ter Ania­nus in the 4. yeare of Domitian Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 13. Basilides where of Basilidia ni agree in diuerse pointes with Simon, Menander, and Saturninus, he blased thro oughout Aegypt that there were 365. heauens, he sayd that Simon of Cyren suffe­red in steade of Christ and not Christ him selfe, that Christ taking the forme of Simon laughed them to scorne. Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 23. Epiphan. haeres. 24. Basilides the heretick wrot 24. bookes vpon the Go­spell. he fayned vnto him selfe Prophets whome he called Barcabus & Barcoph. he taught that thinges of­fred to Idols might indif­ferently be eaten. that in the tyme of persecution faith with periurie may be renounced. He commaunded silēce vnto his scholers for the space of 5. yeares, after the ma ner of Pythagoras. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 7.
93.   AGRIPPA CA­STOR confuted Basilides the here­ticke. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 7.            
[Page 27]   Certaine kynsmen of Christ according vnto the fleshe, rē ­dered an accompt of their faith be­fore Domitian the Emperour, he de­spised thē because they were simple. They depart thēce & afterwardes go­uerne churches, & became Martyrs. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 17 FLAVIA DOMI­CILLA a noble gentlewoman, was banished into the Isle Pontia, in the 15. yeare of Domiti­an, for that she was a Christian. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 17.           Corpocrates as Irenaeus lib. 1. ca. 24. writeth, liued in the time of Saturninus & Basilides. he glo­ried of charmed loue drinkes, of deuelishe dreames, of asso­ciat spirits. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 7. Carpocrates patched his opini­ons out of Simon, Menander, Nicolas, Saturninus, Basilides, Besides the wicked doctrine of these heretickes whiche he maintained, he worshipped, as Epiphanius sayth, the images of Iesus, of Paul, Pythagoras, Pla to, Aristotle, &c. he denied that the bodie should be saued. E­piph. haere. 27. August. li. de her. Ebion of whome the Ebionits are called, affirmed Christ to be but a bare man borne of Ioseph & Marie, he thought that faith onely did not iustifie, he affirmed the corporall obser­uation of the law to be neces­sary. he denied the epistles of Paul, accusing him that he fell from the lawe. The Iewish sa­baoth and other ceremonies he obserued together with the Iewes, only the Sunday he ce­lebrated as we doe in remem­brance of the resurrection Eu­seb. lib. 3. cap. 24. Epiphanius sayth haeres. 30. that Iohn the Euangelist hearing that Eb: n was in the bath resrained his company. Abdias b. of Baby­lon sayth that Philip the A­postle ouerthrew this heresie of Ebion at Hierapolis.
99. Nerua succe­de [...] Domiti­an in the em­pire. in whose time the Romaine senate decreed that the honors exhibited vn to Domitian should cease. that such as were exiled shoulde re­turne vnto their natiue soyle and re­ce ue their substance. he taigned one yeare and 4. moneths and d [...]d the 72. yeare of his age. Euseb. h. 3. cap. 18. Eu­trop. lib. 8. POLYCARPVS b. of Smyrna, was placed there by suche as sawe the Lorde, he was the disciple of S. Iohn. he saw Cerinthus & Marcion the here­tickes. he came to Rome in the tyme of Anicetus, and questioned with him toutching the feast of Easter. this Polycarpus beinge olde, was seene of Iren [...]us being yōg. In the ende beinge 80. yeare olde, he was burned to a­shes in the 7. yeare o [...] Verus the Em­perour. ann. Dom. 170. Euseb. lib. 3. cap 32. lib. 4. ca. 14 15. lib. 5. cap. 23. & in chronic. Ther wer 2. synods sūmoned in Asia for the resor­mation of the Churches & cōsecration of Bishops wher Iohn the Euan­gelist beīg sent for was pre­sent. Euse. li. 3. ca. 20.         Sima [...] a trāslator of the old testament from the Hebrewe into the Greeke, was an Eb [...] ­nite. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 16. Gnostici, were hereticks which with swelling pryde that they knew all things, so termed thē selues. Some call them Barbo­rits for their beastly life. some write that they budded out of the Ni [...]olaits: some other that they sprong out of Carpocrates Epiphanius sayeth that the Va­lentinians called them selues Gnostici. all women among thē are cōmō. their sacrifices were too too beastly, as Epiphanius writeth, they abhorred fasting, saying it was of the deuell. They sayde Christ was not borne of Marie, but reuealed by Marie. that he toke not fleshe in deede, but according vnto appea­rāce. Epiphan. haeres. 26
100. [...]aia nuc­ceeded Ner­ua in the em­pire vnder hi was the third persecution of the primitiue Church yet at the re­port of Plini [...] Secundus he ceased frō persecuting of the Chri­stians which proued them selues to be innocent, he raygned 19. yeares & sixe moneths, thē died of a lask beinge 63. yeare olde. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 18. 29. 30. lib. 4. cap. 3. PAPIAS b. of Hi­crapolis, a mā pas­singe eloquent and expert in the scri­ptures. he was the auditor of Iohn the Apostle the com­panion of Polycar pus. He wrote fiue bookes entituled the expositions of the Lords sermōs.       Euarestus succeeded Clemens in the 3. yeare of Traian. Anno Dom. 102. he was b. of Rome 8. yeares. Euseb. lib. 3. cap 31. lib. 4 cap. 1. Cerdo was b. of Alex­andria af­ter Abilius in the first yeare of Traian, where he continewed 13. yeares. Euseb. lib. 3. ca. 18  
[Page 26]110.   Euseb. lib. 3. ca. 32 35.   Of the Churche of Ierusalem. Eu­seb. lib. 3. cap. 29. writeth that vnto this tyme she was called a pure & an vn­corrupted virgine. for as yet beinge Anno Dom. 110. there was no false do­ctrine sowen there. lib. 4. cap. 21.     PRIMVS was b. of Alexādria about the 12. yeare of Traian. af­ter Cerdo. where he continew­ed 12. yea­res. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 1 4. Papias b. of Hierapo­lis was a Chiliast. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 35.
119. AELIVS A­drianus suc­ceeded Trai [...] in the empire he besieged & conquered Ierusalem in the 18. yeare of his raigne, so that after his name Ie­rusalem was called Aelia. He wrote vn­to Minutius [...]undanu [...] proconsul of Asia, at the request of Serenius Grani­anus in the behalf of the Christians, He raygned 21. yeares, & thē dy­ed being a­boue three score yere old. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 3. 6. 9. 10. & in chronic.     Iustus a Iewe was b. of Ie­rusalem after Simeon. Euse. lib. 3. cap. 32. Zachaeus. Tobias. Heros was b. of Anti­och after Ignatius a­bout the eleuenth yeare of Traiā. Eu­seb. lib. 3. cap. 32. ALEXANDER was b. of Rome after Eua­restus ann. Dom. 111. where he cōtinewed 10. yeares, & died the third yeare of Adrian the Empe­rour. Euse. lib. 4. cap. 1. 4.   Thebulis anno Dom. 110. was the first here­ticke in the church of Ierusalem. he fell from the faith, because they woulde not chuse him bishop after Simeon. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 21. Ophitae were hereticks which worshipped the serpēt, & thought that the serpent which de­ceaued Adam and Eue was Christ: they [...]sted a liue serpent, whiche with openinge of the chest and charming of the priest came forth, licked the bread vpon the altare, wrapped it self about it. their ma­ner was to kysse the breade, and so to eate, beleeuinge verely that the serpent had conse­crated it. They defen­ded thē selues that the Nicolaits and Gnostici deliuered thē this ser­uice. Epipha. haeres. 37. August. de haeres.
121.   Quadratus one endued with the gift of prophecy wrote an Apolo­gy in the defence of the Christian faith vnto Adrian the Emperour. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 33. lib. 4. cap. 3. Aristeides an A­thenian Philoso­pher dedicated likewise an Apo­logie vnto the said Emperour. Euseb. lib. 4. ca. 3. & in Chronic. AEgesippus liued vnder Adrian. he wrote of the siege of Ierusalem, cō ­prising the eccle­siasticall historie from the Apo­stles vnto his time. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8. there is a counterfet volume of 5. boo­kes vnder his name, the tran­slator whereof they say S. Am­brose was, nay it is liker that Ambrose him selfe was the author.   Beniamin. Iohn in the 19. and laste yeare of Tra­ian. Epiphan. haeres. 66. Mathias. Philip. Sennecas. Iustus. 2. Leui. Ephrem.   Xystus was b. of Rome after Alexander a­bout the 3. yeare of Adrian. Anno Domini 121. he was b. ten yea­res and di­ [...]d the 12. yeare of the sayde Emperour Euseb. li. 4. cap. 4. 5. Iustus was b. of Alex­ādria after Primus, where he cōtinewed 11. yeares. Euse. lib. 4. cap. 4. 5. Nazaraei were Iewes which beleued inchrist & so called them sel­ues of Nazareth. they contraried the Iewes in that they confessed Iesus Christ to be the sonne of God. they erred in Christian religi­on, for that they addi­cted them selues who­ly to the obseruation of the whole lawe, E­piphan. haeres. 29.
        Ioseph. Iudas conti­newed vnto the 11. yeare of Antoninus. Epiphan. hae­ [...]es. 66. Cornelius was b. of Antioche after Heros Euseb. li. 4. cap. 19. a­bout the 12. yeare of Adrian.      
[Page 27]   Egesippus saith of him self that he came to Rōe in the time of Anicetus & continewed there vnto the time of Eleutherius. Anno Domi. 179 Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 11.   From the passion of our Sa­uiour vnto the 18. yeare of the Emperour Adrian, there were 15. Bishops in the Churche of Ierusalē, all Iewes. in the which yere after the vtter ouerthrow the siege and conquering of the citie vnder the sayd Aelius A­drianus, Ierusalē was called Ae­lia, after his name, and beganne to be inhabited of straunge na­tions. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 5. 6.       Cayni were heretickes whiche honored Cayn and tooke him for their father, they highely estemed of Esau, Chore, Dathan, Abyram, with the Sodomits. they called Iu­das the traitor theyr cosin hono­ring him for betrayinge of Christ affirminge that he forsawe howe great a benefitt it woulde become vnto mankind. They read a certen Gospell wrytten as they sayde by Iudas, they reuiled the lawe and denyed the resurrection: Epiphan haeres. 38. August. de haeres.
130.   Iustinus Martyr liued vnder A­drian. he wrote an Apologie vnto Adrian & to Antoninus Pius Emperours. he wrote also a­gainst Marcion which liued at that time, he was martyred vnder Verus the Emperour. Euse lib. 4. cap. 8. 11. 12 16. but as Epi­phan haeres. 46. writeth it was vnder Adrian.   Marcus of the gentils the first b. of Ierusalē. Euseb. lib. 4 cap. 6. lib. 5 cap. 11.   Telespho­rus succee­ded Xystus in the seae of Rome, ann. Dom. 130. where he conti­newed 11. yeares. Eu­seb: lib. 4. cap. 5. 10. Eumenes was b. of Alexādria after Iustus & cōtinewed there 13 yeares, Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 5. 11. Sethiani were heretickes deri­uing theyr pedegrewe of Seth the sonne of Adā, whome they hono­red and called Christ and Iesus that in the begining of the worlde he was called Seth but in the later dayes Christ Iesus. Epiphan. (haeres. 39.) sayth that he disputed with some of thē in Aegypt & that the last of them were in his time. Au­gust. lib. de haeres.
140. Anno 18. Adriani. Meliton b. of Sardis florished about this time he dedicated an Apologie vnto the Emperour Verus in the be­halfe of the christians, he wrote many notable tracts. Euse. eccl. hist. lib. 4. cap. 13 25.   Cassianus.       Marcion of Pontus encreased the doctrine of Cerdon, he liued in the tyme of Iustinus Martyr, whiche wrote a booke against him. he met Polycarpus & asked of him: know­est thou vs? Polycarpus answered: I know thee for the first begottē of Satan. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 11. 14. He sayd the soule onely should be sa­ued, & not the bodie. He thought that Cain with the Sodomites and Aegyptians, &c. were saued when Christ went downe to hell. Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 29. Epiph. haeres. 42. wri­teth of him that he was a bishops sonne, who whē he had destoured a virgine, was by his owne father excommunicated the churche, & afterwards he [...]led to Rome. Being there, because they admitted him not into the church, he beganne to preache detestable doctrine: that there were three beginnings, good, iust, and euill. that the new testa­ment was contrary to the olde. he denied theresurrectiō of the body.
141. Antoninus Pius suc­ceeded A­drianus in the empire he wrote vnto the cōmons of Asia in the behalfe of the Chri­stians, he raigned 22 yeares and odde mo­neths. Philippus b. of Gortina was famous and wrot against Marci­on the heretick. Euse. lib. 4. ca. 24       Hyginius was b. of Rome af­ter telesphorus in the first yeare of Antoni­nus Pius. Anno Dom. 141. where he conti­newed 4. yeare. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 10. 11. Pius was b. of Rome after Hygi­nus anno Dom. 144. and conti­newed 15. yeeres. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 11. Anicetus was b. of Rome af­ter Pius An. Dom. 159. he had conferēce with Ege­sippus which cam thither to him. He gouerned the church 11. yeares and dyed the 8. yere of Verus Euseb. lib. 4 cap. 11. 19. Marcus was b. of Alexandria after Eumenes, he go­uerned the Church 10 yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 11. Barchochebas a captayne of the Iewes, alluding vnto his name, af­firmed that he was the lyght or a starre come downe from heauen, to comfort the Iewes. He led thē to rebellion, so that (as Dion Cass in Adriano writeth) there were slayne of them aboue fiftie thou­sand Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 6. Cerdon gatte him from Syria to Rome when Hyginus was b. there, and taught that God preached of the lawe & prophets, was not the father of our Lorde Iesus Christ. Moreouer he sayde that Christ was knowen, the father of Christ vn­knowen. he denied the resurrectiō and the olde testament. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 10. 11. Epiphan. haeres. 41.
[Page 28]       Publius.     Celadion b. of A­lexan­dria af­ter Mar­cus and contine­wed. 14. yeares. Euseb. li. 4. cap. 11 19. Valentinus was openly knowen at Rome in the tyme of Hyginus, he liued vnder Pius, & cōtinewed vnto Anicetus. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 10. 11. Irenaeus confuted this heresie at large. Epiphanius sayeth that Va­lentinus thought Christ to haue brought a bodie downe frō hea­uen, & to haue passed through the virgine Marie, as through a con­duyte. haeres. 31. Marcellina was of Carpocrates o­pinion, and liued at Rome in the tyme of Anicetus. she worshipped & offred incense vnto the images of Iesus and Paul, &c. August. lib. de haeres. Epiphan. haeres. 27.
144.       Maximus.       Montanus whereof the Mon­tanists are called, taught in Phry­gia, hereof it is that the heresie is called Phrygian. Epiphan. sayth it begannne aboute the 19. yeare of Antoninus Pius which succeeded Adrian. This Montanus was taken in Phrygia for the holy Ghost, Pri­scilla and Maximilla his womē for Prophetisses. He forbad mariadge and commaunded abstinence frō certaine meats as vnlawfull. In the end Montanus and Maximilla hā ­ged themselues. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. The Montanists otherwise callled Cataphrygians pricked a boy with bodkins drewe the blood out of his bodye soked therein the bread, and made a sa­crament thereof, if the boy dyed he was counted a martyr, if other wise a greate priest. Epiphan. haeres. 48. August. lib. de haeres.
    Modestus wrote against Marcion. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 24.   Iulianus vnto the 10. yere of Antoninus Pius Epi­phan. haeres 66.       Secundiani of Secundus, together with Epiphanes and Isidorus taught the like with Valentinus, in lyfe they were beastly, all womē amōg them were common, they denied the resurrection of the fleshe. Epi­phan haeres. 32.
163. Marcus Antoninus Verus was chosē Emperour af­ter Pius. He perse­cuted the church of God, and raygned 19. yeares. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 14. 15 lib 5. cap. 9. Appollinarius wrote vnto Verus the Emperoure & against the heresie of Montanus, which then began to bud in Phrygia. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 20. lib. 5. cap. 14. 15. Dionysius b. of Corinth, Pinytus b. of Creta were famous a­boute this time. lib. 4. cap. 20. There was a synode at Ancyra in Galatia gathered together of the faithfull where the sigmēts of Monta­nus were confuted by Apolli­narius. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 14. Caius whome E­piphanius haeres. 66. doth call Gratianus.       Ptolomaeus of whome Ptolomai are called, taught the hereticall o­pinions of the Gnostici, & of Va­lentinus, addinge therevnto of his owne certaine heathenish doctrine out of Homer: he wrote vnto Flora a woman of his faith, & endeuou­red to peruert her. Epiph. haeres. 33.
    Musanus thē florished and wrote against the Encratits which then newly sprāg, the author of which here­sie was Tati­anus. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 26. Germanicus martyred & torne in peeces of wilde beasts.   Symachus        
167.   Metrodorus and Pionius burned.   Caius 2. vn­to the 8. yeare of Verus Epi­phan. haeres 66. Theophilus was b. of Antioche after Cor­nelius. He wrote of elemētal institutiōs & dedicated them vnto Autolycus. also against the heresie of Hermo­genes and Marciō. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 19. 23. about the 8. yeare of Marc. An­toninus.   Agrippas b. of A­lexādria aboute the 8. yeare of Verus where he go­uerned 12. yeres Euseb. li. 4. ca. 19. li. 5. ca. 9.  
        Iulianus 2.   Soter was b. of Rome after Ani­cetus anno Dom. 167. and conti­newed 8. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 19. li. 5 in proem.    
[Page 29]   Carpus, Papy lus and Aga­thonica a wo­man martyred, also Pto­lomaeus & Lu­cius. Euseb. li. 4. cap. 14. 15. 16.   Capito.       Marcus of whome Mar [...]o [...]ij, Co­lorbasus of whome Colorbasij, and Heracleon after whome the here­ticks are called Heracleonits, sacri­ficed with witchcrafte, to amaze their auditorie they pronounced Hebrew words: they sayd vnto the women, opē your mouths & pro­phecie through the power which commeth from vs: many women came to the churche, & vnder co­lour of prophecie confessed that they were abused of them: Marcus ranne awaye with an other mans wise: they pour oyle & water vpō the head of the departed, hopinge so to redeeme them: they said that the life & generation of man con­sisted in 7. starres, that Christ suffred not in deede, but was so thought, and that there was no resurre­ction of the fleshe. Epiphan. haeres. 34. 35. 36. Irenaeus. Aug. li. de haeres. Alcibiades refrayned the vse of Gods creatures he is reformed by Atalus the martyr. Euse. li. 5. cap. 3.
    Bardesanes of Mesopota­mia wrote in the Syrian tōge against Marcion. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 28.   Maximus vnto the 16. yeare of Verus. Epi­phā. haeres. 66.       Archontici were heretickes in Palaestina which referred the crea­tion of all things vnto many pow­ers. they sayd that the saboth was the God of the Iewes, & that the deuell was the sonne of the saba­oth. Epiphan. haeres. 40. August. lib. de haeres.
179. Anno 17. of Verus the Emperour. Vegetius Epa gathus marty red. Sanctus a Deacon be­headed. Ma­turus behea­ded Atalus fried to death Blandina a woman after sundrie tor­ments beheaded. Biblis a woman pitiously hande­led. Pothinus b. of Lions dieth in pri­son. Alexan­der torne in peeces of wild beastes. Ponticus of 15. yeare old martired. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 1. The bre­thren in Fraunce as­semble to­gether, and lay downe their cen­sure tout­chinge the opiniōs of Montanus, writing vn­to Eleuthe­rius b. of Rome that he woulde maintayne the peace of the churche a­gainst such heretickes. Euseb. lib. 5 cap. 3. Antoninus Maximi­nus was b. of Antioch after The­ophilus. Eu­seb. lib. 4. cap. 23. Eleutheri­us was b. of Romeafter Soter in the 17. yeare of Verus the Emperour ann. Dom. 178. where he conti­newed 13. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 5. in proëm. & cap. 20.   Irenaeus was a Chiliast. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 35.
    Irenaeus was b. of Lions in Fraunce after the martyrdome of Pothinus. in his youth he sawe Po­lycarpus the disciple of S. Iohn. He was at Rome with Eleutherius he ende­uored to cō ­fute Blastus and Florinus the schisma­tikes and to appease the s [...]hisme ray­sed at Rome he sharply reprehended Victor b. of Rome for ex communica­ting the churches of Asia. Eus [...]b. lib. 5. ca. 4. 5. 18. 23. There were helde in Asia sun drye sy­nods in the which Mō ­tanus was excōmunicated & his heresie cō ­demned. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 14. Valens.   Toutching the pu­ritie of the churche of Rome, Egesippus reporting of himself sayth thus. When I came to Rome, I stayed there vntill that Anicetus was chosē bishop, whose Deacon was Eleutherius, whome Soter succeeded and after him Eleutherius. In all theyr successions and in euery one of theyr cities, it is no otherwise then the lawe & the ꝓphets & the Lord himselfe preached. Euseb. li. 4. cap. 21. Irenaeus also hauing layd downe those 12. aforesayde bishops of Rome cō cludeth thus: now Eleutherius was the 12. bishop from the A­postles, after the sam order, the same do­ctrine & tradition of the Apostles truelye taughtin the church at this day contine­wed vnto our tyme. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 6.   Encratits were heretickes after the etymologie of their name cō ­tinent. The author of their heresie was Tatianus of Mesopotamia the disciple of Iustinus Martyr. He ab­horred mariadge, he forbadde the vse of liuinge creatures, he offred water in steede of wine in the Sa­crament. he denied that Adam was saued. The Encratits preuayled in Pisidia & Phrygia. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 27. Epiphan. haeres. 46. 47.
        Dolychia­nus vnto the tyme of Comodus Epiphan. haeres. 66.       Seuerus an Encratite, of whome Seueriani, maintayned the opiniōs of Tatianus, addinge therevnto of his owne, reuiling Paul, reiecting [...] his epistles, and denying the Act [...] of the Apostles. He sayde that [...] woman was of the deuell, and tha [...] man from the girdle vpwards wa [...] of God, and beneath of the deuel [...] Epiphan. haeres. 45. Euseb. li. 4. ca. 27▪
[Page 30]182. Comodus succeeded Antoni [...]s Verus in the em­pire, he raigned 13 yeares, & was smo­the [...]ed to death, or as [...]t [...]op, writeth, poisoned. Pantentes mo­derater of the schoole of Alexan­dria in the time of Iulianus bishop there, was the maister of Clemens         Iulianus was b. of Alexādria after Agrippas in the first yeare of Comodus where he cōtinewed 10. yeares. Euse. lib. 5. cap. 9. 20. Apelles was a Marcionite, he sayd that Prophecies were of a con­trary spirit, he was guyded by one Philumena a woman. He thought it was not for men to reason of religion, but euery one to continew as he beleued. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 12.
  Euse lib. 5. cap. 9. 24. & [...] chronic. Alexandrinus He wente a­bout a prea­ching as farr as India. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 9. 10.         Demetrius was b. of Alexādria after Iulia­nus. he go­uerned the church 43. yeares. Eu­seb. lib 5. cap. 20. lib. 6. cap. 25. Potinus, Basilicus, Lycus, Synerus, were Marcionits, whome Rhodon confuted. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 12.
  Anno 10. Comodi. Rhodō an A­sian the di­sciple of Ta­tianus wrote agaynst the heresie of Mar [...]ion, he disputed with Apelles face to face, Euse. lib. 5. cap. 12. Scrapion held a sy­node at Antioch where to­gether with ma­ny other bishops he condem­ned the Mōtanists Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 17. There was a Synode helde at Rome in the time of Victor tout chinge the time of the celebratiō of the feast of Easter, when he excommunicated all the eastern churches, for which cause he was repre­hended of diuers but sharply of Irenaeus. Euseb. lib. 5 cap. 21. 22. 23. Narcissus of him are many thīgs writtē, first that he turned water into oyle for the lāps of the church. he was accu­sed of a haynous crime, and although he was in­nocent, yet left he his church and fledd away into the wildernes, where he cōtinewed a lōg time. In the meane whyle his accusers were won­derfully plagued frō aboue, to the exā ­ple of all periured persōs. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 11. lib. 6. cap. 7. 8. Serapion succeeded Maximi­nus in the seae of Antioch he remēbred the works of Apolli­narius a­gainst Mō ­tanus. whō he also to­gether with many other by­shops con­demned. Euseb. lib. 5. ca. 17. 20 about the 10. yere of Comodus. Victor was b. of Rōe after E­leutheri­us in the 10. yere of Comodus the Empe­rour an. Do. 193. where he con­tinewed 10. yeres Euseb. lib. 5. ca. 20. 25.   Pepuziani, were heretickes which came out of the village Pe­puza, their abiding was in Galatia and Cappadocia▪ they were called Quintilliani & Pris [...]illiani, because that Christ in the forme of a wo­man laye with Quintilla a mayde (or as some say Priscilla) and re­uealed vnto her di [...]ne mysteries. Women are priests among them, theyre sacrifice is alike with the Montanists aboue▪ Epiphan. haer. 49
193.   Miltiades wrote against the Phry­gian heresie of Montanus. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 15.           Artotyritae were hereticks which offred breade and cheese in the sa­crament. Epiphan. haer. 49. August.
    Apollonius a Phrygiā wrot against the Montanists. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16.           Alogi were heretickes whiche denyed Christ to be the worde. they condemned the Gospell after Iohn, they sayd that Cerinthus the hereticke wrote the reuelation. E­piphan. haeres. 51. August.
    Thraseas a martyr. ibid.           Adamits were heretickes which deuised them a churche after an hotte house to keepe them from colde, for the space of an houre or seruice tyme, they were all naked men & women, the virgines prea­ched vnto the rest. their churche they called Paradise, & them sel­ues Adam and Eue. Epiphan. haeres. 52.
                Theodotus a Montanist through sorcerie tooke his flight towardes heauen, but downe he fell & dyed miserablie. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 14.
                Florinus & Blastus fel from the church, and taught at Rome that God was the author of euill, whome Irenaeus confuted. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 13. 18.
[Page 31]   Apollonius a christian philo­sopher at Rome exhibited an A­pollogie vnto the Romaine Senate. after­wardes he was beheaded vn­der Comodus. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 19 Theophilus b. of Caesarea in Pa­laestina. Bāchyl­lus b. of Corīth in Hella da. Polycrates b. of Ephes. [...]orished about this time. Euseb. li. 5. ca. 20 Clemēs called Alexandrinus, be­cause he was of Alexandria, was the disciple of Pātaenus, & the maister of Ori­gen. he modera­ted after Pātae­nus the schoole of Alexādria. he florished chiefly in the tyme of Seuerus and his sonne Antoni­nus. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 5. 12. 13. At Caesarea in Palaestina there was a synod held toutchinge the feaste of Easter. Where Theophilus b. of Caesarea and Narcissus b. of Ierusalē were present and the chiefe pastors. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 21. 24.         Theodotus a tanner de­nyed the diuiniti [...] of Christ, he was the firste autor of the heresie of Artemon. For whiche cause Victor b. of Rome excommunicated him. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 25.
    Ierom. catalog. Heraclitus wrot vpō the epistles of Paul. In Pontus there was a Synode toutchinge the aforesayd feaste of Easter. where Palmas was chiefe. Euseb. li. 5. cap. 21.         Artemon tooke Christ but for a bare & a na­ked man. He lyued in the time of Victor and Zephyrinus b. of Rome. He was the disciple of Theodotus the tanner, and had to his companions Asclepiodotus & Natalius, which re­pented him selfe, & fell at the feete of Zephyri­nus b. of Rome for ab­solution. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 25.
    Maximus wrote of the author of euell & agaynst Artemon. Candi­dus wrote of the 6. dayes works. Appion wrot of the same argu­mēt. Arabianus wrote sundrie good volumes. all florished the same tyme. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 24. In Fraunce ther was a Synode toutchinge the feaste of Easter where Irenaeus was chiefe. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 21.         Marcianus the Hereticke maintayned a self opinion out of the Gospell after Peter. whom Serapion b. of Antioch confuted. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 11.
194. Pertinax was emperour af­ter Comodus, as Euseb. wri­teth, six mo­nethes. lib. 5. ca. 24. E [...]trop. lib. 8. sayth it was but 3. moneths. Iul. Capit. sayeth he liued 60. yeares. 7. monethes. 26. dayes. He raygned 2. moneths. 25. dayes. Tertullian b. of Carthage in A­fricke florished in the tyme of Seuerus and his sōne Antoninus, at lēgth through emulation betwne hi & the Romaine clergie, he fell into the opinion of Mō tanus. Ier. catalog. Iude a famous writer wrote vpon the 70. weekes of Da­niel ending the 10. yeare of Seuerus. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 5. Leonides the father of Origen was be headed the 10. yere of Seuerus lea­uinge Origen ve­ry yong of 17. yere olde. Euseb. lib. 6. cap 1. 2. In Ostroëna there was a sy­node toutching the feast of Ea­ster, where Bā ­chyllus b. of Corinth was chiefe Euse. li. 5. ca. 21. Dios was b. of Ieru­salem after the depar­ture of Narcissus. Euseb. li. 6. cap. 9. vnto the raygne of Seuerus Epiphan. haeres. 66.       Noetus denyed that there were three per­sons, sayinge all three were one. He called himselfe Moses & sayd that Aaron was his brother. He said the father [...] the sonne and the holy Ghoste suffred in the flesh. Epiphan. haeres. 57.
194. Didius Iulia­nus whome Eutro. calleth Saluius Iulia­nus raygned after Perti­nax, as A [...]lius Spartian. wri­teth 2. mo­neths. Eutrop sayeth 7. mo­neths. be like his tyme was short, for Eu­seb. maketh no mention of him.             Tertullian was a mō ­tanist. Ierom. catalog.
195. Seuerus was emperour af­ter D. Iul. He beganne to persecute the churche of God the 10. yeare of his raygne. he was Emperor 18. yeares, & dyed at York in Englande. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. lib. 6. cap. 1. 2. 7. & in chronic.   At Ephesus many of the bi­shops of Asia met toutchinge the celebration of the feaste of Easter, where Polycrates b. of Ephesus was chiefe. Euseb. li. 5. cap. 22.     Zephyrinus was b. of Rome af­ter Victor, ann. Dom. 202. & cō ­tinewed there 18. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 5. cap. 25. lib. 6 cap. 20.   Melchised [...]chiani wer [...] hereticks which hon [...] red Melchisedech an [...] sayd that he was greater then Christ, an [...] that he was no man Epiphan. haeres. 55.
202.     In the afore­sayde sixe sy­nods held an. Do. 195. the b. of Rome had no more autoritie thē the other bi­shops. He in his citie and they in theirs were chiefe. and when as he wēt about to chalēge authoritie ouer the Easterne churches Iren. [...]us b. of Lions in Fraūce reprehen­ded him sharplye for it. Fuse lib. 5. cap. 23.         Proclus a captayn [...] of the Cataphrygia [...] heresie was confute [...] by Gaius a Romaine [...] the time of Zephyrin [...] b. of Rome. Euse. lib. cap. 25. lib. 6. cap. 20.
[Page 32]       Germamon was b. of Ierusalem after Di [...]s. Fuseb. lib. 6. cap. 9.       Ambrose, not he that was bishop of Millayne, was of the heresie of Valentinus, whome Origen conuerted. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 17. Epiph. haeres. 64. sayeth he was partly a Marcionist, & part­ly a Sabellian.
205. Anno 10. Seueri.   There was a Synode held at Bostra where Origē consuted Be­ryllus. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 32.         Beryllus b. of Bostra in Arabia, denied Christ to be the second person in Tri­nitie before he was made man. Origen confuted him. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 32.
    Origen beinge a child exhorted his father in pryson to perseuere constāt, beinge of the age of 18. he catechi sed in the schoole of Alexandria as he taught so he li­ued and as he liued so he taught. for to embrace chastitie he gelded himselfe he was made mini­ster at Caesarea. he came to Rome in the time of Zephyrinus. He preached many sermons he confuted many he retikes, he trauel­led many contreys In the ende he [...]ell from the faith yet he repented him and died vnder Gallus and Volusianus being 69. yere old Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2. 7. &c. lib. 7. cap. 1. Origen was sente for to Arabia wher the Arabians were condē ­ned whiche denyed the immortality of the soule Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 36. Gordius was b. of Ierusalem after Ger­mamon. Eu seb. lib. 6. cap. 9. vntil the raigne of Antoni­nus. Epiphā haeres. 66. Asclepia­des was b. of Antioch after Sera­pion. Euse. lib. 6. ca. 11 about the first yeare of Antoni­nus Cara­calla.     The Arabians taught that the soule dyed with the bodie, and rose againe at the generall resurrecti­on. Origen conuerted thē. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 36.
213. Antoninus Caracalla was Emperour after Seuerus. he [...]yagned 7. yeares & 6 monethes. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 7. 20 Affricanus a fa­mous writer flori­shed aboute this time. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 8. lib. 6. cap. 30     Philetus was b. of Antioche after Asclepiades. Eu­seb. lib. 6. ca 20. about the firste yeare of Macrinus.     Helcesaitae (called of E­piphanius Sampsai, the first author of them was Elxais a false prophete) they re­iected parte of the olde te­stament. They denied the Apostle. They counted it a thing indifferent in case of necessitie to denie with the mouth so that thou beleue with the hart. Origē confuted them. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 37.
220. Macrinus succeeded Caracalla, & dyed in the first: yeare of his raigne Euse. lib. 6. cap. 20. Plutarchus was martyred. Heracli­des, Heron, Serenus beheaded. Serenus burned together with Rhais a womā out of the schole of Origen. Euseb. li. 6. cap. 3.           Cessus the philosopher and hereticke was confu­ted by Origen in 8. bookes.
                Valesij were heretickes which had theyr originall of one Valens that liued in Bacathis a contrey of Phi­ladelphia, their maner was to geld them selues and as many strangers as lodged among them, they abused the saying in the Gospell: If thy member offende thee cut it of &c. Epiphan. haeres. 58.
[Page 33]221. Antoninus Heliogabalus raigned after Macrinus the space of 4. yeares, & he dyed. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 20. Potamiaena a virgin toge­ther with Marcella her mother bur­ned. Basilides beheaded. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 4.   Narcissus commeth home a­gaine, & is entreated after Gor­diꝰ to take his former rowme, & because he was a 116. yeare olde they ioy­ned with him Alexā der who a­fore was b. of Cappa­docia. Eus. lib. 6. cap. 7 9. 10.   Calistus was b. of Rome after Zephyri­nus in the first yeare of Antoninus Heliogabalus Anno Dom. 221. and continewed ther 5. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 6. cap. 20.    
224. Alexāder was Emperoure after Helio­gabalus, and raygned 13. yeares. Euse. lib. 6. cap. 20. 27. Gregorius N [...]ocaesarien­sis & Atheno dorus hearde Origen in Caesarea the space of 5. yeares. Al­though they were bothe yonge men yet were they chosen by­shops in Pō ­tus. Euseb. li. 6. cap. 29. So­crat. lib. 4. ca. 22.   Alexander who afore was b. of Ierusalem together with Nar­cissus, now after his death is there b. a­lone, & di­ed in the persecutiō vnder De­cius. Euse. lib. 6. ca. 38 He gouer­ned the church a­lone in the raygne of Alexander the Empe­rour. Epip. haeres. 66.   Vrbanus was b. of Rome in the 1. yere of Alexander Anno Dom. 226. and go­uerned the church eight yeares. Euseb lib. 6. cap. 20. 21.   Nepos a b. of Aegipt was a Chiliast and wrot therof a booke the which Dionysius b. of Alexandria cō futedafter his death Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 22.
237. Maximinus was Emperor after Alexan­der. he perse­cuted the churche of God, & ray­gned 3. yeres       Zebinus was b. of Antioche after Philetus. Euseb. lib. 6. ca. 21. about the 7. yeare of Alexander Pontianus was bishopof Rome after Vrbanus An. Dom. 236. & continewed there 6. yeres Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 21. 27. Anterus after Pontianus was bishopof Rome the space of one moneth. Eu­seb. lib. 6. cap. 27. 28. Heraclas was firste Origens Vsher in the schoole of Alexandria, afterwards b. of that seae about the 11. yeare of the Emperour Alexander. where he cō ­tinewed 16. yeares. Euse. lib. 6. cap. 14. 25. 34,  
240. Gordianus was created Emperour after Maxi­minus, he rai­gned 6. yeres. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 27. 33.         Fabianus was b. of rome after Anterus Anno Dom. 241. beinge a contrey mi­nister he was miraculously chosē in the church by reason that a doue lighted vpō his head he suffered martirdome vnder Decius Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. 38.   Coraciō a Chiliast was in open dispu­tation confuted by Dionysius b. of A­lexandria. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 23.
246. Philip was crowned Emperour after Gordianus, he was the firste Christian Emperour after Christ, & ray­gned 7. yeres. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 33. 38.   There was a synode held at Rome in the tyme of Fabianus where he to­gether with 60. other bi­shoppes re­moued the schisme of Nouatus. Sa­bel. Pantal.   Babylas was b. of Antioche after Zebi­nus, & died in prison in the perse­cution vn­der Decius Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. 38   Dionysius the disciple of O­rigen, was b. of Alexādria after Heraclas the 3. yere of Philip the emperour. he reporteth the perill he stod in & the per­secution he suffred vnder Decius. He wrote of the martyrs at Alexandria  
[Page 34]254. Decius was Emperour after Philip. he persecuted the churche of God, and raygned not full 2. yeares. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 38. lib. 7. cap. 1. Cyprian b. of Carthage florished about this time. he erred in the rebapti­zing of here­tickes & suf­fered martyr dome vnder Valerianus & Galienus. Eu­seb. lib. 7. ca. 3 Ier. catalog. There was a synode helde at Rome in the time of Cornelius where Noua­tus the here tike was con­demned. Eu­seb. lib. 6. cap. 42.     Cornelius was b. of Rome in the tyme of Decius, he condemned & excommunicated No­uatus the he­retick, & cō ­tinewed b. 3. yeares. Euse. lib. 6. cap. 38. lib. 7. cap. 2. vnto Fabius b. of Antioch he wrote vn­to the here­tike Nouatus, vnto Hermā ­mon, Stephen, & Xystus bi­shops of Rōe vnto Philemō minister of Rome after­wardes vnto Dionysius b. of Rome. He was persecu­ted vnder Valerianus the Empe­rour. He cō ­futed the booke of Nepos the Chi­liast and confounded in opendisputa­tion Coracion his disciple. He was b. of Alexandria. 17. yeares & dyed the 12. yeare of Ga­lienus. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 28. 34. 39. 40. 44. 45. lib. 7. cap. 1. 2. 4. 5. 6. 7. 10. 22. 23. 27. Nouatus a prieste of Rome fell frōhis order and called his sect Catharous, that is puritans. he wold not admit vnto the church suche as fell after repentance. he was condemned by sundry notable mē and in sundry coun­cells. Euseb. lib. 6. ca. 42. He abhorred se­cond mariadge E­piphan. haeres. 59. Cyprian did erre in rebaptizinge of heretickes. Euseb. li. 7. cap. 3.
    Metras and Quinta a woman stoned to death A­pollonia a vir­gine, Iulianus Cremon, Ma­car, Epima­chus, Alexā ­der, 4. womē burned. Scra­pion had his neck broken Amonarion a a virgine, Mercuria & Dionysia be­headed. Herō Ater, and Isi­dorus burned Nemesion a martyr. Dio­scorus, Ammō Zenon, Ptolo­maeus, Inge­nuus, Theophilus, cōfessors Ischyrion beaten to death with a cud­gell. Cheremō b. of Nilus fled into the desert with his wife. Eu­seb. lib. 6. cap. 40. 41. An other sy­node was held at Anti­oche, where Elenus b. of Tarsis, Firmilianus b. of Cappadocia, Theoctistus b. of Palaestina, and Dionysius b. of Alexandria, were present to the condēnation of Nouatus. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 45.   Fabius was b. of An­tioche after Baby­las in the time of Decius. Euse. lib. 6. cap. 38. Lucius was b. of Rome af­ter Cornelius, & gouerned the churche not full 8. moneths Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 2.   A whole Coun­cell helde at Car­thage in the time of Cyprian did erre. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 3.
  Gallus was Emperoure after Decius and raygned not full two yeares. Euse. lib. 7. cap. 1. 9 AEmilianus was Empe­rour 3. mo­neths after Gallus Eutrop There was a synode helde at Carthage, which erred about the re­baptizing of hereticks, in the whiche Cyprian was chiefe. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 3. An other at Iconium & Synadis, for receauing of hereticks af­ter repētāce. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 6. Mazaba­nes was b. of Ierusalē after Alex­ander. Eus. lib. 6. cap. 38. vntill the raigne of Gallus & Volusia­nus. Epiph. haeres. 66.       Angelici were he­reticks which wor­shipped Angels Au­gust. lib. de haeres.  
255.               Apostolici were heretickes in Pisidia which arrogantly so termed them selues, because they allow­ed not the cōpanie of maryed men, and such as had proper possessions, for the catholicke Church hath (sayeth Augu­stine) many such religious & clergy mē. August. lib. de haere. Epiphan. haeres. 61.
[Page 35]256. Valerianus together with Galienus his sonne was created Em­perour he persecuted the churche of God. Not long after his sonne Ga­lienus ruled alone and re­stored peace vnto the christians. He cō ­tinewed Em­perour 15. yeares. Euseb lib. 7. ca. 9. 12. 28. Priscus, Malchus, Alexan­der, & a wo­man were torne in pe­ces of wilde beasts. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 11. Marinus be headed. Euse. lib. 7. cap. 14.   Hymenaeus was b. of Ierusalem after Me­zabanes in the tyme of Valeria­nus. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 13. vntill the raygne of Aurelianus. Epiph. haeres. 66. Demetrianus was b. of An­tioche after Fabius, in the time of Vale­rianus. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 13. Stephan was b. of Rome after Lucius Anno Dom. 256. He re­prehended Cyprian b. of Carthage for rebaptizinge of heretickes & gouerned the churche 2. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 7. ca. 2 3. 4.   Sabellius of whome the Sabelliās haue their appellation, sayth Au­gustine, was the disciple of Noetus, and taught the like doctrine with Noetus, that the three persons in the Trinitie were one, but sayth E­piphanius they differed in that Sabellius sayde not the father to haue suffred. The heresie of Sabellius beganne at Pentapolis in Ptole­mais, and was impug­ned by Dionysius b. of Alexādria, in the time of Xystus b. of Rome. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 5. He denyed that there was a trinitie. Epiphan. hae­res. 62. August. lib. de haeres.
271. Claudius was Emperour after Valerianus 2. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 28. Astyrius a se­nator of Rōe was a greate fauorer of the Christiās lib. 7. cap. 15. 16. There was a synode held at Antioche a­bout the 12. yeare of Galienus, where Sa­mosatenus was con­demned. Euse. lib. 7. cap. 26. 27.     Xystus the 2. of that name was bishop of Rome after Stephā where he cōtinewed 11. yeares. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 4. 26. Maximi­nus was b. of Alexā ­dria in the 12. yere of Galienus & contine­wed 18. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 10. 27. 31. Paulus Saniosatenus b. of Antioch denyed the diuinitye of the sonne of God. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 26.
  Quintilius was Empe­rour after Claudius 17. dayes. Eutrop. lib. 9. Agapius b. of Caesarea in Palaestina, Pierius a mi­nister of Ale­xandria, Me­letius b. of Pontus flori­shed at one time. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 5.     Paulus Samosatenus the heretick suc­ceeded De­metrianus. he was excom­municated & depriued by the 2. synode helde at An­tioche in the time of Va­lerianus. Eus. lib. 7. cap. 26. 29. Dionysius was b. of Rome. after Xystus An. Do. 265. & cōtinewed 9. yeares. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 26. 29.    
273. Aurelianus was emperor after Quinti­lius. in the beginninge of his raigne he was well affectioned to­wards Chri­stian religiō, so that the hereticke Sa­mosatenus was through his helpe ba­nished the churche, but in the end he persecuted the church of God, & whē as he went a­bout to sub­scribe vnto an edict against the Christians, the crampe tooke him so that he was not able to holde penne in hande▪ he rayg­ned 6. yeares. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 28. 29. Malchion in open dispu­tation confuted Samosa­tenus the he­retick at An­tioch. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 28. A seconde synod was held at Antioch vn­der Aureli­anus, wher Samosate­nus the he­reticke was cōdēned & depriued the church Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 28. 29. Zambdas b. Ierusalem Euseb. li. 7. cap. 31. Domnus the sonne of De­metrianus was by the 2. held synod at Antioch ap­poīted to succeede Samosatenus in the seae of An­tioch. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. Felix was b. of Rome af­ter Dionysius, & continew­ed 5. yeare. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. 31.   Origeniani were he­reticks called after one Origen (not he that was the great clarke of Alexandria) they con­demned mariage, yet liued they beastly their maner was to haue a­mong them religious women like Nunnes, whom they defiled, yet vsed meanes to keepe them from swellinge Epiphan. haeres. 63.
[Page 36] From Christ vnto the ende of Au relianus the Emp [...]roure when Ma­nes the he­retick liued there are 276. reares after Epi­phan hare. 66. Ta [...]itus was Emperour 6. mo­neths. Eutro. lib. 9. Euseb. chron.             Origeniani againe were hereticks which so cal­led thē selues of Origen Adamantius the greate clerke of Alexandria, they taught as Epiphan. sayeth (haeres. 64.) that there was no resurrecti­on, that Christ was a creature, & the holy ghost a like. that the soules were suste in heauen, & came downe into the bodyes, as it were into prison. that in the ende the deuells shoulde be saued. Epiphanius, as I reade in Socrates (eccle. hist▪ lib. 6. cap. 11.) was become the enemie of Origē through the spite & malice of Theophilus bishop of Alexandria. The deuell bare Origen a displeasure, he procu­red heretickes to fa­ther vpon him lewde opinions. He com­playneth him selfe in a certain epistle how that hereticks corrupted his works. Pāphilus Martyr the great friende & fa­miliar of Eusebius wrot an Apologie in his be­halfe. Euseb. (lib. 6. cap. 3. 18. 20. 26.) reporteth of the famous men that fauoured Origen. Socra­tes (eccle. hist. lib. 6. cap. 12.) writeth in his commendation. Athanasius gaue of him a notable testimonie. Chrysostome woulde in no wyse be brought to condēne ei­ther Origē o [...] his works. Socrat. li. 6. ca. 11. 12. 13. Buddas otherwise cal­led Terebinthus was a litle before Manes the hereticke he taught a­bout Babylon that he him selfe was borne of a virgine, that he was bred and brought vp in the Mountaynes. He wrote 4 bookes, one of mysteries. 2. intitled the gospell. 3. Thesaurus the 4. a summarie. Through witchcraft he tooke his flight into the a [...]r to offer sacrifice but the de­uell threwe him downe broke his necke so that he dyed miserably Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 17.
279. [...]lorianus was Emperoure 80. dayes. Eutrop li. 9. Euseb. chron. Probus was em­perour 6. yeres. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. Anatolius b. of Lao­diceaslori­shed vnder Probus & Carus. Ierō. catalog.   Hermon b. of Ierusa­lem & the last before the perse­cution vn­der Diole­tiam. Euse. lib. 7. ca. 31 Tim. eus was b. of Antioche after Do­mnus. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 31. Eusychianus was bishop of Rome scarce 10. moneths Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 31. Gaius was b. of Rome an. Dom. 283. 15 yeares. Euse. lib. 7. cap. 31.    
285. Carus was Em­perour scarse 3. yeares. Euse. lib. 7. cap. 29. The infiite number of martyrs which suf­fred in the persecutiō vnder Dio­ [...]letian are to be scene through­out the 8. booke of Eusebius ecclesiasti­call histo­ry.   These a of Ieru­salem was al­wayes hono­red and the suc­cession contine wed vn­to the daies of Eusebi­us him selfe Euseb. lib. 7. ca. 18. Cyrillus b. of Antio­che. Euseb. li. 7. cap. 31   Theônas was b. of Alexādria after Ma­ximinus & cōtinewed 11. yeares Euseb. li. 7. cap. 31.  
287. Dio [...]letian was Emperour and persecuted the church of god. In the 19. yeare of his [...]aigne he began to ouer­throw the chur­ches, burne the bibles, persecute the Christians. When he had raygned toge­ther with Ma­ximianus, who persecuted with him 20 yeares, he deposed him selfe voluntari­ly, and lyued a priuate life. Frō that tyme vnto his ende he py­ned and wasted away with dis­eases. But Maximinia hanged him selfe. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. lib. 8. cap. 2. 3. 14. 19 Socrates lib. 1. cap. 2. Arnobius florished in the time of Diocle­tian. Ierom. catalog. There was a councell of 300. bi­shops cal­led toge­ther at Si­unessa where Marcelli­nus b. of Rome was condem­ned for de nyig Christ and sacri­ficing to Idols. tom 1. concil.   Dorotheus b. of Anti­oche. Marcellinus was bishop of Rome about the 10. yeare of Diocletian Anno Dom. 295. Euseb. li. 7. cap. 31. He denied Christ offered sacri­fice vnto I­dols in the persecution vnder Dio­cletian & was condemned of 3. hundred bishops 30. priests, after­wardes he repented him and was martyred vnder Diocletian. tom. 1. concil    
307.         Tyrranus b. of An­tioch. Eu­seb. lib. 7. cap. 31.      
[Page 37] Constantius and Maxi­minus ruled the empire after the deposition of Diocletian. Constantius dyeth at yorke in Englande when he had ruled 16. yeares Anno Do. 310. Euseb. lib. 8. ca. 14. & in chro­nic. Lactātius the disciple of Arnobius flo­rished in the time of Dio­cletian. in his olde age he was the mai­ster of Cri­spus the sōne of Constantius Ierom. A councel was helde at Ancyra in Galatia in the time of Vitalis wher with certaine conditions such as sacri­ficed were receaued, and the deacons that can not containe suf­fred to Marie tom. 1. con­cil.     Aboute this time Licinia an holie mayde of Rome dying, made Marcellus b. of that seae her heire and executor, gaue him al her great substance, from that time forth sayth Polydor (lib. 6. de inuent. cap. vlt.) the bishops of Rome wer greatly enriched. Peter was b. of Ale­xandria a­bout the 7 yeare of Diocletian, where he cōtinewed 12. yeares. he was be­headed & crowned a martyr in the perse­cution vn­der Diocle­tian. Euseb. lib. 7. ca. 31. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 3. Manes the hereticke whereof the Maniches haue theyr appellation had his originall in per­sia (as Epiphan. haeres. 66 wryteth) about the 4. yeare of Aurelianus. he called him self Christ & the comsorter. Hechose vnto himselfe 12. Apo­stles. He sayd that Christ was not truly borne but phantastically. Euseb. li. 7. cap. 30. Socrates lib. 1. ca. 17. sayth of him that at the f [...]sthe was called Cubricꝰ afterwards chaū ging his name he went into Persia, founde the bookes of Buddas and published them in his owne name he taughte that there were manye Gods, that the sunne was to be worshipped that there was fatall destenie, that the soules wente from one body into another. The king of Persia his son fel sick Manes through sorce [...]y tooke vpō him to cu [...]e, him & killed him. The king caused him to be clapt in prison, but he brake prison & fled into Mesopotamia ther was he takē and flayd aliue his skinne filled with chaff and hanged at the gates of the citie.
310. Constātinus Magnus the sonne of Constantius borne in Brytayne was there proclamed Emperour after the desease of his fa­ther. He maketh Lici­nius who maried his sister his fe­lowe Em­perour. At the same time Ma­xentius played the tyrant at Rome and Maximinus in the East. He sawe in the aër the signe of the crosse he fully perswaded him selfe to fight agaīst the tyrants and in the behalfe of Christian religion. Pamphilus martyr suffe­red vnder Maximus. Ie­rom. There was a coūcel helde at Neo caesa­rea where a­mong other things it was decreed that none should be made priest before he were 30. yeares olde. tom. 1. concil.     Marcellus was b. of Rōe after Marcel­linus a very short whyle, some take hī for the for­mer, and so it may be, for Euseb. made no mention of him. yet in Damas. Pont. I find that he gouerned 5. yeares. Achillas was b. of Alexādria after Peter Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 3. Hierax taught in Ae­gypt that there was no resurrection, he abhor­red mariage, he sayd the children that dyed be­fore the yeares of dis­cretion were dāned, he thought that Melchise­dech was the holy ghost Epiphan. haeres. 67.
311. Suidas sayth that from Christ vnto Con­stantinus Magnus there are 318. yeres the which is true af­ter Euse­bius com­putation if we take the time after the ouer­throwe of the tyrants when heru led alone.   Antonie the Monke flori­shed in the dayes of Cō ­stantine, he wrote seuen epistles, the which are at this daye to be seene, he liued 100. & 5. yeares. Ie­rom. catalog. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 17. A councell was called by Constantine at Rome in the time of Mil­tiades to re­forme the variāce betwen Caecilianus b. of Carthage and his col­leges. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. Macarius was b. of Ierusalem after Her­mon. he was the meanes with Hele­na that the crosse of Christ was founde there. he was at the councel of Nice. Con­stantinus Magnus wrot vnto him sundry epistles. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 6. 9. Vitalis was b. of An­tioch after Tyranus. Eusebius a Grecian b. of Rome af­ter Marcellus 1. yeare & 7. moneths. Euseb. chro. tom 1. concil. Alexander was b. of Alexādria after Achil las. by preachinge of the trinitie somewhat curiously he gaue occasiō to Arius one of his cler­gie to fall from the faith. So­crat. lib. 1. cap. 3. He was at the councel of Nice. Meletius b. of some citie in Aegypt, sacrifi­ced to Idols in the time of the persecution vn­der Diocletian, and was deposed by Peter b. of Alexandria. he rayled at Peter after his death, he reuiled Achillas, laste of all he fell to backbiting of Alexander, & to take part with the Ariās. the true churche was called the Catholike churche, but he called his church the churche of martyrs. the Councell of Nice condemned him & toke from him all authoritie that belonged to a bi­shop, and there vpon the Meletians were deuided from the church. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 3. 6. Ephiphan. haeres. 68.
    Ammon a monke, yet maried, Didymus, Arsenius Pior, Isidorus Pambo, Peti­rus, Macari­us, Euagrius, were famous about that time. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 18. Osius b. of Corduba in Spayne, a graue father, was sent by Constātine to reconcile A­lexander and Arius, he was at the coun­cell of Nice. the Arians in the councell of Si [...]miū scur­ged his bare sides because he woulde not subscribe vnto theyr hereticall opinions. Socrat lib. 1. ca. 4. 5. 9. li. 2. cap. 26. Constantine called a councell at Orle­ance to re­moue the dissention risen betwene By­shops. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. Alexander b. of Alexan­dria called there a coun­cell of many bishops, where he condemned Arius & accur­sed his heresie, writinge vnto the bishops throughoute christendome, what opinions he held. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 3.     Meltiades was b. of Rōe after Eusebiꝰ in the time of Cōstātinus Magnus ann. Dom. 312. & cōtinewed 6. yeres. Euseb. chron. eccle. hist. lib. 10. ca. 5.    
            Siluester was b. of Rome after Meltia­des an. Dom. 314. & conti­newed 20. yeares. Euse. chron. Whē Constantine offred him a goldē scepter he refused it, as a thīg not fitte for the priestly fun­ction. Sabell.    
[Page 38]330. He [...]oyled Maxentius vpō the ri­uer Tibe­ris. Li [...]ꝰ ouercame Maximinꝰ. they [...]oynt­ly publi­shed edicts in the be­half of the christians. In the end [...]i [...]imus re­belled a­gainst him, Constātinus ouercame him, ruled alone, re­stored peace vnto the whole worlde, gaue mo­ney vnto the church deliuered the bishops from pay­ing taxe or tribute, he wrote vnto Paphnutius b. of the vpper The­bais had one of his eyes pulled out in the tyme of persecution Constantine was wōt to kisse the emptie place he was presente at the councell of Nice, and tur­ned the wholl assemblie from separating ma­ried priestes frō theyr wiues. So­crat. lib. 1. ca. 5. 8 Spiridion a man of great fame in in those dayes was at the councell of Nice, though he were a bishoppe, yet kept he sheepe in the fieldes. Athanasius be­ing a yong man was at the coū ­cell of Nice, looke more of him in the co­lume of the bi­shops of Alexā ­dria. A generall coū ­cell was called at Nice in Bi­thynia of 318. bishops by Cōstā ­tinus Magnus as Nicephorus say­eth, the 20. yere of Constantine, an. Dom. 328. some saye 326. some other 324 in the tyme of Siluester b. of Rome, where they cōdemned Arius, debated the cōtrouersie of Easter, layde downe the forme of faith cōmonly called the Nicene Creede, ratified the clause of one substance, and wrote vnto the churche of Alexandria that they had depo­sed Arius. Socra. lib. 1. cap. 5. 6.   Philogonus was b. of Antioch after Vita­lis & dyed a martyr. Nicephor.   Athanasius was b. of Alexādria after Ale­xander and the brea­king vp of the Nicen councell beinge a heathen boye he played the parte of a Christian bishop in a certē play which prognostica­ted he woulde proue a no table man being dea­con he wēt to the councel of Nice, and disputed a­gainst the Arians. So­crat. lib. 1. cap. 5. 11. being by­shop the Arians falsly accused him of bribery trea­son, that he sent of his clergie in­to Mareô­tes which beate the altare with theyr feete ouerthrew the Lords tablebrake the holy cup and burned the bible, they accused hī of murther & magick and to an­swere vnto those cri­mes he was con­strained to come to the coun­cell helde at Tyrus where he was depo­sed. Socrat. lib. 1. ca 20 Arius borne in Libya yet a prieste of Alexan­dria, hearing Alexander the bishop entreatinge curiously of the trinitie, thought verily that he maintayned the opiniō of Sabellius, set him self agaynst the bishop, and sayde that the sonne of God had a beginninge of essēce, that there was a time when he was not, he sayde that God was not alwayes a Father, that the sonne was not frō euerlasting, but had his beginninge of no­thinge. Being called be­fore the Emperour, he woulde subscribe vnto the Nicene councell & sweare toe. His deceate was to carie in his bo­some his hereticall o­pinion wryttē in a peece of paper and when he came to the booke he woulde sweare that he thought as he had writ­ten meaning in his bosome. His ende was la­mentable for comming from the Emperoure after the oth he had ta­ken with greate pompe throughe the streete of Constantinople he was taken with suddayne feare and withall he felt a laske, immediatlye he asked of them where there was any house of office, thither he wēt & voyded his gutts, as ma­nye as went by, were wonte to poynte at the place with the finger and say, In yonder iakes dyed Arius the heretick. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 3. 25. E­piphan haeres. 68. 69.
  Alexander b. of Ale­xandria, & to Arius the here­tick exhorting thē to vnitie▪ whē he was 60. & 5. yeares old, he dy­ed after that he had raigned 31 yeares. Eu­seb. li. 8. ca. 14. 15. 16. lib. 9. cap. 9 10. lib. 10. cap. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 2 4. 26. He differred his bap­tisme vnto his last end purposing fullye to haue it in Iordaine where Christ was baptized It was Eu­sebius b. of Nicome­dia as Eu­sebius Ie­rom and Socrates doe write that baptised him for all the trauell that Car­dinal pool tooke and the flatte­ring glos­ses to proue the contrarye. The dona­tion that is fathered vpon him is but a meere fa­ble in the iudgement of the best wryters. Eusebius Pam­philus bishop of Caesarea in Pa­laestina wrote the ecclesiasti­call historie frō the byrth of Christ vnto the raygne of Con­stātine the great he was at the councel of Ni­ce, wrote the Nicene creede sēt it to Caesarea, condēned Ari­us with his own hāde yet was he thoughte to be an Arian, and to cleare him of the suspicion, Socrates wrote an Apology in his behalfe whiche is to be seene in his hi­story. Constātine had hī in greate reuerence. Be­cause of his fa­miliaritye with Pamphilus the martyr he was called Eusebius Pamphilus, he wrote many no­table bookes & died in the time of Constātine the yonger. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 1. 5. 18 lib. 2. cap. 3. 17. Ierom catalog. Frumentius was made bishop by Athanasius and sent to conuert the Indians. So­crat. lib. 1. ca. 15. Eusebius Emise­nus a godly bi­shop was a great clerke & a pro­founde philoso­pher in the days of Constantine. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 18. lib. 2. cap. 6. There was at Rome in the time of Siluester a Councell of 277. bishops, whiche ratified the Nicene coū cell, & cōdem­ned Arius, Pho­tinus, & Sabelli­us. tom. 1. cōcil. In the time of Cōstantine sayth Marianus Scotus Helen his mo­ther writeth vn­to him that he should renoūce Christ, & becom a Iewe. To trye the trueth Helē brought with her 120. Iewes. Constantine brought Silue­ster b. of Rome, with 24. other bishops, they disputed of Christ, in the ende the Iewes were o­uerthrowen. to. 1. concil.   Eustathius was b. of Antioch after Phi­logonus he was at the councel of Nice. But he fel into the heresie of Sabelli­us and was deposed in a councell held at Antioch Eu­sebius Pā ­philus con­futed him after his deposition the seae was voyde the space of 8. yeres Socrat. li. 1. cap. 9. 18. Marcus was b. of Rome af­ter Silue­ster and cō tinewed 8. moneths. Ierom.  
[Page 39]   Alexander b. of Constanti­nople a godlye father sett him selfe against A­rius, he trusted not to the quirckes of lo­gick but to the power of Christ, helockt him self in the churche and prayd thus vnto God: I be­sech thee o lord if the opiniō of Arius be true that I my selfe maye neuer see the ende of this disputatiō but if the faith which I holde be true that Arius may receau due punishmēt for his blas phemous opinion, whiche in deede sell out as it is to be seen in Arius ende. Ale­lexander was 118. yeare olde when he dyed. So­crat. lib. 1. cap 25. li. 2 cap. 4. Siluester called at Rome 284. bishops in the presence of Cōstan­tine and Hele­na his mother, where they layd downe canons for the gouern­mēt of the cler­gie. tom. 1. cōcil. A councell held at Antioche de­posed Eustathius b. of Antioche, for maintaining the heresie of Sabellius. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 18. A councel held at Eliberis in Spayne, in the time of Cōstātine decreed that the vsurer should be excōmunicated that tapers shold not burne in the daye tyme in church yardes, that women shoulde not fre­quent vigills, that images should be bani­shed the church that nothinge should be pain­ted on the wall to be worship­ped, that euery one should cō ­municate thrise in the yere. tom. 1. concil.       They ac­cused him at Constā ­tinople be fore the Emperour that he should say he woulde stay the cariadge of corne frō Alexādria to Constā tinople for the which Constanti­nus magnus [...]an ished him into Treuere a citie of Fraūce lib. 1. ca. 23. Cō stantine the yonger called him home frō exile. lib. 2. cap. 2. The councel of Antioche charged hī that he tooke the bishoprike after his exile with­out the warrant of a councel, they depo­sed him, and chose Euse­bius Emisenꝰ, when he re­fused it, they chose Grego­rius an Ari­an, who was brought thi­ther with ar­med souldi­ers, so that A thana [...]ius fled away to saue his life, after­wardes they misliked with him, & placed Georgius in his rowme, whiche had a miserable end. lib. 2. ca. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. lib. 3. ca. 2. he wēt to Iulius b. of Rome, and came to enioy his bi­shopricke by vertue of his letters. lib. 2. ca. 11. Againe the Ariās ac­cused him to the emperor, that he had taken the corne which the emperor gaue to the poore, and sold it to his owne lucre, so that he was faine the seconde time to slye vnto Iulius b. of Rome, where he cōtinewed one yeare, & six moneths, vntil the coū cel of Sardice where he was restored to his bishop­rick. lib. 2. ca. 13. 16. but Cō ­stātius beyng an Arian, ba­nished him againe so that Con­stans his brother threatned him with warres and cōstrayned him to doe it. lib. 2. ca. 18. after the death of Constans, Constantius exiled him againe. lib. 2. cap. 21. After the death of Constantius he came to Alexādria, but he was fayne to flie in the time of lu­lian the A­postata. li. 3 ca. 4. 12. He came hom in the time of Iouianus and fled a­way in the time of Valens the A rian he was b. six & for­ty yeres & dyed An. Dom. 375. Socrat. li. 4. cap. 12. 16. Acesius a Nouatiā bi­shop was of Constantine called to the councell of Nice, to render an ac­compte of his opinion. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 7.
      The first coun­cell of Arelate decreed with o­ther thinges, that Easter shoulde be kept at one certain time. tom. 1. cōcil. A councell of Ari­an bishops meet at Tyrus, & deposed Athanasius, but Cō ­stantine remoued them to cōsecrate the temple lately buylded at Ierusa­lem, & called them afterwards to Cō ­stantinople in his presence, to deter­mine Athanasius causes. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 20. 22.     Iulius was b. of Rome after Mark Anno Do. 336. where he contine wed 16. ye­res. Ierom chron. So­crat. lib. 2. cap. 5. 27. saith it was 15. yeares.   Marcellus b. of An­cyra in Galatia, taught the heresie of Paulus Samosatenus, that Christ was but bare man, the bishops in the councell of Constantinople de­posed him, and [...]usebius Pamphilus cōfuted him in three bookes. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 24. &c.
336.       Maxi­mus was b. of Ierusa­lem after Macarius hedetested the Arians & refused to come to the coun­cel of An­tioche lest he shoulde condemne the Nicen Creede in the ende the Arians deposed him. Socrat li. 2. c. 5. 30.       Audius was a schis­maticke, a man of an hotte spirite, he rebuked the clergie men to their faces for their disorde­red lyfe, & being coun­celled to deale modestly nay chastized, he deui­ded him selfe from the church, and fell to ray­sing of priuate cōuenti­cles. he kept Easter with the Iewes. Epiphan. haer. 70.
                Eusebius of Nicome­dia, not onely in Arius tyme, but also after his death mayntayned the heresie of Arius, toge­ther with Macedonius b. of Constantinople▪ Theognis b. of Nice, M [...] ▪ris b. of Chalcedō, The­odorus b. of Heraclea▪ Vrsacius, Valens, &c. So­crat. lib. 2. cap. 2. 9. 15.
[Page 40]340. Constātinus the yonger beig made Caesar the 10. yere of his fathers [...]avgne▪ Cō ­stantius be­inge made Caesar the 20. yere of his fathers raygne: & Constans beinge made Emperour the 30. ye­re of his fathers raigne suc­ceeded theyre fa­ther after his desease and deui­ded the Empire a­monge them. Con­stantinu [...] enio [...]ed it but alitle while for he was slayne by the soul­diers of his brother Constans when he sought to inuade his brother Cōstans domi­nions Con­stās not lōg after was slayne by Magnētius the tyrant. These two were godly emperours but Cōstan­tius was an Ariā in the end Cōstan­tius dyed being fiue and fortie yeare olde. he raigned 38. yeares, thirteene with his father Cōstā ­tinus Ma­gnus, & fiue & twentie after his fa­thers death Socrat. lib. 1 cap. 25 26. lib. 2. cap. 3 20. 37. Ierō. chronic. Rheticus a learned wryter flo­rished in Fraunce a­bout this time. Ierom catalog. There was a coū ­cell held at Caesa­rea in Cappadocia where Eulalius b. of that seae con­demned his owne sonne Eustathius b. of Sebastia in Ar­menia for manye crimes. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 33. The Councell of Gangra condem­ned the hereticall opinions of Eusta­thius, allowing the mariage of priests. Socra. lib. 2. cap. 33 tom. 1. concil. A councell helde in Carthage, de­creed there should be no rebaptizing, that clergie men should not meddle with temporall af­faires. tom. 1. cōcil. Iulius helde a pro­uinciall synode at Rome, where he condemned Arius & ratified the Ni­cene Creede. tom. 1. concil.   Eulalius an Arian was b. of An­tioch after Eustathius. Nicephor.     Eustathius b. of Seba­stia in Armenia went in suche attyre as was not decente for a priest. He sorbad Mariadge: made lawes of fastinge he par­ted maried couples a­sunder. He caused suche as refrayned the chur­ches to rayse conuenti­cles at home, he tooke seruaunts frō their mai­sters vnder colour of re­ligion, he commaunded his followers to weare the philosophers habit, he caused the womē to be shauen, he sorbad the accustomed fastingdays, and commaunded they should faste on the sun­daye. He detested the prayers of maryed men, he abhorred the offering and communion of the maried priest, not remē ­bringe that his owne fa­ther was a priest and bi­shop of Caesarea in Cap­padocia. he was first cō ­demned of his owne fa­ther in a councell helde at Caesarea, afterwardes by the coūcel of G [...]gra, last of all at Gonstanti­nople. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 33.
    Iuuencus a prieste of Spayne who wrot the foure Euāgelists in heroical verse flori­shed about this tyme Ierom cata­log.     Euphronius an Arian was b. of Antioche after Eula­lius. Socrat. lib. 1. ca. 18.      
[Page 41]   Maximus b. of Tre­uere in Fraunce entertay­ned honorably Athanasius b. of Alexādria being exi­led into Fraunce. Ier. chro. A councell of Arian bishops mett at Antioche the first yeare after Constā ­tines desease, wher they deposed Athanasius, & endeuo­red to abrogate the Nicene creede Socrat. li. 2. ca. 5. 6. 7 The bishops of the East called a coun­cell together, layd down their creede with long exposi­tions, and sent it to the west churches by three bishops. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 15 A councell held at Coleyne in Germanie, condemned Euphrata the by­shop for denyinge that Christ was god [...]om. 1. concil. A generall coun­cell was summo­ned at Sardice by Constantius & Con­stans the Empe­roures, for the hearing of Athanasius b. of Alexandria & Paulus b. of Con­stantinople, whom the Arians had ex­iled. The councell restored them, de­posed theyre accu­sers, condēned the Arians, and confir­med the Nicene creede. Socrat. lib. [...] cap. 16. Cyrillus an Arian was chosen b. of Ierusa­lem after the deposi­tion of Maximus he was depo­sed forcer­ [...]ē hainous crimes & woulde not come and purge him selfe. Socrat. li. 2. cap. 30. 31. 32.       Macedonius at the first being an Arian, and de­posed by Acacius secte, could not quiet him self, but fell from the Arians into an other heresie. he denyed the godhead of the holy ghost, tearming him the seruant and the drugge of the father, & of the sonne. this opini­on, they saye, Maratho­nius bishop of Nicome­dia taught before him. These hereticks are cal­led Pneumatomachoi. So­crat. lib. 2. cap. 25. Epiph. haeres. 73.
      A councell sum­moned at Ierusalē by Maximus b. of that seae, where he receaued Athana­sius vnto the com­munion, & ratified the Nicene creede. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 19 A councell called together at Alexā ­dria by Athanasius where the actes of the coūcell of Sar­dice & of Ierusalē were confirmed. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 21. Heraclius. Placitus an Arian was b. of Anti­och. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 5 6. 7.     Euphrata bishop of Coleyne, denyed that Christ was God, he was condemned in a coun­cell helde at Coleyne. tom. 1. concil.
350.   Hilarius b. of poetiers in Fraunce a great ad­uersarie of the Arians wrote sun­drye nota­ble bookes whereof one he de­liuered in­to Constan­tius hande at Constā ­tinople. He died in the time of Valens and Valentinianus Ierom. ca­talog. So­crat. li. 3. ca. 8. Herenius. Stephan an Arian suc­ceeded Placitus. Socrat lib. 2. cap. 21. Liberiꝰ was b. of Rome after Iulius an. Do. 351 & cōtinewed 17. yeres he was ba­nished by Constantius the Arian emperour, yet resto­red againe. Socrat. li. 2. cap. 27. 29. Damasus in pōti [...]. tom. 1. concil. Ierom. in chronic. & catalog. eccl script. in fortuna­tiano [...] Ant. chro. part. 2. tit. 9. cap. 4. parag. 5. do say that he yelded to the Ari­ans, subscribed vnto their here sie, & reco­uered his bishoprick again. Antoninus sayth he exhor­ted others to cōstācie but did not perseuere him selfe.   Aëtius the mayster of Eunomius the hereticke was made deacō by Leō ­tius the Arian b. of An­tioch, yet sayth Epipha­nius by Georgius the A­rian b. of Alexandria. He was an Arian, yet fell he from them, because they receaued Arius in­to the communion after his fayned recantation. He was counted a great logician and called an [...] A theiste for reuiling [...] the aunciente Fathers. He was excommunica­cated, yet woulde h [...] seeme of his owne accord to leaue the church he taught that the substance of the father & [...] the sonne were not like one the other. Socrat. li▪ 2. cap. 28. li. 3. cap. 8. Th [...] heretickes of this opinion were called An [...] m [...]ioi. Epiphan. haeres. 7▪  
                Eunomius b. of Cyz [...] cum & the scribe of A [...] tius, sayde that God h [...] no more knowledge t [...] man. He tearmed. [...] the man of God, and [...] baptized all that ca [...] to him in the name the vncreated god, in [...] name of the sonne [...], and in the name of the sanctifyinge spirite created of the created sonne. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 7. Theodor. lib. 2. cap. 29 E­piphan. haeres. 76.
[Page 42]355.   Didymus Alexandri nus a no­table clerk was in his youthtime troubled with sore eyes & be­came blind he left be­hind him many no­table works, Antony the monke came out of the de­sert into Alexādria & confor­ted him. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 20. A councell helde at Antioche decreed that such as were present at seruice should commu­nicate, otherwise de­part. tom. 1. concil. A councell held at Sir­miū in the time of Con­stantius condēned Pho­tinus bishop of that seae which mayntayned the heresie of Sabellius and Paulus Samosatenus, this councell was of A­rians, they scourged a­mong them Osius b. of Corduba in Spayne, & made him subscribe vn­to Arianisme. Socrat. li. 2. cap. 24. 26. Hilarius. Leontius an Arian suc­ceeded Ste­phan he gel­ded him self to auoid the suspicion of a woman whose company he kept. wher­fore he was by Constan­tius made b. of Antioch. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 21. Felix was b. of Rome by the cō ­maūdemēt of Cōstātius & the pro­curemēt of the Arians one yeare while Liberius was in exile. he was an A­rian as So­crates wri­teth. lib. 2. cap. 29. Ie­rō. in chrō. and Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 22. yet An­toninus sayeth he was a god­ly man.   Photinus b. of Sirmiū maintayned the heresie of Sabellius & P. Samo­satenus that Christ was not God before Marie bare him. He sayde the word was at the beginīg with the father but not the sonne. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 24. Epiphan. haeres. 71
      A generall councell was sūmoned to meete at Mediolanum, where the East and west chur­ches brauled about A­thanasius, and dissolued the councell agreeinge vpon nothing. Cōstātius seeing the countreyes were farre asunder, cō ­maunded the East churches to meete at Nico media in Bithynia, and the west at Ariminum in Italic. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 29. The councell of Ari­minum cōdemned the Arians. Socra. lib. 2. cap. 29.   Eudoxius b. of Germanicia in Syria crepte through wiles into the bishop­rike of An­tioch after the desease of Leontius but the coū ­cell of god­ly bishops held at Se­leuciadepo­sed him, af­terwards he gotte to be bishoppe of Constanti­nople. So­crat. lib. 2. ca 29. 32. 33.     Aërius an Arian he­reticke cōdemned saith Augustine the prayer for the dead, which E­piphanius doth call the comemoration for the dead. He abhorred the prescribed fastingdayes he sayd that a bishoppe was no better then a priest contēning therein the canō of the church August. lib. de haeres. E­piphan. haeres. 75.
363.     A councell of Arian b. mett at Nice in Thra­cia, where in steede of Nice in Bithynia, they bleared the eyes of the godly with the sounde of the Nicene Creede. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 29. A councell was helde at Seleucia in Isauria, where the Arians were condemned. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 31. Cyrillus who was aboue de­posed, re­couered his bishop rick againe Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 35.       Lucifer b. of Sardinia fell from the church v­pon a stomack, he bele­ued saith Augustine that the soule came by trans­fusion to wit by pour [...]g out from the one into the other, moreouer they say that the soule is of the flesh and the sub­stance of the fleshe. So­crat. lib. 3. cap. 7. August. de haeres. Theodore [...]. lib. 3. cap. 5.
364.     A councell of 50. Arian bishops was called at Constantinople, where they condemned the Nicene creede, Eusta­thius b. of Sebastia in Armenia, & Cyrill b. of Ierusalem. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 32.   Anianus was by the councell of Seleu cia made b. of Antioch after they had deposed Eudoxiꝰ the Arian, but the Arians exiled him immediatly Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 32.     Audaeus the heretick liued in Caelosyria in the time of Constantius as Ierom sayth in chrō. He thought that God had the shape of man, miscōstruing the saying lette vs make man after our image, &c. Theo­doret. li. 4. cap. 10. These heretickes in the time of Chrysostome were cal­led Anthropomorphits. Donatus of whome the Donatists haue theyr original was in the time of Cōstantius. There was an other of the same name immediatly after he fell through cōtenti­on from the church at Carthage, and taught through Aphricke that as manye as came vnto him were to be rebapti­zed: that the sonne was inferior to the father, & the holy ghost inferior to the sonne. Ierō chro­nic. August. lib. de haeres.
[Page 43]     A councell of Arians met at Antioch, and confirmed the blasphemie▪ of Arius. They were called Anomoioi and Execoutioi. So­crat. lib. 2.   Meletius is chosen b. of Antioch af­ter Eudoxius, but Cōstantius deposed him for maintay­ning the Ni­cene Creede agaynste the Arians▪ So­crat. lib. 2. ca. 34.     Apollinarius the fa­ther and the sonne of one name fell from the faith vpō a stomacke at Laodicea in Syria, they taught that Christ tooke a body but no soule, a­gaine seeinge that was absurde they sayde he had no resonable soule. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 36. Ruff lib. 1. cap. 20.
          Euzoius the Arianwas by the Empe­rour made b. of Antioch after the de­position of Meletius. So­crat. lib. 2. ca. 34.     Dimeritae were here­ticks of Apollinarius opiniō so called because they denyed the thirde part, to wit the resona­ble soule in Christ. Some of them sayde that his body was coessentiall with his diuinity, some other of them denyed he had any soule at all some agayne of them sayd that he tooke no flesh of the virgine but that the worde became flesh. Epiphan. haeres. 76. 77.
365. Iulian succeded Con­stātius in the empire, he heard at Constā ­tinople Macedonius the Eunuch, Ni [...]ôcles the Laconian, & Ecebolius the sophist. Cō ­stantius fearinge he woulde fall frō chri­stian religion into heathenish idolatrie, sente him to Nico­media, charging him nor to treade in the schoole of Libanius, yet by stelthe he re­sorted vnto him, and read his heathenishe doctrine. When the Emperour suspected his disposition, Iuliā shaued him selfe, and became a reader in a certaine churche, yet after the Emperours death, & the obtay­ninge of the empire he became an Apo­stata, he banished the Christians out of his court, & entertained in steede of thē phi­losophers & coniu­rers. Not longe after being the third yere of his raigne, he was slayne in a battayle whiche he gaue the Persians. An arrowe was shot at hī which pearced him in the ribbs, and gaue him his deaths wounde. Some say it was one of his owne seruants some other, that it was a fugitiue Persi­an, some other saye that it was a deuell, some doe write, that he tooke the da [...]te out of his side, threwe it all bloodie into the ayre, & cry­ed, O Galilaean (mea­ning Christ) thou hast ouercome. Socra. lib. 3. cap. 1. 9. 10. 18. So­zomen. lib. 6. cap. 2. Theodo. lib. 3. cap. 25. Iouianus a godly mā one that mayntay­ned the Nicene creede was Expe­rour after Iulian. He raygned no longer then seauē moneths but he dyed. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 19. 20. 22. Macedoni­us, Theodulus & Tati­anus, were broyled to death in the time of Iulian. So­crat. lib. 3. cap. 13. Theodorus was sore tormented Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 16. A councell held at Alexā dria by Atha­nasius after his returne from exile, in the time of Iulian where the A­rians, Apollinarians & Mace­donians were condēned. So­crat. lib. 3. ca. 5. A coūcel held at Lampsacū 7. yeares after the coūcell of Seleucia, wher the Ariās were condemned. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 2. 4. A councell of bishops in Si­cilia condem­ned the Ariās. Soc. lib. 4. cap. 11. Iohn was b. of Ierusa­lem after Cyrill. So­crat. lib. 2. cap. 25. Dorotheus Paulinus and Eua­grius beig godly mē were cho­sen by the people yet notsuffred to conti­new.   Massiliani, were idle monks whome the de­uell had possessed, they sayde, that the bodie of Christ in the sacrament did neither good, ney­ther harme. they sayde baptisme was to no purpose. Leotius b. of Meli­tena draue the theeues out of their dennes, the wolues from among the sheepe, & sett their mo­nasteries on fire. Theo­dore [...]. lib. 4. cap. 11. these hereticks were called al­so Euchitae, so called be­cause of their cōtinewa [...] prayinge. It is a wonder sayeth Augustine, to heare what a number of prayers they runne ouer (muche like vnto the late mumblinge of prayers vpon bea­des) where Christ sayd: Praye alwayes, and Sainct Paul: Pray with­out intermission, which is deuoutly to be taken for euery day, they doe it to much, & therfore sayeth Augustine, to be numbred among here­tickes. They saye when the soule is purged, that a sowe with her pigges is seene to come out of mans mouth, and that a visible fire entreth in, whiche burneth not. these Euchits did thinke that it appertayned not vnto the monkes to get theyr lyuinge with the sweate of their browes, but to lyue idlye. Epi­phanius sayth, that whē Luppicianus the Praetor executed some of them for their lewdnesse, they called them selues Marryrianos. Some of them thoughte that it was theyre duetie to wor­shippe the deuell, lest he shoulde hurte them, these were called Sata­niani. If ye called any of them Christ, a Patri­arche, a Prophet, or an Angell, he woulde an­swere that he was so. They slepte like swine, men and women all in one heape. August. lib. de haeres. Epiphan. hae­res. 80. These Massiliās were cōdemned in the generall councell held at Ephesus in the tyme of Theodosius iunior. Cyrill. lib. Apologet.
    Artemius a noble man beheaded for the faith. The­odor. lib. 3. cap. 18. The Meletiās essēbled at An tioche, where they layde down the Macedonian opi­nion of the sonne of God iump betwene the Arians & the true chri­stians, where they proued thē selues neu­trans. Ier. chro. Socr. li. 3. cap. 8.   Dorotheus tooke possession of the bishopricke the seconde time and cō ­tinewed ther a good while Democh. So­crat. lib. 4. cap 28.      
[Page 44]     A councell at Laodicea, anno Domini 368. de­creed that the laytie shold not chuse the priest that lessōs shold be read in the church betwene certen Psalmes that seruice should be mor­ning & euening that the Gospel should be reade with other Scri­ptures on the sunday that lēt should religiously be obserued without mariēg & solemnizinge the feastes of martyrs. That christians shold not daunce at brydehouses &c. tom. 1. cōc.          
367. Valentinianus one whome sometime Iulian banished his court succeeded Io­uianus in the Empir he ioyned with him his brother Valens. Valentinianus was a true Christian but Valens an Arian. the one persecuted the Churche the other preserued the chri­stians. Valentinianus dyed Anno Domini 380. after he had li­ued foure and fiftye yeares and raygned thirteene. Valens his brother raygned 3. yeares after him & departed this life. So­crat. lib. 4. ca. 1. 26. 31. Basilius b. of Caesarea in Cappadocia florishedabout this time. whē Valens the em­perour sent for him out of Caesarea into Antioch he be haued him selfe very stoutly in the de­fence of the trueth. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 21. Gregorie Na­zianzen the maister of S. Ierom liued in the time of Valens & dyed in the raygne of Theodosius Magnus. Socrat. li. 4. cap. 21. Ierom catalog. eccles. script. A councell of Nouatians met at Pazum, and decreed contra­ry to the Nicen coūcell that the feaste of Easter shoulde be kept alike with the Iewes. Socrat. li. 4. cap. 23. Nepos Meletiꝰ came the se­conde time to be By­shop. De­moch.      
368.   Ambrose b. of Millayne beīg Liuetenant of the prouince was chosen to gouerne the church by the vniforme con­sent of the people & cō ­firmed by Va­lentinianus. Ie­rom suspended his iudgemēt of him because he liued in his time Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 25. A councell of macedoniāsmet at Antioch and condemned the Nicene councel with the clause of one substance Socrat. lib. 5. ca. 4     Damasus was b. of Rome, an. Dom. 369 after Liberius where he conti­newed 18. yeres. So­crat. lib. 4. cap. 17. 24. lib. 6. ca. 9. lib 7. ca. 9. Ierom. chronic.    
378.     A coūcel of 90. Byshops called at Rome by Da­masur, where A­rius, Eunomius, Macedonius, Photinus, Hebiō and theyr disci­ples were con­demned where also the holye Ghost was sayd to be of one substāce with the fa­ther and the sonne. tom. 1. concil.       Peter was b. of Ale­xandria after Athanasius an. Dom. 375 the Ariās by autori­tie frō the emperour clapt him in prison, and chose Lucius in his roume Peter got out of prison & fled vnto Da­masus b. of Rome. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 16. 17.  
[Page 45]   80. priests were put in a ship, & burned quicke by the cōmaun­dement of Valēs the Arian Em­perour. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13. Ammonius a re­ligious man cut of his eare, and fledd away be­cause he would not be bishop. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 18. A councell was called at Illyrium by Valetinianus where the trueth in the blessed trini­tie was con­fessed. Theod. li. 4. ca. 7. 8. 9.       Lucius an Ariā ouer the Arians. Socra. li. 4. ca. 16. Antidicomarianitae, were hereticks which impugned the virgini­tie of Marie, sayinge that after the byrth of Christ Ioseph did know her. August. lib. de hae­res. Epiphan. haeres. 78.
    Euagrius a reli­gious man, fled away because he would not be bishop. Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 18. Ierome the lear­ned writer whos workes are fa­mous through­out the worlde, florished about this time. Ierom. catalo. Ab. Tri­tem. A councell held at Rome by Damasus and Peter b. of Alexan­dria wher the heresie of A­pollinarius was condem­ned. Ruff. lib. 2. cap. 2. Prayllius Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 38. Flauianus was chosē b. of Anti­oche, and cōtinewed to the time of Arcadi­us. Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 1 Ruff. lib. 2. cap. 21.     Collyridiani were he retickes whiche wor­shipped the Virgine Marie. Epiphanius in discoursing of this he­resie inueheth agaynst images and worship­ping of saincts & An­gells. haeres. 78 79. Metangismonitae were here tickes which sayd that the sonne was in the father as a lesser vessell in a greater. August. lib. de haeres.
383. Gratianus to gether with Valentinianus the yonger succeeded Valētinianus and Valens in the Empire Gratianus chose Theo­dosius Ma­gnus a noble mā of Spayn to gouerne the Empire. These three ruling at one time were godly Empe­toures. Ruffinus prieste of Aquileia one that was at great variance with Ierō, wrote manie notable volumes, he was a great trāslator of Greeke wry­ters. Gennad. ca­talog. A councell held at Aquileia condemned Palladius & Secundia­nus the Ariās tom. 1. con­cil.       Timothe a godly man succeeded Peter in the church of Alexan­dria. Socra. lib. 5. cap. 3 8. Marinus the Arian thoughte that the fa­ther was a father whē there was no sonne. Such as were of this opinion were called Psathyrians the reasō why is to be seene in Socrates. lib. 5. cap. 22. Euthicus an Eunomiā baptised not in the trinity but in the death of Christ. Socr. li. 5. c 23
  Gratianus was slaine by Maximus the brittaine whē he had liued foure and twenty yeres and raygned fifteene. Va­lentinianus was stisled to death. Augustine b. of Hippo in A­phricke wrote sundry excellēt bookes, Genna­dius suspecteth his opiniō tout­ching the resur­rection of vn­timely byrthes. Gē [...]ad. catalog.           Seleuciani, or Her­miani of one Seleucus, taught that the sub­stāce whereof the world was made was not made of God but was coe­ternall with God: that God maketh not the soule, but Angelles of fire and spirite: that e­uill is some tymes of God, and some times of the thinge it selfe [...] that Christ sitteth not in the flesh at the right hande of the Father but hath his seate in the Sunne. that there was no visible paradis [...] that Baptisme is no [...] to be receaued by wa­ter: that there shall b [...] no resurtectiō, but th [...] daylye generation [...] children. August. lib. [...] haeres.
[Page 46] Theodosius the Emperor who of all theother was most famous throughout the worlde, fell sicke and dyed whē he had lyued 60 yeares, and raygned 16. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 2. 11. 24. 25. Nectarius a man of noble linage and profounde learninge was chosen b. of Constantinople by a hundred & fifty bishops. So­crat. lib. 5. cap. 8. This Nectarius banished con­fession and the shriuinge priest out of the churche and so did other By­shops, because that a cestayne Deacon abused at Constātino­ple a graue ma­tion vnder co­lour of confes­sion. Socrat. lib. 5 cap. 19. A councell of a hundred and fiftie bi­shops met at Cōtantino­ple by the cōmaunde­mēt of Theo­dosius Magnꝰ where they cōfirmed the faith of the Nicene coū ­cell, deuided patria [...]ch­ships, decre­ed that no bishop shold meddle with anything out of his owne diocess, and chose Necta­rius b. of Cō stāntinople. Socras. lib. 5. cap. 8.     Siricius was b. of Rome after Dama­sus An. Do. 387. and cō ­tinewed 15. yeares Prosp. chron. Socrat lib. 7. cap. 9. This b. of Rome was the firste which de­creed that priestes shold not mary. Gra. Polid.   [...] Proclianits deny that Christ came in the flesh. August.
                Patri [...]iani said that mans fleshe was not made of God but of the Deuell, so that some dispatched them selues to caste of the flesh. August.
399. Arcadius and Honorius the sonnes of Theodosius Magnus suc­ceeded theyr father, the one in the east the other in the west. When that Arcadius had raygned 13. yeares with his father Theod [...]sius Magnus, and 14. after his desease, he dyed leauing behinde him his sonne Iohn Chrysostome was b. of Con­stantinople after Nectarius anno Dom. 401. his linage and edu­cation is layde downe at large by Socrates. He made Antemnes in the churche of Constantinople. There was greate variance betwene him & Epiphanius b. of Cyprus. It was A councell held at Valē ­tia in Fraūce decreede in the time of Siricius b. of Rome, that Prestes shoulde not marie. Isid. in concil.   Porphyrius was b. of Antioche after Flaui­anus. Socr. lib. 7. cap. 9     Authropomorphitae were Monkes inhabitinge the deserts of Aegypt which thoughte that God the father had a body & was like mā, these liued in the time of Chrysostome. Anno Domini. 402. they had theyr originall of one Audaeus mētioned be­fore in the time of Cō ­stantius. Socrat. li. 6. ca. 7 hereupon it rose that God the father hathe beene painted like an olde man in a graye bearde.
401. The [...]d sius iunior, of the age of eyght yeares to succeede him in the east, Ho­norius continewed neuer theles in the west. Socrat. lib. 6. ca 1. 21 lib. 7. cap. 1. Theophilus b. of Alexandria that set them by the eares. He made a sermō against all womē & was therfore by the procurement of the empresse deposed, the peo­ple made suche adoe that he was called hom againe, yet was he exiled after­wardes and died in banishmente. anno Dom. 412. Socrat. li. 6. ca. 2. 3. 9. 14. The first coū cell helde at Toledo in Spaine in the time of Arcadius decreed that priests should mary. tom. 1. cōcil. A councell helde at Bur­deux in Gas­coygne con­demned Pri­scillianus the Spaniard for his heretia all opiniō. Pro­sper. ch [...]on. There was a councel held at Chalcedō, where Chry­sostome was cōdemued of spite and for no other crime. Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 14.     Anastasiꝰ was b. of Rome after Siricius Anno Dom. 401. and go­uerned three ye [...]es. Prosp. chron. Socrat lib. 7. cap. 9. Theophilus was b. of Alexādria after Ti­mothe, for feare of his life he yel­ded vnto the heresie of the An­thropomor­phits agaist which he wrot a no­table boke as Gēnadiꝰ reporteth of him. It was he that made Chrysostome & Epiphanius dedly foes, he was a spitefull man all his lifetime, & in the end dyed of a lethargie. Socrat. lib. 6. ca. 1. 7. 9. lib. 7. cap. 7 Gennad. catalog. vir. illustr. Ascitae of [...] a bottell, gadded about the contry with a bot­tell, bibbinge thereof and sayinge, that they were the newe bot­tells wherof the Gos­pell spake, filled with newe wine. August. lib. de haeres.
          Alexander was b. of Antioche after Por­phyrius. Socras. lib. 7. cap. 9.     Aquari were here­tickes whiche offred water in the sacramēt in steede of wine. Au­gust. lib. de haeres.
                Priscillianus a Spa­niard maintayned the opiniō of Gnostici, Manichaeus, and Sabellius being condemned by the councell of Bur­deux he appealed vn­to Maximus the vsur­ping Emperour which found him an heretik and beheaded him Prosp. chronic. he sayd the soule was of one substance with God & come downe from heauen to endure vo­luntary conflictes. He sayd that mans actions were gouerned by the starres. he condemned the eating of fleshe, he parted maried couples referring the creation of the fleshe, not to god but to wicked an­gels. he allowed of the scriptures called Apo­crypha. vnto euery of his followers he sayd, Iura, periura, secretum prodere noli. August. li. de haeres.
[Page 47]   Epiphanius b. of Cyprꝰ florished in the tyme of Arcadius. he was at deadly enmi­tie with Chryso­stome, the wor­ker of all that mischiefe was Theophilus b. of Alexandria. He came from Cō ­stantia in Cy­prus to Constā ­tinople, cele­brated the com­munion, gaue orders without the licence of Iohn the bishop, therin to grati­fie Theophilus. At his farewell from Constan­tinople he sayd thus vnto Chry­sostome, I hope thou shalt neuer dye a bishop. Chrysostome sayd vnto Epiphanius agayne, and I hope thou shalt neuer come a­liue into thy cō try. the trueth is it fell out so to both, Epiphanius died by the way and Chrysostome in exile. Socrat. lib. 6. ca. 9. 11. 13 Theotinus b. of Scythia repre­hended Epipha­nius for condē ­ning rashly the bookes of Ori­gen. Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 11. A councell was called at Cyprus by Epiphanius where throughe the spite of Theophilus b. of Alexandria the bookes of Origen were condemned. Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 9. Theophilus called a councell at Ale­xandria and con­demned of malice he bare vnto certē monkes the books of Origen. Scrat. li. 6. cap. 9. Iuuenalis b. of Ieru­salem after Prayllius, he was at the coūcell of Ephesus & cōdem­ned Nesto­rius the he reticke. an. 435. Socra. lib. 7. cap. 3 he was al­so at the councel of Chalcedō, in the time of Martia­nus. Euag. lib. 2. ca. 4.       Pelagius a Brittaine & a monke of Bangor wrote notable bookes as Gennadius sayd be­fore he fell into here­sie, his heresies were these: that man with­out the grace of God was able to fulfill all the commaundemēts of God: that man had free will: that the grace of God was geuen vn­to vs according to our merits: that the iuste haue no sinne in this life: that children haue no originall sinne: that Adam should haue di­ed if he had not sin­ned. August. lib. de hae­res. Polidor.
404.   Effrem Syrus li­ued about this time. his bookes were thought so notable, that they were read in the churche. Ierom. catalog. A councell held at Carthage called the 2. decreed that priests shoulde not marie. tom. 1. con­cil.   Theodotus was b. of Antioche after Ale­xander. Theodor. li. 5. cap. 38. Innocentius was b. of Rome after Anastasius Anno Do. 404. where he contine­wed 15. ye­res. Prosp. chron. Socr. lib. 7. cap. 9. this Inno­centius wrot vnto Chry­sostome & to the clergie of Constan tinople. So­zom. lib. 8. ca 26.   Coluthiani were he­retickes whiche sayde that the euill which is so called in respect o [...] vs to we [...]e, the euill o [...] punishmēt, crosse, an [...] vexatiō proceeded no from God. August.
      An other councell helde at Carthage called the 3. decred that the clergie in their yeares of dis­cretion should ey­ther marrie, or vow chastitie: that the chiefe bishop should not be cal­led the prince of priests, or hyghest prieste, but onely the bishop of the chiefe seae. tom. 1. concil.         Iouinianus a mon [...] taught with the stoil [...] that all sinnes were [...] quall: that man had n [...] sinne after baptis [...] that fasting was to [...] purpose, that Mar [...] was no virgine wh [...] she was deliuered. August. lib. de haeres.
      A councell held at Hippo anno Dom. 417. decreed that bishops and priests shoulde looke well vnto theyre owne children: that no bishop shoulde ap­peale ouer seae: that the bishop of the head seae shold not be called the chiefe priest: that no scripture be read in the church but canonicall. tom. 1. concil.         Heluidius sayd the Marie was a Virgi [...] when Christ was bo [...] yet afterwards to ha [...] borne the brethren Christ. August. Genn [...] catalog. vir. illustr.
[Page 48]412. Theodosius iu nior the sonne of Arcadius being left of the age of 8. yeares succe­ded his fa­ther in the Easterne em­pire. though he were lesie yong yet go­uerned he the empire wise­lye by the meanes of Anthemius a politicke mā his vertues & maner of li­uing are sett for that large in Socrates history. When that Honorius was slayne in the battaill betwene the Romaynes and the Per­sians he pro­claimed Va­lentinianus the yonger Emperour of Rome & gaue him Eudoxia his daughter to mariadge but he was slayne by the souldiers of Actius. Theo­dusius in his life time de­tested all he­retickes and made a lawe wherein he condemned Ne [...]torius. he raygned 38. yeares & thē dyed Anno Dom. 450. Socrat. lib. 7. ca. 1. 22. 23. 24. 43. Euagrius lib. 1. cap. 12. 22. Orosi [...] a Spani­ard & a learned historiographer slo [...]shed about this time, Gen­nad. he wrote vnto Augustine, & Augustine vn­to him agayne. Primasius b. of Aphricke and the disciple of S. Augustine wrote vpon holy s [...]ip ture. Gessner. Iohannes Cassia­nus the deacon of Chrysostome liued about this time. Gennad. catalog. The 4. and 5. councell of Car thage layde downe the ol [...] ­ctiō & office of clergie men. to. 1. concis.   Iohn was b. of Anti­oche after Theodotus he was at great vari­ance with Cyrill b. of Alexādria but they were im­mediatelie reconciled he was at the coun­cell of E­phesus & condem­ned Nesto­rius. Socrat. lib. 7. ca. 23 Euagr. li. 1. ca. 5. 6. Gē ­nad. cata­log. Zosimus was b. of Rome after Inno­centius An. Dom. 418. & cōtinew­wed 2. yeres Prosp. chro. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 11. Bonifacius was b. of Rome after Zosimus thre yeares & 9. moneths. Socr. li. 7. c. 11 Cyrillus suc­ceeded The­ophilus in the seae of Alexandria and withall he chalēged to him selfe more auto­rity thē euer any other bishop had before him. from that time forth besides the ouersight & rule of his clergie and ecclesiasti­call affaires, the bishop of Alexan­dria tooke also the go­uernement of tēporall matters. he banished all the Iewes out of Ale­xandria for murthering of the chri­stians he cō ­demned Nestorius in the councell of Ephesus. So­crat. lib. 7. cap. 7. 13. 33 Rhetorius was of a wonderfull vaine opi­nion. He thought that all heretikes walked a­right and maintayned the trueth. August. lib. de haeres. Paterniani were here­tickes which thought that the nether parts of mans body [...] were made not by God but by the deuell. & there fore yeelded all those partes vnto all beastly life. some called these men Venustianos. Au­gust.
    Acacius b. of A­mida was fa­mous for his godly acts in the dayes of Theo­dosius the yon­ger. he pytied the Persian cap­tiues which the Romaines had taken, & lamented to see them perishe for want of foode. he called his clergy & sayd thus vnto them. Our lord hath no neede either of po [...]ī ­gers or of cups. for he neyther [...]ateth neither drinketh, &c. he perswaded them so that he sould the treasure, re­lieued the pri­soners, and re­deemed the captiues. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 21. The councell held at Taurinū at the foote of the alps was held for the reformatiō of the clergy tom. [...]. concil. The councel of Malta condem­ned the Pelagi­ans & Donatists, and concluded that all mē wer sinners, that the grace of God was geuē to the fulfilling of the law, that infants were to be bap­tized. to. 1. cōcil▪ A coūcell helde at Telene in the time of Zosimus, thrust vpon the clergye vowed chastitie which Siricius had first commaunded. tom. 1. concil. The 6. councell of Carthage ra­tified the canōs of the Nicene councell. tom. 1. concil.     Celestinus was b. of Rome after Bonifacius Anno Do­nini 425. & continewed 9. yeres. Soc. lib. 7. cap. 11 Prosp. chro. this Celesti­nus sent Palladius to be bishop of the Scotts.   Tertullianistae were heretickes which de­nyed second mariad­ges and sayd that the soules of wicked men became deuells after theyr departure out of this life and that the soule is continewedby goinge from one into an other as muche to say by carnall descent and succes [...]ion. August
425.   Isidorus a Pe­leusian, was of greate fame in the dayes of Cy­rill, and wrote a boke vnto him. Fuag lib. 1. cap. 15. The 7. councell of Carthage layd down what kind of mē were fit to beare wit­nes againste the clergy. to. 1. cōc. A councell was held in Aphrike where all the prouinces came together in the tyme of Bonifa­cius & Celestinus bishops of Rō [...], where they cō ­dēned Pelagi [...]s, & decreed that no bishop shold be called the heade of all pri­ests, that no ap­peale should be made out of A­phrick to any other bishop. &c. tom. 1. concil.     In the time of Celestinus sayth So­crates the bishop of Rome passinge the bosi­des of his priestly order, presumed to chalēg vnto him self secu­lar power & autori­ti [...]. lib. 7. cap. 11.   Nestorius the here­ticke by birth a Ger­mayne, yet prieste of Antioch, was sent for by Theodositis to Con­stantinople, and there made bishop. for his crucltie he was called a fire brād. he brought from Antioch a priest in his cōpanie whose name was Anastasius, whiche taught in the churche that Marie was not to be called the mother of God, whome he defended, & auoyded as Socra­tes sayeth this clause: the motheror bearing of God as a bugg or frayinge ghost, yet he proceeded in spite, & beynge called to the councell of Ephesus, he denyed that Christ was God, and seeyng that there rose greate sturre thereof, he see­med to repent, but the councell deposed and banished him into O­asis God winked not at his impietie, but plagued him diue [...]sly from aboue, his tōge was eaten vp of wor­mes, and so he dyed. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 22. 23. 29. Euag. lib. 1. cap. 2. 3. 7.
[Page 49]   Synesius b. of Cyrene an elo­quent man and a profoūd phi­losopher flori­shed in the time of Theodosius. Euagr. lib. 1. cap. 15. A generall coū ­cell called at E­phesus an. Do. 434. ( Prosper. chron.) of 200. bishops, where Nestorius the he retick was con­demned. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 33. E­uagr. lib. 1. cap. 4. A councell was held at Rhegiū, for the redresse of ecclesiasticall matters. tom. 1. concil.         Abelitae were here­tickes aboute Hippo in Aphricke, so called of Abel the sonne of Adam. wiues they ab­horred, yet liued they not without. men and women vnder colour of chastitie lyued in one house, and to be their heire they wold alwayes adopt one or other of their neygh­bours children. Augu.
434.   Prudentius and Sedulius christiā Poetes liued a­bout this time. Gennad. catalog Prosper Aquita­nicus one that wrote many notable tractes whose sen­tences are to be seene amonge Augustines works, florished in the raigne of Theodosius. He wrote also a no­table chrono­graphie. Gen­nad. A councell was called at Rome by Valentinianus the yōger, wher Sixtus the b. purged him self of certaine crimes that wer layde to his charge         A sect of here ticks the first authors name is not knowen, sayde that after the resurre­ctiō this world should not be chaunged, but remayne still as it do­eth, contrarit to the scripture, which sayth there shall be a newe heauen and [...] newe earth. August.
435. In the rai­gne of this Theodosius the bryt­taynes s [...]t for the Saxones out of Germanie to asist them a­gainst the Scots and Picts▪ Po­lidor. Symeon a religi­ous man in the time of Domnus b. of Antioche was the author of a straunge kinde of life. he liued many ye­res in a pilloure. He was knowē to be a godlye man. Euagr. lib. 1. cap. 12. lib. 2. ca. 10. Sixtus called a councell at Rōe to examine the doings of Poly­chronius b of le­rusalē. to. 1. cōc. The coūcell of Agatha decre­ed that none should be made priest afore he were 30. yeares olde that the clergie shoulde weare suche at­tire as became their profession with manie o­ther constituti­ons. to. 1. cōcil.         An other sect wente always barefoote not for the aflictiō of the bodye but because they vnderstoode fōdly certaine places of the scripture. August An other sect would neuer eate mea [...] with men. They tooke the holy ghost for a creature. August.
    Socrates Schola­sticus which cō ­tinewed in seuē bookes the ec­clesiasticall hi­story of Eusebi­us P [...]philus frō Constantinus ma­gnus vnto the better parte of Theodosius iuni­or his raygne was about this time of greate fame through out all Greece. The 1. & 2. coū ­cell held at Au­renge decreed amonge other things that such as fled to sanctu aries shoulde be ayded: cōdēned free will and grace of merits. tom. 1. concil. The 1. and 2. councells helde at Vasio, in the tyme of Theo­dosius, decreed that in suche churches where preachers were not, Deacons shoulde reade homilies. tom. 1. concil. I find tom. 1 concil. That in the tyme of Sixtus b. of Rome there was one Poly­chronius b. of Ierusalē a very shorte while & de­posed in a councell helde at Rome for Simony & extorcion: But other wryters make no mē tion of him and say that from Theo­dosius to Martianus the Empe­rour, Iuue­nalis was b. of Ierusalē. Domnus was b. of Antioche after Iohn. Euagr. lib. 1. cap. 10. Sixtus the thirde was b. of Rome after Cele­stinus. An. Dom. 435. and conti­newed 8. yeares. Prosp. chr. One Bassus layd diuers crimes to his charge so that he called a councel & purged him selfe tom. 1. con cil. Gennad catalog.   An other hereticke sayde that the diui­nitie of Christ so­rowed when his na­ked body was nayled to the tree▪ August.
                An other there was which sayd that God was of three parts, the father, the sonne, and the holie ghost, cal­ling them all not ab­solute persons, but parts of one. August. [Page 50] some heretiks said that the water was not made by God but was alwayes coëternall with hī. August.
    Theodoretus b. of Cyrus wrote about this time the Ecclesiastical history cō ­prising a hū ­dred and fiue years. Sozome [...]s wrot the Ec­clesiastical history frō Cō;­stātinꝰ Magnꝰ vnto the rai­gne of Theo­dosius iunior Maximu [...] b. of Taurinum one that wrot many nota­ble tractes li­ued about this time. Gē ­nad. catalog. A councell held at Carpētoracte decreed that the bishop shoulde not poule the parishes. tom. 1. concil.         Some said that the bodye and not the soul was the image of God. August. Others sayde that the soules of wic­ked men were tur­ned into deuells & to euerye sorte of beastes correspon­dent to theyr me­rits. August.
443.     The 3. councell of Arelate de­creed that no deacon shoulde be made before he were 25. yere olde, no priest before 30. yeres. tom. 1. concil. A prouinciall councell was held at Constá­tinople, where Eutyches was condemned. E­uag. lib. 1. cap. 9. An hereticall councell held at Ephesus, where by the meanes of Dioscorus b. of Alexandria, Eutyches the he reticke was re­stored. Euag. lib. 1. cap. 10.   Maximus was b. of Antioche after Dom­nus. he was at the coū cell of Chalcedō. Euagr. lib. 2. cap. 4. Leo was b. of Rome after Six­tus Anno Dom. 443. where he cōtinewed 21. yeares. Prosp. chr. Palmer. li­uagr. lib. 1. cap. 10. He died in the time of the Emperour Leo & Ma­ioranus. Gō ­nad. cata­log.   Some sayde that when Christ wente to hell all the vn­faithfull beleued & were deliuered. August. Other saye that Christ was alwayes with the father but not alwayes a sōne August.
450. Martianus a Thraciā sue­ceeded Theodosius iunior in the eastern Empire. He was one that behaued him self vertuously towardes God and mā He raygned 7. yeares and then dyed. Euag. li. 1. ca. 22. li. 2. ca. 1. 8 Gennadiu [...] a learned wry­ter, the autor of the cata­logue of fa­mous men which is foūd among Ie­rome [...] works s [...]o [...]shed a­boute this time. A councell of 630. bishops was helde at Chalcedon by the commaun­dement of Mar­tianus, where Dioscorus b. of Alexandria was deposed, Nesto­rius, Eutyches, & Macedonius cō ­demned. Euagr. lib. 2. cap. 2. 4. 10 Theodosius was by the idle monks made b. of Ierusalemin the absence of Iuuenalis, but Martia­nus the Em­perour de­posed him, & restored the other. Euag. lib. 2. cap. 5. lib. 3. cap. 6.     Dioscorus was b. of A­lexādria af­ter Cyrill, he was of Ne­storius opi­nion, & de­posed by the councell of Constanti­nople. he was also of Eutyches o­pinion, and deposed by the coūcell of Chalce­don. Euagr. lib. 1. cap. 10 lib. 2. cap. 5. Proterius was b. of A­lexādria af­ter the coū ­cell had de­posed Dio­scorus, he was a godly man, yet a souldier, ranne him through with a na­ked sworde vpon Easter day, and the seditious persōs after his death burned him to ashes. E­uagr. lib. 2. cap. 5. 8. Eutyches mayn­tayned the opiniōs of Nestorius & sayd that our Lord cō ­sisted of 2. natures, before the diuinity was coopled with the humanitie, but after the vnitinge of thē to be of one nature, & that the body of Christ was not of one substāce with ours. the coū ­cell of Constanti­nople deposed him but he appealed vnto Theodosius, & procured the coū ­cell of Ephesus to be sūmoned where Dioscorus the here­ticke restored him. Euagr. lib. 1. cap. 9. This Eutyches be­ing cōdēned in the councell of Chal­cedō brake out in­to these words. this is the faith that I was baptized in, this is the fayth which I haue lear­ned [Page 51] of the fa­thers, & in this faith will I die. tom. 2. concil. Dioscorus b. of Alexandria was an Eu [...]ychian. Euagr.
  Maximus in his time was Emperour of Rome after Valentinianus death 70. dayes but Gē zerichus kīg of the Vādals tooke Rome, tore Maxi­mus in pecces threw his car [...]asse into ti­bris and wēt backe to Car thage. Auitus was Emperoure after Maxi­ [...] 8. mo­neths. Iohannes Da­mascenus a learned wri­ter wrote a­gainst the A­rians. Pantal. A councell held at Venice about this time decred that no clergye men should wā ­der from one diocesse to an other without dimissarie let­ters: that they shoulde not be at weddinge di­ners, daunces, & hering of wan­tonsonnets: that throughout the same prouince they obserue one maner of diuine seruice tom. 2. concil. A councell was called at Tours in Fraunce for the reformatiō of Ecclesiasticall matters. tom. 2. concil.   Martyrius b. of Antioch. Nicephor. Theodore [...]. collect.   Timotheus AElurus a mōke was by the seditious persōs made b. of Alexan­dria whyle Proteriu [...] ly­ued, he was of Apollin [...]ri­us opinion & immediately deposed by Leo. Euag. lib. 2. cap. 8. 11. he wēt about the monkes lodginges in the nyght time & cryed like a spirite, that they should chose Timotheus AElurus to their bishop, meaning him selfe. Theod. collect. Timotheus an hereticall bi­shop.
  Maioranus was Empe­rour of Rom in the end of Martianus & the begining of Leo where he raygned. 4 yeres But Se­uerus dispat­ched him & tooke his rowme him­selfe. Euag. li. 2. cap. 7. Pal­mer. chronic. Anatolius b. of Constan­tinople flori­shed in the dayes of Leo. Euagr.     Iulianus b. of Antioch Nicephor. Theodore [...]. collect.   Timotheus Basilicus, o­therwise cal­led Salofacio­lus was b. of Alexandria after the ex­ile of his predecessor. E­uag. lib. 2. cap 11. but he was banished not longe after.  
458. Leo was Empe­rour in the East after Martianus. He wrote vnto Anatolius b. of Constantinople for to examine the sturre risen at Alexandria a­bout the mur­thering of Pro­terius & the ele­ction of Timo­theus. He gouerned 17. yeres & deposed himself placinge in his rowme Leo the sonne of his daughter Ari­adne and of Ze­no, but this yon­ger Leo dyed immediatly & Zeno his father ruled the empire alone. Eua. lib. 2. cap. 8. 9. 17. Paulinus b. of Nola in I­talie was of greate fame about this time, he gaue all his sub­stance to redeeme cap­tiues and poore prisoners. Palmer chronic. A councell held at Rome in the time of Hilarius confirmed the Nicene Creede that such as had Canonicall im­pediments were not to be made priestes. tom. 2. concil.     Hilarius was b. of Rome after Leo an. Dom. 464. & continewed 6. yeares. Palm. chro. Anton. chro.   Acephali were a confuse mul­titude of here­tickes without a head which re­uiled the coun­cell of Chalce­don, and sayde that Christ had but one nature. Palmer. chron.
[Page 52]458. Arthur kinge of bryttaine a noble and a valiāt Prince is sarde about this time to be of great fame throughout the west parts of the world. Seuerus was Emperour of the west, and abode at Rauenna after Maioranus 4. yeres. Palmer. chronic. Anthemius was sent from Leo to be Emperour of Rome, where he continewed 5. yeares. Euag. lib. 2. cap. 16. Olymbrius was emperour 7. moneths. Glycerius was Emperour 5. yeares, whome Nepos deposed. Nepos was Em­peror of Rome 56 dayes, whom Orestes deposed. Orestes made Augustulus his sonne emperor.     Anastasius was b. of Ierusalem after Iuue­nalis one as it is re­ported that subscribed vnto the condemnation of the councel of Chalcedō for fear of Basiliscus. Euagr. li. 3. cap. 5. Basilius b. of Antioch. E­uagr. lib. 2. ca. 10.      
  Augustulus the sonne of Orestes, raygned one yeare, he was the laste Emperour of Rome of the thousand & three hundred yeares since the [...]aygne of Romulus. I [...]ough edition & ciuill warres it fell out, that the Empire came to nought. many raygned in the west of aequall autoritie. Odoacer that succeeded Augustulus, would not call him selfe Emperour but kinge▪ there was no Emperour of the west the space of 330 yeares afore the yeare of our Lorde. eight hundred▪ when Carolus Ma­gnus king of Fraunce was by Leo the 3. of that name b. of Rome crowned Emperoure. From that tyme the Emperours of the west were called the Emperoures of Germanie▪ Euagr lib. 2. cap. 16. Math. Palmer. chronic. Ieno succeeded Leo in the empire, a wick [...]d & a beastly ly­uer. Basiliseus the tyrante oue [...] came him, became Em­perour 2. yeares, & ꝓ [...]laimed his sōne     Peter Cnap­heus b. of Antioch. He was an hereticke and condem­ned the coū ­cell of Chal­cedō. He was afterwardes deposed by Zeno the Emperoure. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 5. 8. Simplicius was b. of Rome. af­ter Hilarius Anno Do. 470▪ where he conti­newed 15. yeares he wrote vnto Zeno the Empe­rour, & Ze­no vnto hī againe toutching Iohn b. of Antioche that was deposed. Palmer. chronic. Euagr▪ li. 3. cap. 15. Timotheus AElurus was called from exile, where he had bene 18. yeares by Basilis [...]us the tyrant, & re­stored to the seae of Ale­xandria. he accursed the councell of Chalcedon. Zeno purpo­sed to perse­cute him, but seing that he was an olde man, he lette him alone, & shortly after he died. Eua. lib. 3. cap. 4. 6. 11. Peter Cnapheus b. of Antioche was an Eutychi­an, he accursed the councell of Chalcedon, tro­bled all Aegypt, & set the religi­ous men by the eares. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 16. 17. 22. Idle monkes within the pro­uince of Alexā ­dria, fell to the heresie of Euty­ches, & to reuile the councell of Chalcedon. E­uag. lib. 3. cap. 17
475.   Le [...]us a lear­ned man was burned by Honoricus the Arian. Anto. chron.     Stephan b. of Antioch af­ter the de­position of Peter but the Antiochians dispatched him with a c [...]uell death. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 10.   Petrus Mog­gus was made b. of Antioch after the de­sease of Timo theus Aelurus but Zeno was offēded with it, and thrust him out. Eua. lib. 3. cap. 11. Petrus Moggus b. of Alexandria was an heretick. Euagr.
[Page 53]485. Marcus, Caesar. this Basiliscus sent let­ters euery where, and condemned in them the councell of Chalcedon. but he was faine by reason of the schisme that rose therof at Constantinople to call in his letters, and not longe af­ter Zeno came with greate power, and ouerthrewe him, slewe him, his wife and children. This Zeno raygned 17. yeares, and dyed of the falling sicknes. Euag. lib. 2. cap. 17. lib 3. cap. 1. 3. 4. 7. 8. 29. Dionysia with Maioricus her sonne suffred infinite tor­mēts for the faith in Christ Auton. chro. Fulgentius florished about this time. Palmer. chronic. Hesychius wrote a lear­ned cōmen­tarie vpon Leuiticus. Conrad. Ly­cost. A councell held at Tarraco in Spayne in the tyme of Felix, layde downe certaine canons for the reforma tion of the cler­gie. tom. 2. con­cil. Martyrius was bishop of Ieru­salē after Anastasius. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 16.   Felix the 2 of that name was b. of Rōe after Sim­plicius an. Dom. 485. where he cōtinewed 9. yeares. Euag. lib 3. cap. 18. 19. 20. Anton. chron. Timotheus Basilicus is by Zeno called from exile and restored to his bishop ricke Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 11. Iohn succee▪ ­ded Timothe he made sute in his predecessors dayes that the Emperor would graunt him the no­minatinge o [...] the nexte in­cumbent, and swore he woulde not take it him selfe, whē the seae was voyd he gaue the electors mo­ney, forgot his othe, and became bi­shop hī selfe, therfore the Emperour deposed him Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 12. Honoricus king of the Vandals was an Arian and exiled 334. bishops. Honor. catalog. heret. But sayth An­ton. chronic. He exiled of the clergie and laytye to the nūber of 4975. persons. Euagr. lib. 4. cap. 14. The east chur­ches were wō ­derfully infe­cted & at great dissentiō about the heresies of Nestorius, Euty­ches and Diosco­rus. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 31.
  From the raigne of Augustus (in the 42. yere of whose Imperie Christ was borne) vnto the death of Zeno and the creation of Anasta­sius there are 532. yeares and 7. moneths: from the raigne of Diocletian 207. yeares and sea­uen moneths: from the raygne of Alexander Magnus king of Macedonia 832. yeares and 7. moneths: from the building of Rome and the kingdome of Romulus 1052. yeares and seauē moneths: from the destruction of Troie 1686. yeares and 7. moneths. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 29.   All the bishops of Aphricke came together by the cōmaun­dement of Ho­noricus the Ariā where his here­sie was confir­med, and 444. godly bishops exiled. Anton. chron. part. 2. tit. 11. Salustius was b. of Ierusalem after Mar­tyrius. Eua. lib. 3. cap. 36. Calandio was b. of Antioche after the death of Stephan he accursed both the letters of Basilis [...]us and of Ti­mothe. E­uagr. lib. 3. cap. 10. Petrus Cnapheus after the desease of Calandio was resto­red vnto the bishop rick. Euag. lib. 3. ca. 16   Petrus Mog­gus is agayne restored by Zeno, vpon conditiō that he will re­nounce his heresie. Eua­gr. lib. 3. ca. 12  
492. Anastasius succee­ded Zeno in the Empire. He tooke not onely the Em­pire after him but also his wife. Whē he sawe the great sedition that ray­gned in the church he called the peo­ple together and tolde them he woulde be Empe­rourno longer, but the people seinge this quieted them­selues, requested him to continewe their Emperour, so he did and dyed shortly after when he had raygned 27 yeares three mo­nethes and three dayes. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 29. 44. Egesippus a great diuine florished a­bout this time. Sabell. A synod of 70. b. was called together at Rōe by Gelasius, where the Ca­nonicall scrip­tures were seue­red from suche as were Apo­crypha. tom. 2. concil.   Palladius was b. of Antioche after Peter Euagr. li. 3. cap. 23. Gelasius was b. of Rome af­ter Felix. Anno Do. 494. where he conti­newed 4. yeres. [...]om. 2. concill. Athanasius succeeded Peter in the bi­shopricke of Alexandria. Euagr. lib▪ 3. cap. 23. The monkes of Constātinople were hereticks of Eutyches o­pinion. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 31. Certaine Man [...] ches were foūde [...] at Rome in the time of Gelasiu [...] they were ba­nished & they [...] bookes burned to asses. Palme [...] chron.
    Boëtius a christian philosopher endured greate perse▪ ­cution vnder Theodoricus the Arian. Volat. A synod mett at Epaunis and de­creed that no clergy mā shold either hunt or hauke: that throughout the prouince suche diuine seruice as the Metropo­litane liked of should be retai­ned. tom. 2. cōc.   Flauianus was b. of Antioche after Palladius but Anastasius the Empe­rour deposed him for sedition. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 23. 30. 31. Anastasius 2. was b. of Rome af­ter Gelasius 2. yeares. rom. 2. cōc   The monkes o [...] Syria were he­retickes, cam [...] in a heate to Antioch, mad [...] there an insurrection so tha [...] a great numbe [...] of them in ste [...] of earth were buryed in th [...] riuer Oronte [...] Euag. li. 3. ca. 3 [...]
[Page 54]some do write of him that he shoulde com­maunde not a Trinitie, but a quaternitie to be worshipped and therefore was [...]itten with a thun­derbolt, and so dyed. P. d [...]c. blond. Remigius a bishop of Fraunce florished about this time. Volat A coūcell held at R [...]uenna in presēce of Theo doricus debated the schisme that iose aboute the election of a b. of Rome and cho [...]e Syma [...]hus Palmer. chron. Six synods wer helde at Rome in the tyme of Syma [...]hus tout­chinge the ele­ction of a b. o [...] Rome and the preseruation of church goodes. tom. 2. concil. Helias was b. of Ieru­salem after Salustius. Euag. lib. 4. cap. 36. Seuer• was b. of Anti­oche after the deposition of Flauianus. be­fore he was prieste he was a counceller & pleaded law at Be­rytus, after he was made By­shop he fel into the he resie of Eutyches. Eua. lib. 3. ca. 33 34. Symachus was b. of Rome af­ter Anasta­sius 15. ye­res. tom. 2. concil. Iohn suc­ceeded A­thanasius. Euagr. lib. 3. cap. 23. Olympus an Arian bishop as he bayned him selfe at Carthage, and blasphemed the blessed trinitie, was sodain­ly smitten from heauen with three firye dartes, and burned quick. Pal­mer. chronic.
519. Iustinus a thrac [...]ā succeeded Anastasius he fauored the coū cell of Chal­cedon. He di­spatched through wil [...]s a greate num­ber of tyrants whome he su­spected. Whē he had [...]ayg­ned 8. yeres. 9. moneths and three dayes, he proclaimed Iustinianus his felowe Empe [...]our, raygned with him four moneths then dyed. Vuagr. li. 4. cap. 1. 23. 9. Zosimas & Iohn Chu­zubites wer famous for their godly lif & straūg miracles. Euag. lib. 4 cap. 7. A councel held at Ilerda in Spayne decreed that suche as slewe the child in the wombe with potions & simpersauces shoulde be ba­nished the commumō the space of 7. yeres, that clergymē being desamed should purge them sel­ues. tom. 2. cōc. A councel held at Valentia in Spaine dec [...]eed the Gospell shoulde be read after the Epistle tom. 2. concil. A councel held at Au [...]lia in the time of Hormisda decreede that Lent shold be solemnelye kept before Ea­ster, the ro [...]atiō weeke with the ember dayes a­bout the ascen­tion. tom 2. cōc. A councel held at Gerunda in Spayne decreed that euery pro­uince shold ob­serue one order of diuineseruice that baptisme shold be ministred onely at Easter and wit­sontide and at o­ther times if necessitie so required: that the Lordes prayer shoulde be sayde at morninge & euening prayer. tom. 2. concil. A councel held at Caesaraugusta ac­cursed suche as re­ceaued the sacra­ment & eate it not in the church. tom. 2. concil. Petru [...] b. of Ierusalem after Heli­as. Euagr. lib. 4. ca. 36 the gene­rall coun­cell held at Constāti­nople wrot vnto him what they had done. to. 2. cōcil.   Hormisda was b. of Rome af­ter Syma­chus anno Dom. 516. where he cōtinewed 9. yeares. Anto. chro. Ioh suc­ceeded the former Iohn. Euag. lib. 3. ca. 23 Seuerus b. of Anti­och was of Eutyches o­pinion, Iustinus the em­perour in the first yeare of his raigne caused his tōgue to be pulled out of his mouth, because he reuiled the councell of Chalcedon, & prea­ched raylinge sermons. Euag. lib. 4. cap. 4. Deuterius an Arian b. of Constantinople as he baptised one Barbas he vsed this forme: I baptize Barbas in the name of the father throughe the sonne in the holy ghost. Theod. collect.
    Brigida a mayde, whose re­uelations are at this day extant florished about this time. Pal­mer. chron.     Paulus was b▪ of Anti­oche after Seuerus. E uagr. lib. 4. cap. 4. Euprasius succeeded Paulus, he dyed in the earth­quake which was at Antioch the 7. yere of Iustinus. Euag. lib. 4 cap. 4. 5.   Theodosius was b of Alexādria after Iohn, Iustinianus deposed him for maintay­ninge the heresie of Eutyches. Euag. lib. 4 cap. 9. 11. 36. Benedictus the first foūder of the order commonlye called S. Bene­dictes dyed sayth Volateran. li. 21. Anno Do. 518. He was the firste and the onely de­uiser of a seueral trade of lif with­in the firste 600. yeres after christ & because he presumed to inuent a new way which all the godly fa­thers before him neuer thought of I layde him heere downe for a schismaticke. and couched him in the catalogue of he­retickes.
[Page 55]525.   Priscianus the greate grāmarian liued in the dayes of Iustinian. Palmer. chron. The 2. councell held at Toledo decreed that all what so euer the clergie held de iure should returne vnto the church after theyr desease. to. 2. conc. In the time of Iohn 2. b. of Rome.   Euphremi­us a noble man suc­ceeded Euphrasius in the bishop ricke of Antioche. Euagr. li. 4. cap. 6. Iohn was B. of Rome after Hormisda an. Dom. 525. and conti­newed there 2. yeares and 10. moneths. Palm. chron.   Monothelitae were heretickes whiche denied that Christ had 2. wils, a diuine & humane. Volater. lib. 17.
528. Iustinianus succeded Iu­stinus in the empire. he was coue­tous, cruell, & carelesse of that whiche was good. the Empresse his wife fauored the hereticall opinion of [...] [...] lie hī self fell in­to a blasphe­mous opiniō whiche is to be seene in the cataloge of the here­ticks▪ he ray­gned 38. yea­res, 8. mo­neths, dyed & went straight down to hell as Euagrius thinketh. E­uagr. lib. 4. ca. 9. 10. 29. 31. 38. 40. lib. 5. cap. 1. Barsanu­phius a re­ligious mā was of great fame in the time of Iustinia­nus▪ E [...]gr. lib. 4. cap. 32. A generall coun­cell was called at Constantinople in the 27. yeare of Iu­stinianus the Em­perour and in the time of Vigilius b. of Rome where they condemned the heresies of An­thimus b. of Con­stantinople, Se [...] [...] [...] of Antioche▪ Peter Cnapheia Theodorꝰ & Lo [...]ras: allowed the 4. for­mer general coun­cells: decreed that Marie shoulde be called the mother of God: and con­demned Origen. tom. 2. conc. Euag. lib. 4. cap. 37. A 2. and 3. councel held at Aurelia laid downe many god­ly decrees. tom. 2. concil.   Domninus b. of An­tioch after Euphremi­us Euagr. lib. 4. ca. 37 Felix 4. was b. of Rome after Iohn, and conti­newed 4. yeares. Anton. chronic. Bonifacius 2. was b. of Rome af­ter Felix 2. yeres Anton. chronic. tom. 2. concil. Iohn 2. was b. of Rome after Bo­nifacius 2. yeres. tom. 2. concil. Agapetus was b. of Rome after Iohn 2. one yere Anton. chronic. Siluerius was b. of Rome after Agapetus one yere. tom. 2. cō ­cil▪ Zoilus was b. of Ale­xandria af­ter Theodosius. Euagr. lib. 4. ca. 11 Theodora the wife of Iustinianus the Emperour was of Eutyches opinion. Euag. lib. 4. cap. 10. Iustinianus the em­peror wrot an edict but God bereaued hī of his lyfe afore he published it, where he affirmed that the bodye of Christ was not sub­iect to corruption that it was voyd o [...] the naturall affe­ctions whiche ap­pertaine thervnto that he eate before his passiō as he di [...] after his resurrecti­on: that his most holy body was n [...] thing chaūged for all the framing thereof in the mothers womb, & fo [...] all the natural a [...] voluntary affectiō Euagr. lib. 4. cap. [...] this is that Iustin [...] whose lawes are muche made of throughoute th [...] worlde.
557.   Menas pa­triarche of Cōstanti­nople flo­rished a­bout this time. tom. 2. concil. The councell of Auergne was held in the time of Vi­gilius. tom. 2. conc. Macarius was b. of Ierusalem after Pe­ter, he was deposed for heresie Euagr. li. 4 cap. 36. Anastasius was b. of Antioche after Dom­ninus. he rebuked Iustinianus for his he­resie. Iusti­nus 2. deposed him vpon false reports & as some say because he woulde not geue him mony for his bi­shopricke. Euag. lib. 4 cap. 38. 39. lib. 5. cap. 5 Vigilius was b. of Rome after Siluerius anno Do. [...]39. where he continewed 18. yeares. Pal­mer chron. An­ton. chron▪ Euag. lib. 4. cap. 37. Pelagius was b. of Rome after Vigilius, anno Dom. 557. wher he continewed 11. yeares. tom. 2. concil. Apollinari­us was b. of Alexādria after Zoilus Euag. lib. 4 cap. 36. Anthimus b. of C [...] stantinople was [...] Eutyches the her [...] ticks opinion, a [...] therefore depo [...] by Iustinian & [...]demned in the [...] nerall councell [...] Constantinople uag. lib. 4. cap. 9 [...] Andreas an [...] went about [...] trey leading [...] hande a blind [...] dogge, told [...] fortunes but [...] brought them to great [...] by deceauing them with [...] fables. E [...] Ab. Vsper [...]
[Page 56]566. Iustinus the second of that name succeded Iustinia­nus in the empire. he ly­ued wantonly, fared deli­ciously, soulde bene [...]ices vnto ignorant priestes. He craftelye compassed the death of Iustinus his co­sin [...]. In the ende he fell in­to a frensie, vttered lamen­table speaches, & bequ [...]a­thed the empire vnto Ti­berius. he raigned. 12 yeres and 10. monethes. Euagr. lib. 5. cap. 1. 2. 3. 7. 8. 11. 13. 23.   The 4. & 5. councells of Aurelia were called to­gether in the tyme of Pelagius. 1. tom 2. conc. A [...]. councell helde at Tours in Fraunce. tom. 2. concil.     Iohn the 3. was b. of Rōe after Pelagi' & cōtinewed 12. yeres. to 2. concil. Iohn suc­ceeded A­pollinarius in the seae of Alexan­dria. Euag. lib. 5. ca. 16  
577. Tiberius became Emperor after that Iustinus 2. fell into frensie. he was a god­ly man, he raygned 7. yeres and 11. monethes. Euagr. lib. 5. cap. 11. 13. 23.   A councel called at Pa­ris toutchinge churche goods, [...]om. 2. concil. A councell was called at Hispalis in Spayne tout­ching the church goods in the tyme of Pelagius. 2. tom. 2. concil. Eustochius b. of Ieru­salem. E­uagr. lib. 4. cap. 32.   Benedictus was b. of Rōe after Iohn 3. ann. Do. 576. where he cō ­tinewed 4. yeres. tom. 2. concil. Palm. chron.    
583. Mauricius the Emperour succeeded Tiberius in the empire.   The 3. councell of To­ledo condemned the A­rian heresie. to. 2. cōcil. The 1. & 2. synods called at Lions for the remo­uing of schisme raysed in the churche. tom. 2. concil.     Pelagius 2. was b. of Rōe after Benedi­ctus, & con­tinewed 10. yeares. tom. 2 concil.    
595. 12. Mauri [...]ij.   The 1. & 2. synods called at Matiscona reformed ecclesiasticall matters. tom. 2. concil. Iohn b. of Ierusalem Euagr. lib. 5. cap. 16. Gregorius b. of An­tioch af­ter the depositiō of Anastasius Euagr. lib. 5. cap. 6. Gregorius was b. of Rome after Pelagiꝰ ann. Do. 590. & cōtinewed 13. yeares. to. 2. concil. Eulogius succeeded Iohn in the bishoprick of Alexan­dria who as Nice­phorus re­porteth cō tinewed 25 yeares. E­uagr. lib. 5. cap. 16.  

Hitherto (gentle reader) haue I runne ouer in this Chronographie the principall things vvhich are [...]o be considered vvithin the firste six hundred yeares after Christ as farre forthe as these authors [...]vhose histories I translated haue continevved theyr times. Euagrius the laste of these Historiogra­ [...]hers ended the 12. yeare of Mauricius the Emperour and there I reste vvith him leauing the times [...]ollovvinge (vvhich are vvonderfully corrupted) to such as are disposed to discourse of them. This trauell haue I taken that the trueth of the purest age after Christ might appeare, and the state of the moste auncient churches might be knovven of such as in these dayes seeke to ouerthrovve the state, bring the religion to contempt, the Christians to a lavvelesse securitye, hopinge that by the vievve of orderlye discipline things vvhich be amisse may be redressed accordingly. I vvish thee health, knovve­ledge of the trueth, feare of God, faith to beleue in him, thy soules health & saluation in the end. Farevvell.

The Index.

A.
  • ABacuk the Prophet and his life. pa. 528.
  • Abasgi a Barbarian nation recea­ued the faith. pag. 479.
  • Abdias the Prophet and his life. pag. 524.
  • Abdus a goutie man was cured by Thaddaeus. pa. 17.
  • Abel was murthered. pa. 519.
  • Abilius b. of Alexādria. pa. 46. thirtene yeres. 47.
  • Abgatus looke Agbarus.
  • Ablaatus, b. of Persia. pa. 380.
  • Aborigines people so called. pa. 501.
  • Abraham talked with Christ & worshipped. pa. 3
  • Acasius bishop of Caesarea in Palaestina. pa. 255.
  • Acacius the martyr was hanged. pa. 376.
  • Acacius bishop of Amida sold the treasure of the church to relieue prisoners & captiues. p. 388.
  • Acesius a nouatian b. was called to the councel of Nice. pa. 223.
  • Achaab the accuser of Athanasius ran away for shame. pa. 248.
  • Achillas minister of Alexandria of great fame. pa. 144.
  • Achillas b. of Alexandria. pa. 217.
  • Adaarmanes a Persian captaine was folled of the Romaines. pa. 500.
  • Addaeus a traytor is executed. pa. 491.
  • Addo the prophet and his life. pa. 522.
  • Adrian, looke Aelius Adrianus.
  • Adrianus was beheaded for the faith. pa. 171.
  • Adulterie is forbid. pa. 54. 336. 351.
  • Aedesius a martyr was drowned. pa. 163.
  • Aedesius priest of Tyrus preached to the middle Indians. pa. 240.
  • Aegesippus liued immediatly after the Apostles. pag. 33. he is alleaged. pag. 45. 46. 47. 53. 61. 62. 70.
  • Aelius Adrianus was Emperour after Traian. pa. 58. he wrote fauourably for the christians. pa. 61. he raigned 21. yeares. pa. 62.
  • A [...]ius the Syrian and his heresie. pa. 279. 305.
  • Aetherius a traytor is executed. pa. 491.
  • Agabus a prophet of the new Testament. pa. 21. 23. 89.
  • Agapius b. of Caesarea. pa. 144.
  • Agapius a martyr beheaded for the faith. pa. 160. 161.
  • Agapius a martyr was drowned. pa. 163. 164.
  • Agathius Rhetor an historiographer. pa▪ 502.
  • Agathonica a woman martyred. pa. 67.
  • Agbarus king of Edessa wrote an Epistle vnto Christ. pag. 16.
  • Agelius a Nouatian Bishop. pag. 285. 345. 346.
  • Aggaeus the prophet and his life. pag. 530.
  • Agrippa King of the Iewes pag. 25. 26. he wrote 62 Epistles. pag. 45.
  • Agrippa Castor confuted the heresie of Basilides. pag. 60.
  • Agrippas b. of Alexandria. pag. 70.
  • Agrippinus b. of Alexandria. pa. 85.
  • Ahias the prophet and his life. pag. 522.
  • Alamundarus captaine of the Barbarian nation Scenetae. pag. 500.
  • Alarichus is commaunded from aboue to destroy Rome. pag. 381.
  • Albinus lieuetenant of Iudae a. pag. 34.
  • Alcibiades a confessor. pag. 81.
  • Alcibiades an heretick. pag. 81.
  • Alexander b. of Rome. pag. 58. 83. tenne yeares. pag. 59.
  • Alexander a phisition comforted the martyrs and was torne in peeces of wilde beasts. pag. 79.
  • Alexander a thiefe, yet counted a martyr of Mon­tanus sect. pag. 89. 90.
  • Alexander b. of Cappadocia is chosen b. of Ieru­salem. pag. 102. 104. he died in prison. pag. 114.
  • Alexander was Emperour after Heliogabalus. pa. 108. he raigned 13. yeares. pag. 111. his ende▪ pag. 469.
  • Alexander a martyr burned for the faith. pag. 116.
  • Alexander a martyr torne in peeces of wild beasts pag. 131.
  • Alexāders two were beheaded for the faith. p. 160
  • Alexander b. of Alexandria a notable learned mā confuted Arius. pag. 217. 218.
  • [Page]Alexander a godly b. of Constantinople, set him selfe against Arius. pa. 251. 252. 255.
  • Alexander Paphlagon was martyred by the Ari­ans. pa. 285.
  • Alphaeus a martyr was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 159.
  • Ambrose (not he of Millane) was a Valentinian hereticke, and confuted by Origen. page 105.
  • Ambrose b. of Millane. pa. 337. 347.
  • Ammias a Prophet of the nevve Testament. pa. 88. 89.
  • Ammon a confessor. pa. 116.
  • Ammon a maried monke. pa. 329.
  • Ammonarion a virgine is beheaded for the fayth. pa. 116.
  • Ammonius a minister martyred. pa. 153.
  • Ammonius a monke cutte of his care because he would not be bishop. pa. 382.
  • Ammonius a Poet. pa. 365.
  • Ammonius a christian philosopher. pa. 107.
  • Amos the Prophet and his life. pa. 525.
  • Amphilochius b. of Iconium. pa. 345.
  • Amphilochius b. of Sida. pa. 436.
  • Anacletus bishop of Rome 12. yeares. pag. 46. 47. 83.
  • Ananus an high priest of the Ievves of extreme cruelty. pa. 34.
  • Anastasius b. of Rome. pa. 381.
  • Anastasius a priest of Antioch & a Nestorian he­reticke. pa. 394.
  • Anastasius the Emperour. pa. 461.
  • Anastasius a godly archbishop of Antioch. pag. 489.
  • Anatolius b. of Laodicea and his workes. pa. 142. 143. 144.
  • Anatolius a sorcerer and his execution. pa. 499.
  • Andrevve the Apostle preached in Scythia. pag. 36. his martyrdome. pag. 519. his lise. pag. 532.
  • Androgathius the tyrant & rebell drowned him self. pa. 347. 348.
  • Angelo a rebel vvas sawed a sunder. pa. 320.
  • Anianus the 2. bishop of Alexandria, he ruled the Church 22. yeares. pa. 35. 46.
  • Anianus b. of Antioch exiled by the Arians. pa. 290.
  • Anicetus b. of Rome eleuen yeares. pa. 62. 70. 83.
  • Anomoioi and their heresie. pa. 293. 317.
  • Antemnes and hymnes song in the Churche. pa. 367.
  • Anterus b. of Rome. pa. 111.
  • Anthimus b. of Nicomedia was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 148.
  • Anthropomorphitae and their heresie. pa. 365. 366. 367.
  • Antiochus got muche money by preachinge at Constantinople. pa. 369.
  • Antinous the darlinge of Adrianus Caesar was made a god. pa. 61. 315.
  • Antonius Pius was Emperour after Adrian. pa. 62. he wrote fauorable letters for the christi­ans. pa. 63. he raigned 22. yeares. pa. 64.
  • Antonius a minister was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 167.
  • Antonie the monke. pa. 242. 329. 331. 333.
  • Antoninus Caracalla was Emperour after Seue­rus. pa. 101. he raigned 7. yeares. pa. 108.
  • Antoninus Heliogabalus was Emperour after Macrinus, he raigned 4 yeares. pa. 108.
  • Apelles an hereticke. pa. 8 [...].
  • Aphricanus an historiographer wrote vnto Ari­stides of the concordance of the Euangelists. pa. 9. 10. 111. 112.
  • Apollinarius a learned writer. pa. 70.
  • Apollinarius b. of Hierapolis and his workes. pa. 72. 73. 87. 88. 89.
  • Apollinarius and his heresie. pa. 294. 307. 308.
  • Apollo in Daphne. pa. 309. 315.
  • Apollonia a virgine is burned for the fayth. pag. 115.
  • Apollonius a Christian Philosopher wrote an Apollogie and was martyred. pa. 91. 92.
  • Apphianus after sundry torments was throwen into the sea. pa. 161. 162.
  • Appianus an historiographer. pa. 501.
  • Appion wrote learned bookes. pa. 94.
  • Aquila & Priscilla were banished Rome. pag. 31.
  • Aquila of Pontus translated the olde Testament. pa. 84. 105.
  • Arabians were hereticks and their confutation. pa. 113.
  • Arbogastes a rebel ranne him selfe vpon a naked sword. pa. 359.
  • Arcadius is created Emperour. pa. 345. 360. his death. p. 376.
  • Archelaus the sonne of Herode raigned 10. yeres ouer the Iewes. pa. 9. 13.
  • Archelaus b. of Cascharum disputed with Manes the heretick. pa. 245.
  • Ares was burned for the faith. pa. 168.
  • Arianus an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Aristion one of the 70. Disciples. pa. 56. 57.
  • Aristides wrote an Apologie of the faith vnto A­drian. pa. 59.
  • Aristobulus the prince and priest of the Iewes was led captiue to Rome. pa. 9.
  • Aristotle is highly esteemed of hereticks. pa. 95.
  • Arius the abhominable heretick, his original and [Page] heresie. pa. 217. 218. 219. 227. 228. 229. 251. he recāteth. pa. 245. his miserable end. p. 252.
  • Arrabianus a learned writer. pa. 94.
  • Arsacius b. of Constantinople. pa. 374. 375.
  • Arsenius a naughtie fellowe tooke hire to accuse Athanasius. pa. 247. 248.
  • Arsenius a monke. pa. 329.
  • Artemas an hereticke. pa. 141.
  • Artemon and his heresie. pa. 94. 95.
  • Asaph the Prophet and his life. pa. 522.
  • Ascholius a godly b. of Thessalonica baptized Theodosius magnus. pa. 343.
  • Asclepiades an heretick translated the scriptures. pa. 95.
  • Asclepiades b. of Antioch. pa. 103.
  • Asclepiodotus an hereticke. pa. 95.
  • Asinius quadratus an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Asterius an Arian hereticke. pa. 251.
  • Astyrius a noble man sauored the Christians, and bewrayed by prayer and fasting, the deceyt of Satan. pa. 132.
  • Ater was burned for the fayth. pa. 116.
  • Athanasius bishop of Alexandria. pa. 223. 236. read of him more in the Chronographie. pag. 38. &c.
  • Athenodorus the disciple of Origē. pa. 111. 131.
  • Attalus a Pergamenian is fried to death. pa. 77. 78. 79. 80.
  • Atticus b. of Constantinople. pa. 375. 377. 378. 390. 391.
  • Attilas king of Scythia. pa. 421.
  • Attis an heathen God. pa. 315.
  • Audactus a noble man martyred. pa. 151. 152.
  • Augustus was Emperour when Christ was borne he raigned 57. yeares. pa. 9. 13.
  • Aurelianus was Emperour after Claudius, he per­secuted the churche of God & was not able to subscribe vnto an edict. pa. 139. 141.
  • Auxanon a nouatian priest. pa. 235.
  • Auxentius a martyr torne in peeces of vvylde beasts. pa. 164.
  • Auxentius an Arian b. of Millane. pa. 337.
  • Azarias the prophet and his life. pa. 523.
B.
  • BAbilas b. of Antioch died in prison. pag. 111. 114.
  • Babilas the martyr. pa. 309. 310.
  • Bachilides a godly minister. pa. 71.
  • Banchillus b. of Corinth. pa. 92.
  • Bararanes king of persia. pa. 386. 422.
  • Barcabus a prophet of the hereticke Basilides. pa. 60.
  • Barcoph a prophet of the hereticke Basilides. pa. 60.
  • Barchochebas a blinde guide of the Iewes. pa. 59. 61.
  • Bardesanes a Syrian and his bookes. pa. 74.
  • Barnabas one of the 70. disciples. pa. 15. 19. his martyrdome. pa. 519.
  • Barsabas one of the 70. disciples. pag. 15. he was also called Iustus & Ioseph. he dranke poyson yet did it not hurt him. pa. 57.
  • Barsanaphius a monke. pa. 485.
  • Bartholomevve the Apostle preached in India. page 85. his martyrdome. pa. 519. his life. pa. 532.
  • Baruch the prophet and his life. pa. 530.
  • Basilides the hereticke wrote 24. books vpon the Gospel. pa. 60. 70
  • Basilides a soldier was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 98. 99.
  • Basilicus an hereticke. pa. 86.
  • Basiliscus a tyrant and his ende. pa. 453.
  • Basilius b. of Ancyra cōfuted Photinus the here­ticke. pa. 277.
  • Basilius magnus b. of Caesarea in Cappadocia. pa. 322. 334. 335.
  • Belissarius a Romaine captaine. pa. 477.
  • Beniamin the 6. b. of Ierusalem. pa. 59.
  • Beryllus Byshop of Bostra in Arabia fell to here­sie and was confuted by Origen. page 108. 112.
  • Biblis a woman was piteously tormented for the faith. pa. 77.
  • Bishops honored. pa. 145.
  • Bishops persecuted. pa. 146.
  • Blandina a woman of a wonderfull patience is martyred. pa. 77. 78. 79. 80.
  • Blastus an hereticke. pa. 86. 90.
  • Books of the olde and new Testament, looke Ca­nonicall scripture.
  • Books of holy scripture burned. pa. 146.
  • Bonifacius b. of Rome. pa. 381.
  • Bretanion a tyrant and his foile. pa. 272. 274.
  • Buddas an heretick & his miserable end. pa. 242.
  • Burgonians receaue the faith. pa. 393. 394.
C.
  • CAiphas an high prieste of the Iewes. pa. 14.
  • Caius Iulius Caesar howe he died. pa. 469.
  • Caius Caligula was Emperour afrer Tiberius. pa. 21. he called him selfe a God, he plagued the Iewes and raigned not 4. yeres. pa. 21. 22. 23. his end. pa. 469.
  • Caius b. of Ierusalem. pa. 86.
  • Candidus wrote learned books. pa. 94.
  • Calistus b. of Rome 5. yeares. pa. 108.
  • Canonicall scriptures. pa. 36. 45. 49. 50. 73. 84. 104. 109. 110. 137. 138.
  • [Page]Capito. b. of Ierusalem. pa. 86.
  • Caricus a learned man. pa. 103.
  • Carpocrates an hereticke. pa. 60. 70.
  • Carpus a martyr. pa. 67.
  • Carterius a schismaticke. pa. 358.
  • Carterius a monke. pa. 362.
  • Carus with Carinus and Numerianus was Em­perour after Probus. pa. 141.
  • Cassianus b. of Ierusalem. pa. 85.
  • Cassius b. of Tyrus. pa. 92.
  • Cataphrygian heresie, looke Montanus and his opinion.
  • Cecilianus b. of Carthage. pa. 204. 205.
  • Celadion b. of Alexandria. pa. 62.
  • Celestinus b. of Rome. pa. 38.
  • Cephas one of the 70. disciples. pa. 15. 16.
  • Cerdo b. of Alexandria. pa. 47.
  • Cerdon an hereticke. pa. 62.
  • Cerinthus and his heresie. pa. 51. 52. 137.
  • Characes an historiographer. pa. 501.
  • Chaeremon b. of Nilus fled with his wife into the desert. pa. 117.
  • Chiliastae and their heresie pa. 136. 137.
  • Chosroes king of Persia. pa. 509.
  • Chrestus b. of Syracusa. pa. 205.
  • Christ is to be vnderstood two wayes. pa. 3.
  • Christ appeared to Abraham and conferred vvith him. pa. 3. 8. 264.
  • Christ appeared to Iacob. pa. 4. 8.
  • Christ appeared to Iosua. pa. 4.
  • Christe appeared in the forme of man, and why after that sort. pa. 5.
  • Christ vvhat time he was borne in the fleshe. pa. 5. 8. 9.
  • Christ was a king, an high priest, and a Prophet. pa. 6. 7.
  • Christ tooke a reasonable soule. pa. 300.
  • Christ suffred not the 7. yeare of Tiberius as some did write. pa. 13.
  • Christ being 30. yeare olde began to preach and vvas baptized. pa. 14.
  • Christ preached not foure yeares. pa. 14.
  • Christ chose 12. Apostles, and seuentie Disciples. pa. 14.
  • Christ vvrote an epistle vnto Agbarus gouernour of Edessa. pa. 16.
  • Christian religion is not nevve and straunge. pa. 3. 7. 8.
  • Christian behauiour. pa. 54.
  • Christians in deede, and the definition of a true Christian. pa. 8.
  • Chrysostome looke Iohn Chrysostome.
  • Clarus b. of Ptolomais. pa. 92.
  • Claudius was Emperour after Caligula, & raig­ned 13. yeares. pa. 23. 31.
  • Claudius 2. was Emperour after Galienus tvvo yeares. pa. 139.
  • Claudian the Poet vvhen he florished. pa. 422.
  • Clemens Alexandrinus is alleaged. pa. 15. 19. 23 28. 33. 52. 85. he vvas the master of Origen. pa. 100. his workes. pa. 103.
  • Clemens the thirde bishop of Rome vvas Sainct Paules fellovve labourer. pag. 37. 46. 47. he preached 9. yeares. pag. 54. he is sayde to haue translated the Epistle vnto the Hebrevves from Hebrevve into Greeke. pag. 56. coun­terfeyt vvorkes are fathered vpon him. pag. 56. his Epistle vvas reade in the Churche. pag. 71.
  • Cleobius an heretick. pa. 70.
  • Comodus vvas Emperour after Antoninus Ve­rus, and raigned 13. yeares. pa. 85. 94. his end. pa. 469.
  • Confession, the original thereof, and the rooting of it out of the Church. pa. 351.
  • Confessors. pa. 81.
  • Confirmation after baptisme by the hands of the bishop. pa. 119.
  • Conon b. of Hermopolis. pa. 120.
  • Constantius the father of Constantinus Magnus, his raigne and end. pa. 153. 158.
  • Constantinus Magnus was proclaimed Empe­rour. pa. 153. hovv he became a Christian. pa. 215. 216. his death and funerall. pa. 252. 253.
  • Constantinus the yonger was Emperour. pa. 252. 254. his death. pa. 255. 272.
  • Constantius the sonne of Constantinus Magnus. pa. 252. he vvas an Arian. pa. 254. his death. pa. 295.
  • Constans the Emperour. pa. 252. 267. his death. pa. 272.
  • Coration a Chiliast vvas conuerted by Dionysi­us b. of Alexandria. pa. 136.
  • Cornelius the centurion is conuerted. pa. 21.
  • Cornelius the 4. b. of Antioch. pa. 70.
  • Cornelius b. of Rome. pa. 114. 118.
  • the Councel of Nice. pag. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227.
  • the Councel of Antioch. pa. 244.
  • the Councel of Tyrus. pa. 247. 249.
  • the Coūcel of Ariās met at Antioch. pa. 256. 257.
  • the Councel of Sardice. pa. 265.
  • the Councel of Ierusalem. pa. 271.
  • the Councel of Alexandria. pa. 272
  • the Councel of Sirmium. pa. 275.
  • the Councel of Millane. pa. 279.
  • the Councel of Ariminum. pa. 280. 282. 283.
  • the Councel of Seleucia. pa. 287. 288. 289.
  • the Councel of Arians at Cōstantinople. pa. 291.
  • the Councel of Arians at Antioch. pa. 293.
  • [Page]the Councell of Alexandria called the 2. pa. 300. 301.
  • the Councel of Antioch called the 2. pa. 316. 317.
  • the Councel of Lampsacum. pa. 319.
  • the Councel of Sicilia. pa. 325.
  • the Councel of Constantinople summoned by Theodosius magnus. pa. 344.
  • the Councell of Angaris. pa. 352.
  • the Councel of Cyprus. pa. 368.
  • the Councel of Ephesus. pa. 3 [...]. 41 [...]. 413.
  • the Councel of Ephesus called the 2. pa. 417.
  • the Councel of Chalcedon. pag. 420. 426. 427. 428. 429. 430. 438. &c.
  • the Councel of Constantinople in the time of Iu­stinian. pa. 487. 488.
  • the Coūcells were summoned by the Emperours. pa. 341.
  • the Councels that were within the first sixe hun­dred yeares after Christ, are to be seene in the Chronographie.
  • the Creede of the Nicene Councel. pa. 224. 225.
  • the Creedes good and bad are rekoned vp. pag. 291.
  • Crescens was sent of Paule into Fraunce. pa. 37.
  • Crescens a philosopher wrought the death of Iu­stinus martyr. pa. 67. 68.
  • Cronion was burned for the faith. pa. 116.
  • Culcianus a persecutor of the christians is execu­ted. pag. 182.
  • Cyprian b. of Carthage rebaptized heretickes, & is therefore reprehended. pa. 126.
  • Cyrenius president of Syria. pa. 9.
  • Cyrillus b. of Antioch. pa. 142.
  • Cyrillus b. of Ierusalem an Arian. pa. 290. he re­canted. pa. 344.
  • Cyrillus the godly b. of Alexandria. pa. 380. 383 414. 444.
  • Cyrinus b. of Chalcedon was plagued for reui­ling of Chrysostome. pa. 375.
D.
  • DAma b. of Magnesia. pa. 55.
  • Damasus b. of Rome. pa. 336.
  • Daniel prophecied of the comming of Christ. pa. 5. 10. his life. pa. 529.
  • Dauid prophecied of Christ. pa. 6. 7.
  • Decius was Emperour after Philip. and persecu­ted the Church. pa. 114. he was slaine with his sonnes. pa. 121. 469.
  • Decennius a tyrant hanged him selfe. pa. 278.
  • Demetrianus b. of Antioch was maried. pa. 131.
  • Demetrius b. of Alexandria. pa. 92. 97. 101.
  • Dexippus an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Didius a minister was martyred. pa. 153.
  • Didius Iulianus the Emperour. pa. 469.
  • Didymus a monke. pa. 329.
  • Didymus Alexādrinus a notable learned mā. pa. 333.
  • Diocletian was Emperour after Carus. pa. 141.
  • Diodorus Siculus an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Dion Cassius an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Dionysius b. of Corinth is alleaged. pa. 35. 37. his works are to be seene. pa. 71.
  • Dionysius Ar [...]op [...]g [...]ta the firste b. of Athens. pa. 37. 71.
  • Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria. pag. 51. 111. 113. 119. 120. 126. 127. 128. 129. 134. 135. he is persecuted. pag. 114. 115. 129. his works are to be seene. pa. 120. 133. 138. 139.
  • Dionysia a woman was beheaded for the faith. pa. 116.
  • Dionysius b. of Rome. pa. 139.
  • Dionysius was beheaded for the fayth. pag. 160. 161.
  • Dionysius b. of Alba in Italie. pa. 279.
  • Dionysius Halicarnassaeus an historiographer. pa. 501.
  • Dios b. of Alexandria. pa. 102.
  • Dioscorus a confessor. pa. 116.
  • Dioseorus b. of Alexandria and an hereticke. pa. 417. 428. 429. 431.
  • Dolichianus b. of Ierusalem. pa. 86.
  • Domitian was Emperour after Titus, he was cru­el & enemy to God. pa. 46. he feared the com­ming of Christe as Herode did. he raigned 15. yeares. pa. 47.
  • Domninus was burned for the fayth. pag. 164.
  • Domnus an Apostata. pag. 103.
  • Domnus bishop of Antioch. pag. 141.
  • Domnus b. of Caesarea in Palaestina. pag. 131.
  • Dorotheus minister of Antioch, afterwardes b. of Tyrus. pa. 142. his life. pa. 514.
  • Dorotheus a page of the Emperour Diocleti­an. pa. 145. after torment he was hanged for the faith. pa. 147. 148.
  • Dorotheus an Arian b. of Antioch. pa. 339. 342.
  • Dositheus an hereticke. pa. 70.
E.
  • EAster & the controuersie about that feast. pa. 92. 93. 94. 222. 223. 227. 270. 353. 354. 355. 356. 379.
  • Ebionits and their heresie, saying that fayth one­ly did not iustifie. pa. 51. 105.
  • Ecebolius a sophist was a turne coate. pag. 295▪ 306.
  • Eleazar the sonne of Annanus the high prieste. pa. 14.
  • Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum being compelled to [Page] Arianisme lamenteth his state pag. 320.
  • Eleutherius b. of Rome, pag. 62. 75. 83.
  • Ellas a christian was burned for the faith, pag. 168.
  • Elias the Prophet was persecuted, pag. 519. his life, pag. 523.
  • Eliezer the Prophet and his life. pag. 523.
  • Elissaeus the prophet and his life. pag. 524.
  • Elpistus a godly minister. pag. 71.
  • Empedocles the philosophers opinion. pag. 242.
  • Encratits, their heresie and the first autor thereof. pag. 73.
  • Ennathas a christian virgine was burned for the faith. pag. 167.
  • Ephorus an historiographer. pag. 501.
  • Ephrem the 13. b. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Epimachus was burned for the fayth. pag. 116.
  • Epiphanius an heathen Sophist. pag. 294.
  • Epiphanius b. of Cyprus. pag. 368. 370. 371.
  • Eruli an heathen nation receaued the fayth. pag. 479.
  • Esay prophecied of Christe. pag. 7. 8. his martyr­dome. pag. 519. his life. pag. 525.
  • Esdras. pag. 501.
  • Essaeans. pag. 70.
  • Euagrius a monke. pag. 301. 330. 331. 332. he refused a bishoprick. pa. 332.
  • Euagrius a godly bishop of Constantinople. pag. 326.
  • Euagrius Scholasticus and his historye. page. 405. &c.
  • Euarestus b. of Rome. pag. 54. 83.
  • Eubulus was beheaded for the fayth. pag. 171.
  • Euclides is highly esteemed of hereticks. pag. 95.
  • Eudocia a learned Empresse. pag. 383.
  • Eudoxius b. of Germanicia. pag. 262. 280.
  • Eugenius a robel was beheaded. pa. 359.
  • Eumenes b. of Alexandria. pag. 59.
  • Eunomius the heretick. pag. 279. 320. 321. 325. 326. 358.
  • Eunomi [...]utychiani and their heresie. pag. 358.
  • Eunomotheophroniani & their heresie pag. 358.
  • Euodius b. of Antioch. pag. 47.
  • Euphronius an Arian b. of Antioch. pag. 244.
  • Eusebius bishop of Caesarea in palaestina, where he beganne his historie. pag. 1. 2. he dedicated his tenth booke vnto Paulinus. pag. 184. his death. pag. 255. he was no Arian. pag. 265. 266. 267.
  • Eusebius b. of Laodicea. pag. 130. 142. 143.
  • Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia was an Arian he­reticke. pag. 217. 223. 233. he recanted. pag. 236. he fel againe to his heresie. pag. 243. 245 he was made bishop of Constantinople. pag. 256.
  • Eusebius Emisenus. pag. 256.
  • Eusebius b. of Vercellae. pag. 279. 300.
  • Eusebius Scholasticus, the Disciple of Troylus the sophist was an historiographer. pag. 305. 502.
  • Eusebius b. of Dorilaeum. pag. 417. 428.
  • Eustathius b. of Antioch was deposed for heresie. pag. 244.
  • Eustathius bishop of Sebastia and his errors. pag. 292.
  • Eustathius Epiphanensis an historiographer. pag 502.
  • Eutyches the hereticke, and his opinion. pag. 416. 417.
  • Eutychianus b. of Rome. pag. 142.
  • Eutychianus a monke. pa. 235.
  • Eutychius an hereticke. pag. 358.
  • Euzoius an Arian recanteth. pag. 245.
  • Exoucoutiol and their heresie. pag. 293.
  • Ezechiel the prophet and his life. pag. 528.
F.
  • FAbianus b. of Rome was martyred. pag. 111. 114.
  • Fabius b. of Antioch. pag. 114.
  • Fadus lieuetenant of Iudaea. pag. 26.
  • Famine vnder Claudius. pag 23. 26.
  • Famine among the Iewes in Ierusalem. pag. 38. 39. 40.
  • Famine amonge the Iewes vnder Adrian. pag. 59.
  • Famine in Alexandria. pag. 135.
  • Famine at Pyruchium. pag. 142.
  • Famine caused by Maxentius. pag. 154.
  • Famine in the time of Maximinus. pag. 177. 178.
  • Famine in the time of Iulian. pag. 312.
  • Famine in Phrygia. pag. 327.
  • Fasting in Aegypt and Alexandria. pag. 30.
  • Fasting prescribed by Montanus. pag. 89.
  • Fasting before Easter. pag. 92. 93. 273. 355. 399.
  • Fasting after VVhitsontide. pag. 274.
  • Fasting of Monkes. pag. 329.
  • Fasting euery Saturday. pag. 356.
  • Fasting wendsdayes and Fridayes. 388.
  • Faustus a minister was martyred. pag. 153.
  • Felix lieuetenant of Iudaea. pag. 31.
  • Felix b. of Rome. pag. 141. 142.
  • Felix the seconde of that name was b. of Rome, and an Arian. pag. 284.
  • Festus lieuetenant of Iudaea. pag. 32.
  • Firmilianus b. of Caesarea in Cappadocia. pag. 110. 1 [...]1.
  • Firmilianus a tyrant and a persecutor, was him selfe beheaded in the end. pag. 171.
  • [Page]Flauia Domicilla a noble vvoman vvas banished for the faith. pag. 47.
  • Flauianus B. of Constantinople was murthered by heretickes. pag. 426.
  • Florinus an hereticke. pag. 86. 90. 91.
  • Florus a cruell Liuetenant of Iudaea. pag. 35.
  • Frumentius a Byshop conuerted the middle In­dians. pag. 240.
G.
  • GAd the Prophete and his life. pag. 521.
  • Gainas the rebel and his end. pag. 364. 365.
  • Gaius B. of Rome. pag. 35. 51. 53. 108. 142.
  • Galba was Emperour a shorte while. pa. 37. 469
  • Galen the phisicion is worshipped of heretickes. pag. 95.
  • Galienus vvas Emperour after Valerianus and restored peace, he raygned fifteene yeres. pag. 131. 139.
  • Galilaeans and their heresie. pag. 70.
  • Gallus was Emperour after Decius. pag. 121. his end. pag. 469.
  • Gallus the brother of Iulian the Apostata rebel­led and was beheaded. pag. 278.
  • Galma B. of Amastris. pag. 71.
  • Georgius the Arian B. of Alexandria and his mi­serable end. pag. 298.
  • Germanicus for his faith was torne in peeces of wilde beastes. pag. 64.
  • Germanion B. of Ierusalem. pag. 102.
  • Germanus vvas beheaded for the fayth. pag. 167
  • Gitton a village in Samaria where Simon Ma­gus was borne. pag. 26. 27.
  • Gnostici were heretickes. pag. 60.
  • God diuersly plagued the old vvorld. pag. 5.
  • Golauduch a vvoman was martyred. pag. 510.
  • Gomarius a rebell is savved a sunder. pag. 320.
  • Gomorha was ouerthrowen vvith fire and brim­stone. pag. 4.
  • Gordianus vvas Emperour after Maximinus and raygned 6 yeares. pag. 111. 112. his ende. pag. 496.
  • Gordius B. of Ierusalem. page 102.
  • Gorgonius a page of the Emperour Diocletian after tormet was hanged for the faith. pa. 145. 148.
  • Gorthaeus an hereticke. pag. 70.
  • The Gospell after Marcke. pag. 28. 57. 84. 104 110.
  • The Gospell after Mathew was vvrytten in He­brewe. pag. 49. 57. 84. 85. 109.
  • The Gospel after Iohn. pag. 49. 50. 84. 104. 110.
  • The Gospell after Luke. pag. 37. 49. 50. 84. 110.
  • Gospells were published by heretickes. pag. 50. 51. 103.
  • The Gotths receaued the Christian fayth. page 338. 339.
  • Gratianus was made Emperour. pag. 322. his death. 347.
  • Gregorius Neocaesariensis the disciple of Origen pag. 111. 131. 335.
  • Gregorius B. of Alexandria and the sturre about him. pag. 258.
  • Gregorie Nazianzen vvas of great fame. pa. 322. 334. 335. 343.
  • Gregorie the brother of Basil was B. of Nissa. pa. 335. 345.
  • Gregorie B. of Antioch. pag. 493.
H.
  • HAnani the Prophet and his life. pag. 523.
  • Helcesaitae were heretickes and their opiniō pag. 113.
  • Helen Queene of the Osroemians distributed corne in time of famine. pag. 26.
  • Helen the mother of Constantinus Magnus fo [...]d the Crosse at Ierusalem. pag. 237. 238.
  • Helena a vvitch the yoke mate of Simon Magus. pag. 27.
  • Hemerobaptists and theyr heresie. pag. 70.
  • Heraclides a Martyr. pag. 97.
  • Heraclitus vvrote cōmentaries vpō Paul. pa. 94.
  • Heretickes corrupt the vvorkes of auncient vvry­ters. pag. 71.
  • Heresies. reade in the Chronographie the catalo­gue of all the heresies vvithin the first six hun­dred yeares after Christ.
  • Heraclas B. of Alexandria. pag. 97. 105. 110.
  • Hermes vvrote a booke intitled Pastor vvhiche vvas reade in the Church. pag. 36. 84.
  • Hermogenes an Arian captaine is cruellye put to death. pag. 259.
  • Hermon B. of Ierusalem. pag. 144.
  • Hermophilus an hereticke translated the Scriptu­res. pag. 95.
  • Herode vvas kinge of the Ievves vvhen Christe vvas borne. pag. 9. 10.
  • Herode Antipater. pag. 9.
  • Herode Ascalonites. pag. 9.
  • Herode shutte vp vnder his seale the holy robe of the highpriest. pag. 10.
  • Herode burned the genealogies of the Ievves to make him selfe a Gentleman. pag. 11.
  • Herode commaunded the infantes to be slayne. pag. 12.
  • Herode is tormented, he seeketh to dispatch him selfe and dieth miserably. pag. 12. 13.
  • Herode caused the chief of the Ievves to be clapt [Page] in prison, and to be slaine at his departure, that the Iewes might lament his death. pa. 13.
  • Herode the Tetrarch was banished into Vienna together with his harlot Herodias. pag. 14. 21.
  • Herode Agrippa is by Caius Caligula made king of the Iewes. pa. 21. he imprisoneth Peter the Apostle and dier [...] miserably. pa. 23. 24. 25.
  • Herodian an historiographer. pa 502.
  • Herodias the harlot of Herode the Tetrarch. pa. 14.
  • Heron was beheaded for the faith. pa. 98.
  • Heros b. of Antioch after Ignatius. pa. 55.
  • Hesychius Bishop of Aegypt was martyred. pag. 153.
  • Hilarius b. of Poetiers. pa. 304.
  • Hippolitus and his works. pa. 108.
  • Honorichus the Arian king of the Vandals perse­cuted the christians. pa. 476.
  • Honorius is created Emperour. pa. 359.
  • Hormisda king of Persia. pa. 50 [...].
  • Hulda a prophetesse and her life. pa. 527.
  • Hyginus was bishop of Rome 4. yeares. pa. 62. 83.
  • Hymenaeus b. of Ierusalem▪ pa. 131.
  • Hypatia a learned womā was of spite cruelly ex­ecuted. pa. 384.
  • Hyrcanus an high priest of the Iewes was taken captiue of the Persians. pa. 9. 10.
I.
  • IAcob saw God face to face. pa. 4. he propheci­ed of Christ. pa. 9.
  • Iames the Apostle called the brother of the Lord was the first b. of Ierusalem, and brained with a club. pa. 19. the order of his martyrdome is to be seene. pa. 32. 33. 34. 37. 519.
  • Iames the brother of Iohn was beheaded by He­rode Agrippa. pa. 19. 23. 37. 519. his life. pa. 532.
  • Iberians receaued the fayth. pa. 241. 242.
  • Idithum the prophet and his life. pa. 522.
  • Iehaziel the prophet and his life. pa. 523.
  • Iehu the prophet and his life. pa. 523.
  • Ieremie the prophet and his life. pa. 526.
  • Ierusalem had 15. bishops from the Apostles vn­to the 18. yeare of Adrian. pa. 59.
  • Ierusalem was wonne very oft. pa. 44.
  • Ierusalem was called Aelia. pa. 59. 60.
  • Iesus is a word of great mysterie. pa. 6.
  • Iesus the Christ of God, as Iosephus witnesseth. pa. 15.
  • Iesus was the sonne of God by the testimonie of Agbarus king of Edessa. pa. 17.
  • Iesus shoulde haue bene canonized by the con­sent of Tiberius in the number of the Romaine gods but the senate would not. pa. 20.
  • Iesus the sonne of Dannaeus was an high priest of the Iewes. pa. 34.
  • Iesus the sonne of Ananias cried woe woe in Ie­rusalem. pa. 42.
  • the Iewes became tributaries vnto the Romains. pa. 10.
  • the Iewes were plagued by Seianus. pa. 22.
  • the Iewes were vexed by Pilat. pa. 22.
  • the Iewes were banished Rome by Claudius pa. 31.
  • the Iewes to the number of 30000. were slaine vpon Easter day. pa. 31. 38.
  • the Iewes were vexed vnder Nero. pa. 31.
  • the Iewes were slaine vnder Florus. pa. 35.
  • the Iewes were besieged in Ierusalem. pa. 37. their famine, slaughter, and greate miserie. pa. 38. 39. 40.
  • the Iewes were searched and ript to see whether they had hid meate, or eaten golde. pa. 39. 44.
  • the Iewes were torne of wilde beastes, solde and led captiue. pa. 41.
  • the Iewes were plagued vnder Traian. pa. 58.
  • the Iewes which perished, and their infinit num­ber during all the warres. pa. 42. 43.
  • the Iewes were destroyed vnder Adrian. pa. 59.
  • the Iewes rased certaine places out of the Bible. pa. 69.
  • the Ievves rebelled in Diocaesarea, and vvere all destroyed. pa. 278.
  • the Ievves vvere vtterly foyled vvith terrible signes from aboue in the time of Iulian. pag. 310. 311.
  • the Ievves vvere banished Alexandria. pag. 382. 383.
  • the Ievves crucified a boy and vvere punished for it. pa. 384. 385.
  • the Ievves in Creta vvere deceaued by a deuell. pa. 398. 399.
  • Ignatius b. of Antioch vvas torne in peeces of vvilde beasts at Rome. pa. 47. 54. 55.
  • the Images of Simō Magus & Helena the witch. pa. 27.
  • the Image of Christ. pa. 132.
  • the Images of the Apostles. pa. 132.
  • the Indians receaue the fayth. pa. 240.
  • Ingenuus a confessor. pa. 116.
  • Innocentius b. of Rome. pa. 381.
  • Ioath the Prophet and his life. pa. 522.
  • Ioel the Prophet and his life. pa. 526.
  • Iohn Baptist vvas beheaded of Herode the Te­trarch. pa. 14. 15. his life. pa. 531.
  • Iohn the Apostle preached in Asia, and dyed at [Page] Ephesus. pag. 36. 53. 93. he was banished into the Isle Patmos in the time of Domitian. page 46. He came from exile in the time of Nerua pag. 47. He conuerted a thiefe. pag. 48. 49. His Gospell and Epistles. pag. 49. 50. He detested the presence of Cerinthus the hereticke. pa. 64 He raised one from death to life. page 90. His life. pag. 532.
  • Iohn the elder and his tombe. pag. 56. 57.
  • Iohn the 7 B. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Iohn a blinde man of singuler memorie and rare giftes in preachinge. pag. 173.
  • Iohn Chrysostome B. of Constantinople. pa. 361 362. 363. 371. 375. 376.
  • Iohn a rebell and his execution. pag. 390.
  • Ionas the prophete and his life. pag. 526.
  • Ioseph the carpenter is both the sonne of Heli & the sonne of Iacob. pag. 10. 11.
  • Ioseph the 14 B. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Iosephus a Ievve vvrote of Iudas gaulonits. page 9. Of the miserable end of Herode. pa. 12. He geueth a testimony of Iohn Baptist & of Christ page 14. Of the sedition betvvene Ievves and Grecians at Alexandria. pag. 21. Of the cruel­tye of Pilate. page 22. Of the miserable ende of Herode Agrigppa. page 23. The calami­ty of the Ievves. page. 31. 32. 35. That Ieru­salē was plagued for the death of Iames. p. 34. The destruction of Ierusalem and miserie of the Ievves. pag. 38. 39. 40. His opinion of the wicked Iewes. pag. 39. Of the signes foreshe­wing the destruction. pag. 41. 42. His workes are to be seene. pag. 44. 45.
  • Iosua sawe Christ. pag. 4.
  • Iouianus was proclaimed Emperour page 312. His death. pag. 317.
  • Irenaeus B. of Lions is alleaged. page 27. 46. 48. 51. 52. 55. 62. 63. 69. 72. 83. 90. 91. He was a Chiliast. pag. 57. He is commended. page 82. His workes. page 84. 94. In his youth he sawe Polycarpus. page 91. He reprehended Victor B. of Rome. pag. 93.
  • Irenaeus Gramaticus wrote an Atticke Dictiona­rie. pag. 301.
  • Irene the daughter of Spiridion. pag. 234.
  • Ischyras forged vnto him selfe letters of orders▪ pag. 247.
  • Ischyrion for the fayth was beaten to death with a cudgell. pag. 117.
  • Isdigerdes king of Persia. pag. 380. 385. 422.
  • Isidorus vvas burned for the faith. pag. 116.
  • Isidorus a peleusian. pag. 420.
  • Ismael the highpriest of the Iewes was deposed. pag. 14.
  • Iudas Gaulonites an hereticke▪ pag. 9.
  • Iudas a Galilaean. pag. 9
  • Iudas the brother of Christ. pag. 47.
  • Iude and his Epistle. pag. 34. 50.
  • Iude the 15 B. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Iude a learned wryter and his bookes. pag. 101.
  • Iudges ruled Israel. pag. 9.
  • Iulianus B. of Alexandria. pag. 85.
  • Iulianus B. of Ierusalem. pag. 86.
  • Iulianus was burned for the fayth. pag. 116. 171.
  • Iulian is made Caesar. pag. 278. He is proclaimed
  • Emperour. pag. 295. He fell into Apostasie. page 297. His miserable end. pag. 311. His phisio­gnomie. pag. 313.
  • Iulius B. of Rome. pag. 258. 259. 268. 269.
  • Iuppiter Philius an Idol. pag. 175.
  • Iustinus martyr florished a litle after the Apostles He is alleaged. pag. 26. 27. 51. 61. 62. 63. 68. VVhat moued hī to become a Christiā. pa. 61. His Martyrdome pa. 67. 68. His works. pa. 69.
  • Iustinus the Emperour. pag. 471.
  • Iustinus the second Emperour of that name pag. 490. His end▪ pag. 496.
  • Iustinianus the Emperour. page 474. His herosie and death. pag. 488. 489.
  • Iustus the 4 B. of Ierusalem. pag. 54. 59.
  • Iustus B. of Alexandria. pag. 59.
  • Iuuenalis B. of Ierusalem. pag. 396.
L.
  • LEo B. of Rome. pag. 426.
  • Leo the Emperour. pag. 433. His death. 438.
  • Leonides the Father of Origen was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 96.
  • Leontius an Arian B. of Antioch. page. 273.
  • Leui the twelf [...] B. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Libanius the Sophist. pa. 295. 309. His inconstā ­cie & cōfutatiō of him. pa. 312. 313. 314. 315.
  • Liberius B. of Rome. pag. 278. 324.
  • Licinius the Emperours raygne, cruelty and end. pag. 153. 216.
  • Linus vvas B. of Rome tvvelue yeares. pa. 36. 37. 46. 47. 83.
  • Longinus a rebell vvas beheaded. pag. 465.
  • Lucas a captaine of the Ievves. pag. 58.
  • Lucianus minister of Antioch vvas martyred. pa. 153.
  • Lucianus vvrote an Apollogie and vvas martyred▪ pag. 176.
  • Lucifor a godly B. of Caralitanum. pag. 300.
  • Luciferian heresie of Lucifer the B. vvhiche fell through impatientie. pag. 304. 343.
  • Lucius a Martyr. pa. 69.
  • Lucius B. of Rome. pag. 125.
  • Lucius a godly B. of Adrianopolis was impriso­ned and choked vp vvith stinch▪ pag. 273.
  • [Page]Luke the Euangeliste vvrote a Gospell and the acts. pa. 37. He is said to haue trāslated the E­pistle vnto the Hebrevves from Hebrevve into Greeke, his life. pa. 533.
  • Lupus Presidente of Aegypt plagued the Ievves. pa. 58.
  • Lycus an hereticke. pa. 86.
  • Lysanias the tetra [...]che and the sonne of Herode. pa. 13. 14.
M.
  • MAcar was burned for the fayth. pa. 116.
  • Macarius b. of Ierusalem. pa. 235.
  • Macarius a Monke. pa. 330. 331.
  • Macedonius an Arian b. of Constantinople. pa. 258. 260. 261. 273. 285. he vvas deposed and so raysed a secte after his name. pa. 293.
  • Macedonian heresie. pa. 305.
  • Macedonius b. of Mopsuestia. pa. 262.
  • Macedonius the Martyr vvas broiled to death. pa. 307.
  • Machaerous the prison vvhere Iohn the baptiste vvas beheaded. pa. 15.
  • Macrinus vvas Emperour after Caracalla. page. 108. his end. pa. 469.
  • Magnentius a tyrante dieth miserablye▪ pa. 272. 278.
  • Malachias the Prophete and his life. pa. 530.
  • Malchion confuted Samosatenus heresie. page. 139.
  • Malchus a Christian vvas torne in peeces of vvild beastes. pa. 131.
  • Mamaea a Godly Empresse the mother of Alexā ­der the Emperour sent for Origen. pa. 108.
  • Mambre the oke groue where Christ talked vvith Abraham. pa. 3.
  • Manca the hereticke whereof the Maniches are called and his heresie. pa. 142. 242. his misera­ble end. pa. 245.
  • Manichaeus, looke Manes.
  • Marathonius an old hereticke. pa. 293.
  • Marcella a woman vvas burned for the fayth. pa. 98. 99.
  • Martianus an hereticke. pa. 103.
  • Marcion an hereticke. pa. 62. 70. 74. 86.
  • Marcellinus b. of Rome. pa. 142.
  • Marcellus b. of Aneyra in Galatia fell to the he­resie of Samosatenus. pa. 251. 264.
  • Marcus Turbo ouerthrewe the Ievves in battaill. pag. 58.
  • Marcus Aurelius Verus, looke Verus the Empe­rour. pag. 53.
  • Marcus Aurelius had rayne through the prayers of the Christians. He fauored the Christians. His Epistles are extant. pag. 82.
  • Marcus b. of Arethusa and his learned Creede. pag. 275.
  • the Mariage of Paul. pa. 52.
  • the Mariage of Peter. pa. 52.
  • the Mariage of Philip. pa. 52. 53.
  • the Mariage of Cheremon b. of Nilus. pag. 117.
  • the Mariage of Demetrianus b. of Antioch. pag. 141.
  • the Mariage of priests allowed of. pag. 234. 255.
  • the Mariage of Spiridion b. of Cyprus. pag. 234.
  • the Mariage of Priestes detested of an hereticke. pa. 292.
  • the Mariage of Ammon the Monke. pa. 329.
  • Maria the daughter of Eleazar killed her owne sonne to eate in the famine at Ierusalē. pa. 40.
  • Marinus a souldier was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 131.
  • Maris bishop of Chalcedon an Arian. page 223. 246.
  • Marke the Euangelist vpō what occasiō he wrote his Gospel. p. 28. he was the first that preached Christ vnto the Aegyptians. pa. 28. the firste b. of Alexandria. pa. 35. his martyrdome. pa. 519 his life. pa. 533.
  • Marke of the Gentils the first b. of Ierusalem. pa. 60. 85.
  • Marke an hereticke whome Irenaeus confuteth. pag. 62.
  • Marke bishop of Alexandria after Eumenes. pa. 62.
  • Martianus the Emperour. pag. 425. his ende. pa. 433.
  • Martyrs vvho properlye maye so be called. page. 81.
  • Martyrs and Martyrdomes, looke persecution.
  • Maruthas b. of Mesopotamia preached vnto the Persians. pa. 380.
  • Masbothaei were heretickes pa. 70.
  • Mathevve and Luke the Euangelists are thought to disagree. pa. 10.
  • Matthan begat [...]acob the father of Ioseph. pa. 10 11.
  • Mathias one of the 70 Disciples was chosen in the rowme of ludad the traitor. pag. 15. 19. his life. pa. 533.
  • Mathias the 8b. of Ierusalem. pa. 59.
  • Maturus was beheaded for the fayth. page 76. 78.
  • Mauric [...]us the Emperour. pag. 500. 501.
  • Maxentius the tyrant and his impiety. pa. 154. his miserable end. pa. 179. 215. 216. 469.
  • Maximilla the prophetesse of Montanus hanged her selfe. pa. 86. 88. 89.
  • Maximinus the 7 b. of Antioch. pa. 72.
  • Maximinus succeeded Alexander in the Empire [Page] and persecuted the Church of God, but con­tinewed no longer then thre yeres pag. 11. His end. 469.
  • Maximinus the tyrant and his impiety. page 153. 154. 155. 156. His miserable end. pa. 182. 215
  • Maximus wrote learned bookes. pag. 94.
  • Maximus was beheaded for the fayth. pag. 131.
  • Maximus B. of Antioch. pag. 139.
  • Maximus B. of Ierusalem. pag. 271.
  • Maximus a tyrant is executed. pag. 347. 348.
  • Maxis a vvicked tribune and a persecutor. pag. 167.
  • Mazabanes B. of Ierusalem. pag. 114.
  • Melchi begate heli the father of Ioseph. pag. 10. 11.
  • Melchisedech a figure of Christ. pag. 7.
  • Meletius B. of Pontus. pag. 144.
  • Meletius of whome the Meletians are called and theyr heresie. pag. 219. 220. 227. 228.
  • Meliton b. of Sardis wrote an Apollogie of the Christian faith vnto Verus the Emperour. pa. 63. 70. His workes. pag. 72. 73. 93.
  • Meltiades B. of Rome. pag. 204.
  • Menander a Sorcerer and his opinions. pa. 50. 51. 70.
  • Menas Patriarch of Constantinople. pag. 486.
  • Menedemus was burned for the fayth. pag. 326.
  • Mercuria a woman was beheaded for the fayth. pag. 116.
  • Meruzanes B. of Armenia. pag. 120.
  • Metras after torment was stoned to death for the fayth. pag. 115
  • Metrodorus a Christian was burned to ashes. pa. 67.
  • Micheas the prophete and his life. pag. 524.
  • Miltiades an hereticke. page. 87.
  • Miltiades a learned wryter wrote an Apollogie. pag. 88. 89.
  • Mithra an heathen God. pag. 298. 34 [...].
  • Modestus a learned wryter. pag. 70. 72.
  • Montanus the heretick. pag. 73. 81. 86. 87. He hā ­ged him selfe. pa. 88. 89. 90. 282.
  • Moses testifieth of Christ. pa. 3. 4. He conceaued a mystery in the word Iesus. pag. 6.
  • Moses a minister of Rome was martyred. page. 119.
  • Musanus a learned vvryter. pag. 70. his vvorkes. pag. 73.
N.
  • NAamanes a Saracen. pag. 503.
  • Narcissus B. of Ierusalem. page 85. his mira­cles. pag. 101. 102.
  • Narcissus b. of Neronias was an Arian. pag. 273.
  • Natalius an hereticall b. repented him selfe and became a confessor. pag. 95.
  • Nathan the Prophete and his life. pag. 521.
  • Naum the prophete and his life. pag. 528.
  • Nectarius a noble man vvas chosen b. of Con­stantinople. pag. 344. 346.
  • Nemesion a martyr, pag. 116.
  • Nepos b. of Aegypt was a Chiliaste and confuted by Dionysius b. of Alexandria. pag. 136.
  • Nepotianus Constantius a tyrante and his ende pag. 272.
  • Nero was Emperour after Claudius. page 31. his cruelty. pag. 35. he raygned 13 yeares. pag. 37. his end. pag. 469.
  • Nerua was Emperour of Rome after Domitian. pag. 47.
  • Nestorius b. of Constantinople and his heresie. page. 393. 394. 395. 396. 412. 413. 414. 415. 416.
  • Nicôcles the Laconian sophist. pag. 295.
  • Nicolas of whome the Nicolaites are called. pa. 52.
  • Nicomas b. of Ieonium. pag 139.
  • Nicostratus an historiographer. pag. 502.
  • Nilus b. of Aegypt vvas burned. pag. 153. 172.
  • Nouatus a prieste of Rome and his heresie. page 117. 118. 119. 335. 336. 391.
  • Nouatian heresie. pag. 233. 391.
O.
  • ODed the prophete and his life. pa. 522.
  • Onesimus b. of Ephesus. pag. 55. 73.
  • O [...]estes Liuetenante of Alexandria contended vvith Cyrill and vvas vvounded of the Monks pag. 383.
  • Origen and his zeale being a childe. pag. 96. 97. he vvas made a Catechiser. pag. 97. he vvas the disciple of Clemens. pag. 100. he gelded him selfe. pa. 101. he vvēt to Rome. pa. 104. he stu­died Hebrevv and gathered together the trās­lations of the old Testament. pag. 105. he vvēt to Arabia. pa. 107. he vvēt to Antioch. pa. 108. his vvorkes pa. 109. 111. 112. 113. his life out of Suidas. pag. 121. his lamentation. pa. 122. 123. An Apollogie for Origen. pa. 370.
  • Osius b. of Corduba in Spayne. pa. 220. 235. 265 277.
  • Osee the Prophet and his life. pag. 524.
  • Otho vvas Emperour a shorte vvhile. pa. 37. his end. pa. 469.
P.
  • PAchymus [...]. of Aegypt and a martyr. pa. 153.
  • Palladius a monke. pag. 332.
  • Palladius a svvift post. pag. 387.
  • Palmas b. of Pontus. pa. 92.
  • [Page]Pambo a Monke. pa. 330.
  • Pamphilus Martyr. pa. 144. 153. 164. 165. 168. 169.
  • Pantaenus was a Catechiser in the schoole of A­lexandria, and the Maister of Clemens Alexā ­drinus. pag. 85.
  • Paphnutius b. of Thebais. pag. 223. 233. 234.
  • Papias b. of Hierapolis. pag. 28. 54. his workes. pag. 56. he was an hereticke. pag. 57.
  • Papylus a Martyr. pag. 67.
  • Patermythius vvas burned for the sayth. pag. 172
  • Patropassians and theyr heresie. pa. 264. 323.
  • Patrophilus b. of Scythopolis. pag. 256.
  • Paulinus b. of Triuere in Fraunce. pag. 279.
  • Paulinus b. of Tyrus. pag. 184. 185.
  • Paul was called from heauen to be an Apostle. pag. 20. he was martyred at Rome vnder Nero pa. 32. 35. 36. 519. his Epistles. pag. 36. he was maried. pa. 52. his life. pa. 533.
  • Paulus Samosatenus and his heresie. pa. 94. 139. 140. 141. 263. 323.
  • Paulus a notable mā was beheaded for the faith. pa. 166.
  • Paulus a godly b. of Constantinople. pa. 255. he was stis [...]ed in Cappadocia. pag. 272. his corps was caried to Constantinople. pa. 345.
  • Pausis an Aegyptian was beheaded for the fayth. pa. 160.
  • Peleus b. of Aegypt was burned. pa. 153. 172.
  • Periurie is punished. pa. 102.
  • Persecution. pa. 23. 32. 33. 35. 46. 47▪ 53. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 72. 73. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80 81. 96. 97. 98. 99. 101. 111. 114. 115. 116. 117. 128. 129. 130. 131. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 175. 176. 273. 274. 284. 285. 298. 305. 306. 307. 310. 319. 320. 322. 326. 327. 328. 329. 332. 333. 386. 476. 493. 519.
  • Persia receaued the faith. pa. 38.
  • Pertinax the Emperour and his end. pa. 469.
  • Peter the Apostle was imprisoned by Herode A­grippa and deliuered by an Angel. pag. 23. he met Simō Magus at Rome in the time of Claudius. pag. 27. he was crucified at Rome about his later time after he had preached in other contreyes. pa. 35. 36. 519. his workes. pa. 36. he was maried and his vvife martyred. pag. 52.
  • Peter b. of Alexandria was beheaded. page. 144. 153. 176.
  • Peter the Emperour Diocletians page after sun­dry tormentes was broyled to death. pa. 148.
  • Peter the successor of Athanasius in the seae of Alexandria. pa. 328. 340.
  • Petirus a monke. pa. 330.
  • Petrus Apselamus was burned for the fayth. pag. 168.
  • Peucetius a persecutinge Magistrate is executed. pa. 183.
  • Pharises and theyr heresie. pag. 70.
  • Phileas b. of Thmuis vvas beheaded. pag. 150.
  • Philetus b. of Antioch. pa. 108.
  • Philip the tetrarch. pa. 13. 14.
  • Philip one of the seuen Deacons preached in Sa­maria, baptised Simon Magus & the Eunuch. pa. 19. 20.
  • Philip the Apostle rested at Hierapolis. pa. 53. 93 his martyrdome. pag. 519. his life. pa. 532.
  • Philip the 9 b. of Ierusalem. pa. 59.
  • Philip b. of Gortyna wrote against Marcion. pa. 71. 72.
  • Philip was Emperour after Gordianus & a Chri­stian. pa. 112. his end. pa. 469.
  • Philip a Priest of Sida wrote a booke to the con­futatiō of Iulian the Apostata & intitled it the Christian historie. pa. 392.
  • Philo Iudaeus a man of greate fame was sente in Embassie from the lewes of Alexandria vnto the Emperour Caligula. pa. 21. he is alleaged. pa. 22. 28. 29. he talked with Peter the Apostle at Rome. pa. 28. his workes. pa. 30. 31.
  • Philoromus gouernour of Alexandria was be­headed for the faith. pa. 150.
  • Philosophie is studied and commended pag. 105 106. 107. 308. 309.
  • Philumena an hereticke the Prophetesse & yoke mate of Apelles. pa. 86.
  • Photinus b. of Sirmium and his heresie pag. 262. 264. 274. 275. 277. 323.
  • Pictures of Simon Magus and Helena the vvitch pag. 27.
  • Pierius a minister of Alexandria. pag. 144.
  • Pilate was made President of Iudaea the 12 yere of Tiberius. pag. 13. he certified Tiberius that our Sauiour was risen from the dead. pag. 20. he plagued the Ievves. pag. 22. he slevve him selfe. pa. 22. 23.
  • Pinytus b. of Creta. pag. 70.
  • Pinytus b. of the people G [...]o sij. pa. 71.
  • Pionius was burned for the faith. pag. 67.
  • Pior a Monke. pag. 329.
  • Pius vvas b. of Rome 15 yeares. pag. 62. 83.
  • Placitus b. of Antioch. pa. 256.
  • a Plague in Alexandria. pa. 134. 135.
  • a Plague throughout the vvorld. pa. 182.
  • a Plague in the time of Maximinus. pa. 178.
  • Plinius Secundus a Liuetenant vvas sorie that the Christians vvere persecuted & vvrote ther­of vnto Traian. pag. 54.
  • Plutarchus a Martyr. pa. 97. 98.
  • [Page]Pneumatomachoi and their heresie. pa. 293.
  • Polybius b. of Tralleis. pa. 55.
  • Polybius an historiographer. pa. 501.
  • Polycarpus b. of Smyrna wrote an Epistle vnto the Philippians. page. 54. 55. 64. 93. he was at Rome with Anicetus. pa. 63. he met Marciō in the face. pag. 64. his Martyrdome. pag. 64. 65. 66. 67.
  • Polycrates b. of Ephesus wrote vnto Victor b. of Rome. pa. 53. 92. 93.
  • Pompei besieged Ierusalem and sent Aristobulus captiue to Rome. pa. 9.
  • Pontianus b. of Rome. pa. 108.
  • Ponticus a yonge man of 15. yeare old was mar­tyred. pa. 80.
  • Pontinus an hereticke. pag. 86.
  • Pontius a learned man. pa. 103.
  • Porphyrius an Atheist wrote against the Christi­ans and disputed vvith Origen. pag. 106. 229.
  • Porphyrius the Seruāt of Pamphilus martyr vvas burned for the faith. pa. 170.
  • Potamiaena a virgine was burned for the faith. p. 98. 99.
  • Pothinus b. of Lions is tormented, put in prison and their dieth. pa. 78.
  • Primus was b. of Alexandria 12 yeares. pag. 58. 59.
  • Primus b. of Corinth. pag. 70.
  • Priscilla the Prophetesse of Montanus. pa. 86. 89. 90.
  • Priscus a Christian was torne in peeces of wilde beasts. pa. 131.
  • Priscus Rhetor an historiographer. pa. 502.
  • Probus was Emperour after Au [...]lianus▪ pa. 141.
  • Proclus a Cataphrygian hereticke. page. 35. 53. 108.
  • Procopius was beheaded for the faith. pag. 159.
  • Procopius a tyrant dieth miserably. pag. 320.
  • Procopius Rhetor an historiographer. pag. 502.
  • Promus was beheaded for the fayth. pag. 168.
  • the Prophetes sawe God vvith the clensed eye of the mind. pag. 3.
  • Prophecy was in the Churche after Christ. page. 69. 82. 83. 88. 89.
  • Proterius the godly b. of Alexandria vvas cruel­ly slaine. pa. 433.
  • Protogenes a godly b. of Sardice. pag. 265.
  • Psathyriani and theyr opinion. pag. 357.
  • Ptolomaeus a Martyr. pag. 68. 69.
  • Ptolomaeus a confessor. pag. 116.
  • Publius b. of Athens and a Martyr. pag. 71.
  • Publius b. of Ierusalem. pag. 85.
Q.
  • Quadratus had the gift of Prophecy. pag. 55. he vvrote an Apollogie of the Christian fayth vnto Adrian. pag. 58. 59. 88. 89.
  • Quadratus b. of Athens. pa. 71.
  • Quinta a vvomā after torment is stoned to death. pag. 115.
  • Quintus fell in persecution. pag. 64.
R.
  • REpentance of a thiefe. pag. 49.
  • Rhais a vvoman vvas burned for the faith. pag. 98.
  • Rhodion the disciple of Tatianus, a learned vvri­ter. pag. 86.
  • Rome is called Babylon. pag. 28.
  • Romanus had his tongue pulled out aftervvardes stifled to death. pag. 159. 160.
  • Romulus Subdeacon of Diospolis was beheaded for the faith. pag. 160.
  • Rufus a Disciple. pa. 55.
  • Ruffus a Liuetenant of Iudaea destroyed the Ie­vves in Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Rugas a rebell was slayne with a thunderbolt. pa. 400.
S.
  • SAbellius heresie. pag. 126. 264.
  • Sabinus a President of Maximinus the perse­cutor. pag. 174.
  • Sabinus a Macedonian hereticke. pag. 224. 229. 260.
  • Saduces and their heresie. pa. 70. reade the Chro.
  • Sagaris a martyr. pag. 72. 93.
  • Salome the [...]ister of Herode. pag. 13.
  • Samaritans & their heresy. pa. 70. reade the Chro.
  • Samosatenus the hereticke, looke Paulus Samo­satenus.
  • Samuel the Prophet and his life. pag. 521.
  • Sanctus Deacon of Vienna vvas beheaded. pag. 76. 77. 78.
  • Saracens receaued the Christian faith. pag. 339.
  • Saturnilians vvere heretickes. pag. 70.
  • Saturninus of Antioch an hereticke. pag. 60. 74.
  • Sclaunders raised vpon the godly. pag. 60. 69. 76 77. 102. 116. 176. 177. 246. 247. 248. 250. 26 [...] 272. 369. 504. 505.
  • Scriptures, looke Canonicall Scripture.
  • Secundus b. of Ptolomais an A [...]ian. pa. 224. 227.
  • Sedition in Alexandria. pa. 135.
  • Seianus vexed the Ievves. pa. 22.
  • Seleucus vvas beheaded for the fayth. pa. 170.
  • Semeia the prophet and his life. pa. 5 [...]2.
  • Sennecas the tenth bishop of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Septuagints translation of the old Testament. pa. 84. 105.
  • Serapion b. of Antioch & his vvork [...]. pa. 90. 103.
  • [Page]Serapion was throwen from an high & his necke broken. pag. 115.
  • Serapion an olde man receaued the eucharist of a boy. pa. 119▪
  • Serapion Deacon of Constantinople. pag. 362.
  • Serapis an Heathen God. pag. 238. 349. 350.
  • Serenius Granianus a noble man wrote vnto the Emperour in the behalfe of the Christiās. p. 61
  • Serenius was burned for the faith. pa. 98.
  • Serenus was beheaded for the faith. pag. 98.
  • Seuen Deacons. pag. 19.
  • Seuenty disciples. pa. 15. 19. 517. 533. 534. &c.
  • Seuerus the hereticke of whome Seueriani. pa. 74
  • Seuerus was Emperour after Pertinax. pag. 94. he persecuted the church. pa. 96. he raygned 18. yeares. pa. 101.
  • Seuerus the hereticall b. of Antioch had his ton­gue pulled out. pa. 472.
  • Siluanus b. of Emisa was torne of wilde beastes. 153. 176.
  • Siluanus b. of Gaza was beheaded. pa. 153.
  • Siluanus a tyran is executed. pag. 278.
  • Simeon Cleopas was b. of Ierusalem after Iames. pa. 45. 47. He was crucified beinge a hundred and twenty yeares olde. pag. 53. 70.
  • Simeō dwelled in a pillour. p. 419. 420. 436. 511
  • Simō the sōne of Camithꝰ was an highpriest. p. 14
  • Simon Magus was baptized of Philip. pag. 19. he came to Rome & was there takē for a God. pa. 26. 27. read more of him in the Cronography.
  • Simoniani are called of Simon Magus. pa. 70.
  • Siricius b. of Rome. pa. 38.
  • Sisinius a Nouatian. pa. 346. 375. 376.
  • Sixtus a learned māwrote of the resurrectiō. p. 94
  • Socrates b. of Laodicea. pag. 142.
  • Socrates Scholasticus history & life. pa. 213. 214 he was the scholler of Helladius. page. 349. where he led his life. pag. 358.
  • Socrates the Philosopher why he was condem­ned. pag. 308.
  • Sodome vvas ouerthrovven vvith fire and brim­stone. pa. 4. 42.
  • Sodome hovve it lieth novve. pag. 42.
  • Solomon spake of Christ in the person of vvise­dome. pa. 4.
  • Sonnes by nature and sonnes by the lavve. pa. 10.
  • Sophonias the Prophet and his life. pa. 526.
  • Sophronius b. of Pompeiopolls withstoode the Arians. pag. 288. 289.
  • Sosthenes one of the seuenty Disciples. pa. 15.
  • Soter b. of Rome. pag. 70. 74. 83.
  • Spiridion b. of Cyprus. pa. 223. 234.
  • Stephan one of the 7. Deacons was stoned to death. pa. 19. 97. 519.
  • Stephan b. of Rome. pag. 125.
  • Stephan b. of Laodicea. pag. 144.
  • Symachus b. of Ierusalem. pag. 86.
  • Symachus translated the old Testament. He vvas an Ebionit. pa. 105.
  • Symachus a learned Senator of Rome. 348.
  • Synerus an hereticke. pag. 86.
  • Synesius b. of Cyrene. pag. 420.
  • Synods in Alexandria and Aegypt. pag. 30.
  • Synods at Antioch. pag. 139. 140. 141.
  • Synods, looke Councells.
T.
  • TAtianus a learned man. page. 68. he fell into heresie. pag. 73. 74.
  • Tatianus for the faith was broiled to death. p. 307
  • Telesphorus was b. of Rome 11 yeares and dyed a martyr. pag. 59. 62. 83.
  • Tertulian a learned father is alleaged. pa. 20. 35. 47. 54. 82.
  • Thaddaeus one of the 70. Disciples was sente by Thomas the Apostle to cure Agbarus. page. 15. 16. 17. 19.
  • Thalassiꝰ a noble mā is made b. of Caesarea. p. 402
  • Thebulis fell to heresie because he was not made bishop. pag. 70.
  • Thecla a womā was throwē to wild beasts. p. 160
  • Thelymidres b. of Laodicea. pag. 120.
  • Themison a montanist. pa. 88. 89.
  • Theoctistus b. of Caesarea. pag. 107. 110. 131.
  • Theodorus b. of Aegypt was martyred. pag. 153.
  • Theodorus a confessor. pa. 310.
  • Theodorus was burned for the faith. pa. 326.
  • Theodoretus an historiographer. pag. 411. 501.
  • Theodosia a Christian virgine was drovvned in the seae. pag. 164.
  • Theodosius Magnus the Emperour. pag. 342. his death pag. 359.
  • Theodosius iunior the Emperour. pag. 376. 377. his vertues. pa. 388. 389. his death. pa. 424.
  • Theodosius b. of Synada a couetous mā. pa. 377.
  • Theodotiō translated the old Testament. pa. 105
  • Theodotus a montanist. pa. 81. his miserable end pag. 88.
  • Theodotus a Tanner and an hereticke of A [...] ­mons sect. pa. 95.
  • Theodotus a Phisicion & b. of Laodicea. pa. 144
  • Theodulus vvas crucified for the faith. page. 171.
  • Theodulus for the faith vvas broiled to death. pa. 307.
  • Theognis b. of Nice vvas an Arian. pa. 223. after­vvards he recanted. pa. 224. 236. he fel againe to heresie. pa. 243.
  • Theônas b. of Alexandria. pag. 144.
  • Theônas b. of Marmarica was an ariā. p. 224. 227
  • Theophilus b. of Antioch. p. 70. his workes. p. 72.
  • [Page]Th [...]philus b. of Caesarea in Palaestina. pag. 92.
  • Th [...]philus a confessor. pa. 116.
  • Th [...]philus b. of Alexandria. pag. 361.
  • Th [...]pompus an historiographer. pag. 501.
  • Th [...]phrastꝰ is highly esteemed of hereticks. p. 95
  • Th [...]ecnus b. of Caesarea. pag. 131.
  • Th [...]ecnus Liuetenant of Antioch was an in­c [...]unter. pag. 175. his execution pa. 183.
  • Th [...]imus b. of Scythia woulde not condemne [...]gens workes. pag. 370.
  • Th [...]as a Sorcerer called him selfe a Prophet & w [...] beheaded. pag. 26.
  • Tho [...]as the Apostle. pag. 15. 16. 17. 19. 36. 532.
  • Thr [...]as a martyr. pag. 90. 93.
  • Tibe [...] the Emperour would haue Canonized Ie [...]s for a God. he raigned 22. yeres. pa. 20. 21
  • Tibe [...]s the 2 Emperour of that name. pag. 496.
  • Timo [...]us was beheaded for the faith. pag. 160.
  • Timo [...]e was the first b. of Ephesus. pag. 37.
  • Timo [...]eus b. of Gaza was burned. pag. 160.
  • Titus [...]as the first b. of Creta. pag. 37.
  • Titus [...]e sonne of Vespasian was made generall cap [...]ine against the Iewes p. 37. he sighed whē he sa [...] the great slaughter of the Ievves. p. 39. he p [...]eledged the books of Iosephus. p. 45. he was [...]mperour and raigned 2. yeares. pag. 46. his en [...] ▪ pag. 469.
  • Tobias t [...]e host of Thaddaeus in Edessa. pag. 17.
  • Tobias th [...] fift b. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Tra [...]an w [...] Emperour after Nerua and raygned 19. year [...]s. pag. 47. 58.
  • Tymaeus b. [...]f Antioch. pag. 142.
  • Tyrannus b. [...]f Antioch. pag. 142.
V.
  • VAlens b of Ierusalem. pag. 86.
  • Valens Deacō of Aelia was beheaded. p. 169
  • Valens b. of Mursa was an Arian. pag. 246. he re­canted. pag. 259. 272.
  • Valens the Arian Emperour. pa. 318. his end. pa. 340.
  • Valentina a Christiā maid vvas burned. pag. 166
  • Valentinianus a godly man was fellowe Empe­rour with Valens. pag. 318. 337.
  • Valētinianꝰ the elder was proclaimed Emperour pag. 3 [...]7. he was sti [...]led to death. pag. 358.
  • Valentinianus the yonger was made Emperour by Theodosius. pa. 390. he was slaine. pa. 432.
  • Valentinus an hereticke. pag. 62. 70. 74.
  • Valerius Gratus President of ludaea. pag. 14.
  • Valerianus was Emperour after Gallus & a per­secutor. pag. 128. his end. pag. 469.
  • Vegetius Epagathus a martyr. pag. 76.
  • Venus the heathē goddesse had a tēplein Aphac [...] pag. 239.
  • Venus Idol was set vp on the s [...]pulchre of Christ. pag. 237.
  • Verus the Emperour succeeded P [...]us. He was a persecutor & raigned 19. yeares. pag. 64. 85.
  • Vespasianus the Emperour. pag. 37. 46.
  • Victor b. of Rome. pag. 92. 93.
  • Vigilius b. of Rome. pag. 487.
  • Virgines vowing chastity. pag. 29.
  • Vitellius the Emperour and his end. pap. 469.
  • Vlphilas b. of the Gotths translated the Scripturs into the Gotthicke tongue. pag. 338.
  • Vlpianus was wrapped in an oxe hide together with a dogg [...] and ā snake and drowned in the seae. pag. 163.
  • Vowed chastity by compulsion among the hea­thens. pag. 29.
  • Vowed chastity forbidden. pag. 71.
  • Vrbanus b. of Rome. pag. 108.
  • Vrbanus a cruell persecutor falleth into extreme miserie. pag. 165.
  • Vrias the Prophet and his life. pag. 530.
  • Vrsacius b. of Singidon was an A [...]an. pag. 246. he recanted. pag. 259. 272.
X.
  • XYstus was b. of Rome tenne yeares. pag. 59. 83.
Z.
  • ZAcharie the sōne of [...]ehoida & his life. p. 524
  • Zacharie the prophet & his life. pag. 530.
  • Zachaeus the fourth b. of Ierusalem. pag. 59.
  • Zachaeus vvas beheaded for the faith. pag. 159.
  • Zambdas b. of Ierusalem. pag. 144.
  • Zebinas vvas beheaded for the faith. pag. 167.
  • Zebinus b. of Antioch. pag. 108.
  • Zeno the Emperour. p. 438. 448. his death. p. 461
  • Zenobius minister of Sidon was s [...]urged to death pag. 153.
  • Zenon a confessor. pag. 116.
  • Zephyrinus b. of Rome. pag. 94. 95.
  • Zosimus a Disciple. pag. 55.
  • Zosimus b. of Rome. pag. 381.
  • Zosimus an Ethnicke reuiled Christian [...]ty & vvas confuted. pag. 468.
  • Zosimus an historiographer. pag. 502.
  • Zoticus Otrenus a minister. pag. 87.
  • Zozimas a godly man. pag. 473.

Laus Deo.

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